USA > New York > New York City > History of the New Netherlands, province of New York, and state of New York : to the adoption of the federal Constitution. Vol. I > Part 37
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Would not one think that the historian of England, was describ- ing the state of the province of New York, at the time under con- sideration ? He continues " from this disposition of men's minds, we are to account for the progress of the popish plot, and the credit given to it; an event which would otherwise appear prodigious, and altogether inexplicable." For popish read negro plot, and the description is that of New York, in 1741.
But Hume says, the people of England thought their enemies were in their bosom. The people of New York knew that every house was filled with those who had been injured by being de-
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prived of their liberty-by being prohibited the common rights of humanity. Every black was a slave, and slaves could not be wit- nesses against a free man ; they were incapable of buying any, the minutest necessary of life; they were punishable by master or mis- tress to any extent short of " life or limb;" as often as three of them were found together, they were punishable with forty lashes on the bare back ; and the same legal liability attended the walking with a club out of the master's ground, without a permit ; two jus- tices might inflict any punishment short of death or amputation, for a blow or the smallest assault upon a Christian or Jew. The mark which told that they were slaves, likewise denoted that they were- without the pale of Christianity or Judaism-this mark was a black skin, and generally supposed to distinguish them as "the seed of Cain." This injured race were seen in every dwelling ; and when the cry of negro-plot was raised, conscience made cowards of all. And what deprives of reason so entirely, as fear ?
Here we see the effects of that blind and wicked policy which induced England to pamper her merchants and increase her reve- nues, by positive instructions to the governours of her colonies, strictly enjoining them (for the good of the African company, and for the emoluments expected from the assiento contract,) to fix upon America a vast negro population, torn from their homes and brought hither by force. New York was at this time filled with negroes ; every householder who could afford to keep servants, was surrounded by blacks, some pampered in indolence, all care- fully kept in ignorance, and considered, erroneously, as creatures whom the white could not do without, yet lived in dread of. They were feared, from their numbers, and from a consciousness, how- ever stifled, that they were injured and might seek revenge or a better condition .*
The wiser colonists foresaw increasing evil, and witnessed de- ploringly, present degradation, mingled with hateful injustice and cruelty. In vain they remonstrated with England, for casting that stain upon the colonies which the British writers, now that we are a free country, reproach us with.
.. Let the reader recur to the many instances in which slavery was forced upon this country by England ; particularly the instructions to Lord Cornbury ; and he will pity the fears, blindness, and guilt
" Born but twenty-three years after the cessation of this madness, the writer well remembers the state of negro slavery in the town of his residence, in 1775. Every person who had a servant, male or female, saw in that servant, a slave. There was one exception : one old man (blessed be his memory,) was served in his solitary. though well supplied dwelling, by whites, free as himself. His name was Thomas Barton. But slavery had by this time, become ameliorated in this region.
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which must be attributed to the people of New York, in detailing the horrors of what is called the negro plot.
Daniel Horsemanden, the historian of what he was an actor in, was, as the reader will perhaps remember, the recorder of the city . of New York, at the time the common council complimented Andrew Hamilton with the freedom of the city for his exertions in the cause of the rights of man. The recorder was an officer appointed by the . crown, (or by the governour,) as was the mayor. Mr. Horseman- den was subsequently advanced to the council board, and during the events he records, was the third judge of the supreme court. When he published his book, he endeavoured to justify the decrees of the magistracy, (he being one,) by which the negroes were de- clared guilty of combining to burn the town and murder all the whites. No better evidence of the falsehood of the charge than his ovn statement, can be wanted.
The reader who will examine the story told by Titus Oates, in the time of the popish plot of 1679, and the testimony given by Bedlow, at that time of national panick and wonderful delusion, will see a most curious similarity to the tales told by the principal wit- ness respecting the negro plot. The stories told by Oates grew, like those of Mary Burton, in proportion as they appeared to be wished for by the listeners or the magistrates ; and Bedlow joined in the cry precisely as the followers of the first witness (the indented servant girl, Mary,) did at this time, in New York. Other paral- lels will be seen by the reader, on examining Hume or other Eng- lish historians. The reader likewise will observe, that although the first representative assembly of New York, in 16S3, had said, "no person professing faith in God by Jesus Christ, shall at any time be in any ways disquieted, or questioned, for any difference of opinion," yet John Ury was hung during this panick, upon the charge of being a Roman Catholick. But the tolerance granted and enacted by the assembly of 1683, was not confirmed by England, and they were murdered, as well as the negroes, under pretence of law. Butwe will begin the story told by Mr. Horsemanden.
On the 2Sth of February, 1741,* a robbery was committed at the house of Mr. Robert Hogg, merchant: pieces of linen and other goods, several silver coins, some medals, and some wrought silver, were taken off. Hogg's house fronted on Broad street, and had a side door in Jew's alley, sometimes called Mill street ; of course, it was the corner of Broad street and Jew's alley. Suspi- cions were entertained of John Hughson, who kept a public house
* This year, the first literary journal of America saw the light. It was "The General Magazine and Historical Chronicle," printed and edited by Benjamin Franklin ; but it lived only one year. This attempt was made at Philadelphia.
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by the North River, where negroes resorted in defiance of the laws, and the house was searched without effect; but Hughson had an indented servant, by name Mary Burton, (whether purchased by him from the convict ships, or sold to pay her passage, does not appear,) who had been with him from the preceding midsummer- being a girl of sixteen years of age ; and this girl mentioned to a neighbour, that goods had been brought to the house and concealed; but intimated that if Hughson knew she said so, he would kill her. This communication being carried to the under sheriff, the girl was taken out of Hughson's house and carried to Alderman Banker's, where, having been promised her freedom, she was lodged in the city hall ; which was at that time in Wall street, corner of Nassau, and was likewise the jail. On the 4th of March, the justices met at the city hall, and John Hughson, with his wife, and Mary Burton, were brought before them. Hughson confessed that some goods had , been brought to his house, and he delivered them up to the court.
At this same examination, another in-dweller of Hughson's tavern was brought forward : this was a girl of notorious ill fame, called Margaret Sorubiero, alias Solinburgh, alias Kerry-com- monly called Peggy Carey. She had been an inmate at Hugh- son's, the previous summer, but had removed to John Romme's, near the new Battery, and again returned to Hughson's. The indented servant, Mary, who had been promised her liberty, deposed that a negro man, called Quin, (but whose name was Cæsar Vaarck, now called Varick, from which comes the present Varick street,) came to Hughson's, and got in at the window of Peggy's room. That next morning she saw some speckled linen in Peggy's room, and the negro, Cæsar, gave deponent two pieces of silver ; and the negro had two mugs of punch, and bought of Mary's master a pair of stockings, and gave him a lump of silver. That her master, Hughson, and his wife, saw and hid away the linen. But not aword was said, of any conspiracy, or meeting, or plotting of negroes.
Cæsar was taken up, denied the robbery, and was committed ; as was another negro, Prince Auboyman.
John Vaarck, a baker, who was Cæsar's master, lived in a house, the kitchen of which adjoined the yard of Romme's house, near the new Battery, and he found some of Hogg's goods under his kitchen floor, and delivered them to the mayor. Romme, a shoemaker, and tavern-keeper of the lowest order, absconded, but was after- wards taken at Brunswick, New Jersey.
Peggy denied every thing charged. Hughson admitted the receiving and secreting certain linen and pieces of silver.
On the 1Sth of March, at or about mid-day, the house in the fort, (sometimes called the king's house, sometimes the province-house,
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and the governour's house,) adjoining the king's chapel, was dis- covered to be on fire. The lieutenant-governour then lived in this house. Notwithstanding the efforts to save it and the other build- - ings in the fort-king's chapel, the secretary's office "over the fort gate," (next the Parade, now the Bowling-green,) the barracks and the stables-were all burnt. At the time, the misfortune was attributed to a plumber's liaving left fire in a gutter, between the house and chapel ; and so said Governour Clarke, in his com- munication to the legislature : but other fires occurring, and alarms of fires spreading, a panick seized the whole population, which pro- duced effects similar to the terror which drove men mad respecting witches and witchcraft, both in Europe and America, and which made all England insane in Titus Oates's time.
Captain Warren's chimney took fire, near the long bridge at the south west end of the town, and the roof caught fire, but was extinguished ; a week after, Mr. Vanzant's store house took fire from a smoker's carelessness, and was quenched immediately, as it was near the river. 'Three days after fire was twice called, but no harm done. Suspicion and terror seized the people ; the ne- groes were watched : a woman saw three negroes " walking up the Broadway towards the English Church," (Trinity,) and one of them said, with a vapouring sort of air, " fire, fire, scorch, scorch, a little-damn it by and by," and then threw up his hands and laughed. This was said by Mr. Walter's negro Quaco. . All this was made known to a neighbouring alderman, who informed the rest of the justices thereof at their meeting next day.
A few days after another chimney took fire ; and Mrs. Hilton's house, by the Fly Market was discovered to be on fire in the roof, but immediately put out. It was suspected that the fire had been wrapt in a bundle of tow, for some tow was found near the place. Thus the fact was plain. They would not attribute the burning chimneys to the want of chimney sweeping-that would have been too obvious and natural a cause.
Some time before, a Spanish vessel partly manned by negroes, had been brought into New York as a prize, and all the crew that were black had been condemned as slaves in the court of admi- ralty, and sold accordingly at vendue ; now these men had the impudence to say, notwithstanding they were black, that they were freemen in their own country, and to grumble at their hard usage of being sold as slaves .* One of these Spanish negroes had been bought by Captain Sarly, and the captain's house stood on that side of Mrs. Hilton's house on which the fire was disco-
* I quote from the serious account published by Judge Horsemanden, as may be seen.
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vered. A cry was raised among the people, "the Spanish negroes! the Spanish ! take up the Spanish negroes !" And when certain persons asked Sarly's Spanish negro some questions respecting the fires, he behaved himself insolently ; upon which he was sent to jail by a magistrate, who was informed of his insolence, and direc- tion was given to a constable to commit all the rest of that cargo, in order for their safe custody and examination. Thus "conscience does make cowards of us all," and cowardice is only assuaged by the blood of that it fears. . The magistrates met that afternoon, and another alarm of fire confirmed their fears, although the Spaniards were under lock and key; for Peggy, the prostitute, Mary Burton, Hughson and wife, the Spaniards, and all the ne- groes caught in the streets, had been incarcerated together. Some fire was seen, or supposed on the roof of Phillipse's store-house, and immediately extinguished ; but a cry of fire was raised, and of " negro, negro," and then " Cuff Phillipse" was the cry ; and poor Cuff, frightened, ran to his master's house ; but was followed, dragged out and carried to jail. " Many people," says the histo- rian of the plot, " had such terrible apprehensions on this occasion, that several negroes, (many of whom had assisted to put out the fire,) who were met in the streets, were hurried away to jail ; and when they were there, they were continued some time in confine- ment, before the magistrates could spare time to examine into their several cases."
Thus we see the jail, a small portion of a small building, called the City Hall, was crowded with receivers of stolen goods, thieves, prostitutes and slaves ; while the people ran wild with terror, and the panick-struck magistrates met daily, as if to sanction the panick,* or as it would seem, to propagate the epidemick.
* I transcribe names in the above instance, and some others, to show the anti- quity of some very few of the present families of New York. There is a curious coincidence in the names and situations of the dwelling houses of some late per- sons in this city, which I now mention. One of the negroes afterwards accused, belonged to Rosevelt, a painter, in the Fly, i. e. at the east end of the town; and another belonged to Sleydal, a tallow chandler, in the Broadway. Now in 1776, and after, Cornelius Rosevelt, (or Roosevelt,) a painter and paint vender, lived in a house but recently removed or pulled down, (1-36) at the bottom of Ferry street, crossing the street and facing Peck's slip, which was in 1741 the east end of the town : and John Sleydal, (or Sleydle, ) a tallow chandler, lived for many years in Broadway, and died perhaps ten years since. He was the first president of the Mechanick's Bank. The Fly, mentioned above, seems to have included all the east side of the town. It will be seen, that the negroes are said to have been di- vided into the " Fly boys," and " Longbridge boys." Whether the Longbridge meant the Coffee-house-bridge, (bottom of Wall street, ) or a similar planking over a sewer, by the Exchange, (bottom of Broad street, ) I do not know. In 1728 and 1729, the white boys of New York were divided into hostile parties, called " Smith's Fly," and " Broad Way," and fought with stones in the streets. I re- member the two parties throwing stones in such showers, that the shop keepers in Queen street closed their doors and windows.
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On the 11th of April, the common council met : present, John Cruger, Esq., mayor ; the recorder, Horsmanden ; aldermen Ge- rardus Stuyvesant, William Romaine, Simon Johnson, John Moore, Christopher Banker, John Pintard, John Marshal: assis- tants, Henry Bogert, Isaac Stoutenburgh, Philip Minthorne, George Brinckerhoff, Robert Benson, and Samuel Lawrence. , It must be always kept in mind, that the recorder, Mr. Horsemanden, is the historian of the plot, and supports to his utmost the supposed facts upon which so many wretches were tortured and murdered.
At the above meeting of the common council, the recorder pro- poses that the governour be requested to offer rewards for the incendiaries, their associates, and accomplices, and that the city should pay the costs. Accordingly it was resolved, that his honour, the lieutenant-governour, be requested to offer a reward to any white person, of £100 current money of this province, and pardon if concerned, and freedom to any slave, with £20 and pardon, (the master to be paid £25,) and to any free negro, mulatto or In- .- dian, £45 and pardon, if concerned. With this ordinance, the . mayor and recorder, waited upon the lieutenant-governour, Mr. Clarke.
Such was the consternation, that many people removed their household furniture, and gave any price for vehicles and assistants. Thieves triumphed, and the affrighted inhabitants were plundered. Then it was ordered that search should be made for strangers, and on Monday, the 13th of April, each alderman, assistant, and consta- ble, searched his ward, and the militia was turned out, and centries posted to guard all avenues. While this was going on, the justices were examining the negroes, who protested they knew nothing of any plot, or of the origin of any fires. No strangers or suspicious persons were detected. . But one alderman found in possession of Robin, Chambers's negro, and Cuba, his wife, some things which he thought unbecoming the condition of a slave, and he took the things, and committed their owners to jail.
Poor Cuff Phillipse, was proved to have been active in putting out the fire at his masters store: but " it was thought proper," to keep him in jail, " to wait further discovery."
In the meantime, the offer of reward was proclaimed : here was money and pardon to the free, and money pardon and liberty, to the slave, who should accuse himself and others, according to the dic- tates of the magistracy, prompted by their fears ; and give testimony, and confirm the general opinion. We shall see its effects.
We now come to Mr. Recorder's journal of the proceedings against the conspirators. Supreme court, 21st of April, 1741, present Frederick Phillipse, second judge, Daniel Horsemanden, third. Grand jury, Robert Watts, merchant, foreman, Jeremiah Latouche, Joseph Read, Anthony Rutgers, John M'Evers, John
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Cruger, junior, John Merritt, Adoniah Schuyler, Isaac De Peyster, Abraham Ketteltas, David Provoost, Rene Hett, Henry Beekman, junior, David Van Horne, George Spencer, Thomas Duncan, and Winant Van Zandt ; all described as merchants. Mr. Phillipse, charges and tells them, that- the people " have been put into many frights and terrors," respecting burning ; and that they must inquire, and " by all lawful means discover the perpe- trators, for there is much room to suspect," that these fires were not accidental. That there are many persons in jail suspected : that arson is felony at common law, even if the fire is put out, or goes out of itself : that it is a shocking crime, and if any guilty of it escape, " who can say he is safe, or where it will end?" He then commands to find out all persons who sell strong liquors to negroes, and descants on the unlawfulness of selling "penny drams," without the consent or direction, of the master of the slave. In general, they, the grand jury, are to present "all conspiracies, com- binations and other offences." -
Accordingly, the grand jury had Mary Burton before them, (this was the bought servant of Hughson,) and she refused to be sworn. They asked her questions concerning the fires, and she gave no answer. They read the proclamation to her, promising protec- tion, pardon, liberty from her master, and £100, and after refusals to her examination, being very " glib-tongued," she said, she would tell what she knew about the stolen goods, but would say nothing about the fires. This was interpreted, that she could, but would not. They then told her that if she did not prevent the burning, etc., she would answer for it at the day of judgment; that she need not fear any body, and her reward was sure, (liberty, protection, and £100,) and she then made deposition, that Prince, (Auboy- man's negro) and Cæsar, (Vaarck's) brought the stolen goods ; and Hughson, his wife, and Peggy, received them. That Cæsar, Prince, and Cuffee Phillipse, used frequently to meet at Hughson's tavern, and talk about burning the fort, and that they would go down to the Fly (the east end of the city) and burn the whole town : and that her master and mistress said they would assist them. Here were three poor negroes, observe, who were to burn a fort, garri- soned, and a town of many thousand inhabitants, assisted by a poor tavern and brothel keeper, and his wife. All the words seem to be put in the mouth of the wretched girl. That when all this was done, Cæsar should be governour, and Hughson should be king ; that Cuffee used to say, that a great many people had too much, and others too little : that his old master (Phillipse) had a great deal of money, but that in a short time he should have less, and Cuffee have more. That these redoubtable three used to say, that when they sat fire to the town, they would do it in the night, VOL. I 42
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and as the white people came to extinguish it, they would kill and destroy them.
It is to be recollected that this girl had been in custody from the beginning of March to this time, 22d April : that she at first only mentioned the stolen goods, and Cæsar as the thief ; and that now after hearing the conspiracy, and intended destruction of the city, for forty or fifty days, and of the reward for pointing out the con- spirators, she brings out King Hughson, and Governour Cæsar, and two assistants, Prince and Cuffee. We shall see how she multiplies her victims to please her patrons. We must likewise notice, that although the conspirators had determined to set fire to the town at night, all the fires that had terrified the people, and all ' the alarms, had occurred in the day time.
This deponent goes on to state, that Hughson threatened to poison her, if she told of the stolen goods, and the negroes swore they would burn her, if she told of their plot to destroy the town. She further swore, that she never saw any white person in com- pany, when they talked of burning the town, but her master, mis- tress, and Peggy.
The simple recorder says, that the evidence of a conspiracy, not only to burn the city, but also to destroy and murder the people, was most astonishing to the grand jury. But that any white people should confederate with slaves, in such an execrable and detestable purpose, was very amazing. But the grand jury seem not to have doubted the story, and informed the judges accordingly. The grand jury then required the presence of Margaret Sourabiero, alias Kerry, or Peggy Carey; and the judges summon all the gentlemen of the law to meet them, and accordingly Messrs. Mur- ray, Alexander, Smith, Chambers, Nichols, Lodge, and Jameson, attended. Thus we know the strength of the bar of New York, in 1741, all being present, but Mr. Bradley the attorney-general.
It seems, that there was an act of the province for trying negroes, in a summary way, as in other colonies, by the jus- tices : but as in this case, white people were concerned, and a conspiracy so deep and dark, that they could not see into it, but was certainly in operation, it was determined to place the mat- ter under charge of the supreme court, and all the lawyers offered to assist on every trial by turns.
Peggy Carey, being impeached as a conspirator, by Mary Bur- ton, the judges examined her in prison, where she had been for forty or fifty days. They endeavoured to make her accuse others, by promising hier pardon and reward, as in the case of the other wretched girl, who accused her : but she said, " that if she should accuse any body of any such thing, she must accuse innocent per- sons, and wrong her own soul." Before the grand jury, she denied all knowledge of the fires.
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On the 24th of April, Cæsar Vaarck, Prince Auboyman, John Hughson, his wife, and Peggy Carey, were arraigned for felony, and pleaded not guilty ; the trial commenced of Cæsar and Prince ; who, not challenging any of the jury, Messrs. Roger French, John Groesbeck, John Richard, Abraham Kipp, George Witts, John Thurman, Patrick Jackson, Benjamin Moore, William Hammersley, John Lashiere, Joshua Sleydall, and John Shurmer, were sworn. The prisoners were found guilty of the robbery.
On the 3rd of May, one Arthur Price, committed to jail for theft, gives information, that he had discourse with Peggy Carey, through the hole of the prison door, and she said, " she was afraid of those fellows," (the negroes as he understood,) but if they told any thing of her, she would hang every one of them, but she would not for- swear herself, unless they brought her in. He asked what she meant by forswearing herself, and she said, "there is fourteen sworn." What, about Hogg's goods ? No, about the fire. What, Peggy, were you going to set the town afire? And she answereed, she was not, but said, since I knew of it, they made me swear. Heasked, was " John and his wife in it?" She answered, "yes : they were sworn with the rest." She was asked, if she was not afraid the negroes would discover her? She answered, "no : Prince, Cuff, Cæsar, and Fork's negro-not Cæsar, but another, were all true hearted fellows." All this is accompanied with oaths and black- guardism. Price further states, that Peggy told him, Mary Bur- ton had accused her, made her as black as the rest. But that if they did liang the two poor fellows, (Casar and Prince) they would be revenged on them yet. And she concluded, with warning him not to tell what she had said to him. This is the representation made by the thief and informer : who answered to Bedlow as Mary Burton represents Titus Oates.
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