History of the New Netherlands, province of New York, and state of New York : to the adoption of the federal Constitution. Vol. I, Part 30

Author: Dunlap, William, 1766-1839. cn; Donck, Adriaen van der, d. 1655. 4n
Publication date: 1839
Publisher: New York : Printed for the author by Carter & Thorp
Number of Pages: 993


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The commission was directed to the queen's trusty and well be- loved Edward Hyde, Esq., commonly called Lord Cornbury. It reunites the two into one province, and directs him to govern by the laws and statutes made and agreed upon by him, "with the ad- vice and consent of the council and assembly," to appoint courts, judges, etc. He had the usual power over the council, and the assembly was to be elected by the majority of freeholders, with powers similar to those of New York.


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260


. HIS INSTRUCTIONS.


: The governour was instructed to call one general assembly for the United Provinces : to sit first at Perth Amboy, and then at Burlington, and afterwards alternately in those two places. The voters (by an amendment) were to possess freeholds of at least one hundred acres, or personal property to the value of £50 sterling. Duties, etc., to be the same in New Jersey and New York. Li- berty of conscience granted to all persons except papists. The solemn affirmation of quakers to be taken instead of an oath, and they are to be received as members of the council, inasmuch as the number of inhabitants fit for such like offices is small. Captains of vessels of war to be prohibited from the impressment of their sailors. By the sixty-ninth article, Cornbury is directed to " take especial care, that God Almighty be devoutly and duly served ;" "the book of common prayer, as by law established, read each Sunday, and holy day, and the blessed sacrament administered according to the rites of the church of England." Ministers of each orthodox church are to be furnished with a house and glebe at the common charge. Preferring ministers to benefices, belongs to his Lordship, provided they have a certificate from the Bishop of London ; whose jurisdiction is to take place as " far as conveniently may be." His lordship is enjoined to punish drunkenness, swear- ing, and all kind of vice ; and to give all possible encouragement to trade and traders ; "PARTICULARLY to the Royal African Com- pany of England," and recommending the said company to take especial care that the said province may have a constant and suffi- cient supply of merchantable negroes, at moderate rates .* And as to this trade in negroes, he (Lord Cornbury,) is to give an account to the queen of the number with which the province is yearly sup- plied, and at what rates. Thus among one hundred and three ar- ticles of instruction, for the conduct of the governour and the good of the province, especial care is taken that God Almighty shall be duly served, and an ample supply of negroes be brought into the colony for the encouragement of the Royal African Company, and good of all parties ; these negroes being doomed to hopeless slavery in a foreign country, after being kidnapped, or otherwise torn from their homes, and forced, in chains and dungeons, upon the colonists.


His lordship is to endeavour to get a law passed for the restraining inhuman severity to christian servants and slaves : and to punish with death the wilful killing of Indians and negroes, and a fit pe- nalty for maiming them. In case of the governour's death, or ab- sence, if no lieutenant-governour be provided, the oldest counsellor is to administer the government.


* Thus we see the queen equally zealous for the propagation of the Church of England and of negro slavery.


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NAVIGATION ACT.


: As among these instructions, care is to be taken to enforce the English Navigation Act. I will here place before the reader an abstract of that important document, which was more felt in New York than in the agricultural province of New Jersey.


1660 It was enacted, that no commodities should be imported


. into any British settlement in Asia, Africa, or America, or ex- ported from thence, but in vessels built in England, or her colonial plantations, and navigated by crews of which the master, and three- fourths of the sailors, should be English subjects. Penalty, for- feiture of ship and cargo. None but natural born subjects of the


English crown, or persons legally naturalized, should exercise the occupation of merchant or factor, in any English colonial settle- ment. No sugar, tobacco, cotton, wool, indigo, ginger, or dye stuffs, (wood) produced or manufactured in the colonies, should be shipped from them, to any other country than England ; and ship- owners were required at the port of lading, to give bonds with se- - curity proportioned to tonnage. These prohibited articles were called enumerated, and as soon as any new article was brought into notice by the ingenuity or industry of the colonists, it was added to the list. Soon after, it was in addition ordained, that no Euro- 1663 pean articles should be imported into the colonies, except in vessels laden in England, and navigated as above. It was avowed, that it was the policy of nations to keep the trade of colonies confined to the mother country, and the colonists depen- dent on her.


Charles II imposed a tax of five per cent. on all goods imported into, or exported from any of the dominions of the crown ; the par- liament proceeded to tax the trade, which one colony carried on with another. These enactments, intended to hold the colonies in perpetual subjection, were the original cause of our independence.


After Lord Cornbury returned to New York, from his visit to Albany, he proceeded in August to his government of New Jersey, and began to put in force her majesty's gracious instructions, but soon returned to New York, and in April, (1703) met the assem- bly, who by this time began to be alarmed at his lordship's . demands for money on various pretences, but principally for guard- ing the frontiers, and erecting batteries to defend New York at the Narrows, It was seen that for whatever purpose granted, it was appropriated to the governour's private use, and even his own party, (the rich, the gentry, the people of figure,) saw that they were to pay high for his lordship's countenance .*


* The vote on the ways and means to raise this sum is singular : every member of the council to pay a poll tax of forty shillings ; an assembly man, twenty shil- lings ; a lawyer in practice, twenty shillings ; every man wearing a periwig. five shillings and six pence ; a bachelor of twenty five years and upwards, two shillings and three pence ; every freeman between sixteen and sixty, nine pence ; the own- ers of slaves, for each, one shilling.


262


CORNBURY'S DISSENTIONS WITH THE ASSEMBLY.


After voting £1,500 for batteries, the assembly added, " that it should be for no other purpose whatever." On the 19th of June, they required the appointment of a treasurer, "as a means to ob- struct misapplications in future."


, 1704 This desire to scrutinize his Lordships expenditures of the public money increased, and of course his nobility, honour, and chivalry were offended. The assembly talked of their rights, and his lordship told them, " I know of no right that you have as an assembly, but such as the queen is pleased to allow you." The house, though elected by his lordship's party, were provoked to say, that they considered their rights to be, civil liberty, declared and confirmed by English laws, and to that every free Englishman is entitled. They resolve to address the governour for an exact ac- count of the revenue. They refused to admit the council's amend- ment to a money bill, and his lordship dissolved them. Their masters, however, the English board of trade, could "conceive no reason, why the council should not have a right to amend all bills sent up by the assembly, even those relating to money."


According to Madam Knight, New York was, at this time, " a pleasant well compacted place. " The buildings, brick generally ; in some houses of divers colours, and laid in cheques, being glazed, they look very agreeable." Of the inside she testifies, that they were " neat to admiration." The fire places had no jambs, as in Boston, but the backs run flush with the walls, " and the hearth is of tiles, and is far out into the room at the ends, as before the fire," (i. e.) five feet in the lower rooms. She speaks of a staircase, " laid all with tiles," and a kitchen with brick floor. The people were making great pre- parations to receive their governour, Lord Cornbury, from New Jersey, and the militia turned out, for the occasion. The episco- palians had " a New England gentleman, for their minister."


The Dutch women wore " mutches; which are like a cap and a head band in one, leaving the ears bare ;" ear-rings and finger- rings they wore in abundance.


Madam Knight was a Boston lady, of education and refinement. She made the journey to New York on horse back, sometimes accompanied by " the post," and at others by a friend, crossing some rivers in a scow, and others by fording. The roads, taverns, and other accessories to travelling, were much improved since the Dutch embassy to Hartford, but still in a state that would now appal the courage of any but a backwoodsman or an Indian Scout. She found at Merrimack, some good buildings : a neat little place, with a navigable river before. Colonel Heathcote's seat she admired, and was told he "was a very fine gentleman." New Ro- chelle was then a clean pretty place, with passable roads, and a bridge broad enough for a cart.


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263


CORNBURY SUPERSEDED.


1705 The new assembly convened in 1705 were no less demno- cratick than the preceding. The former grant for the sup- port of government had expired, and a continuance was neglected, although a French privateer had entered the harbour of New York and frightened the town ; it was remembered that the money voted for batteries at the Narrows had never been applied to that use. £3,000 were voted for fortifications ; but instead of giving it to his lordship, the assembly deposited it with a person of their own choos- ing. They talked of their treasurer; and the council, still com- posed of persons always the governour's dependents, or friends, joined him in his endeavours to wrest from the assembly the power of the purse, but in vain.


1706 As if to increase the unpopularity he had drawn upon himself, by his indecent conduct, Cornbury undertook to 1707 exert power in religious affairs, as his instructions made him the judge how far it was convenient so to do. He forbade 1708 the Dutch congregation to listen to a presbyterian minister, or open their church for his reception. He imprisoned two presbyterian ministers for preaching without his license. They were liberated after six week's incarceration, on giving bail, by Chief Justice Montpesson .* The governour, appearing in the streets disguised as a woman-his debaucheries and contemptible extravagancies might have been borne-but when he interfered with the rights and conscien- ces of men, New York and New Jersey joined in addresses to his mistress for his removal. The unanimous and reiterated complaints presented to the queen, obliged her to revoke his commission ; and when no longer hedged about by that halo which marks the sanctity of sovereigns in their own right, and all in authority under them, his creditors of New York threw him into prison, where he remained until the death of his father released him by hereditary rights and immunities, and raised him from one of the jails of the City Hall, in Wall street, to a seat in the British house of peers - making him, from a contemptible debtor in a New York jail, a law-maker and judge for a great empire.


During the year 1707, the French government of Canada, not finding the opportunity the court directed them to await-of stri- king a destructive blow at the Iroquois, with safety to themselves, and little cost to the king, kept them in good humour, by presents and flattery. But, says Charlevoix, while we succeeded so well with the Five Nations, who were idolaters, the Governour of Orange, i. e. Peter Schuyler, Mayor of Albany, was almost as successful with the Iroquois christians. Their piety, he says, had become relaxed, in consequence of their drunkenness. But while Jon-


* See Smith's Hist. vol. 1, p. 188, and trial of Mckenzie. printed in 1755. .


264


LORD LOVELACE GOVERNOUR.


caire, the governour's agent, and the Jesuit missionaries kept the confederates quiet, the Indians in the neighbourhood of Detroit were troublesome to the French garrison. However, in 1708, Vaudreuil. found more pious employment for his christian Indians than getting drunk, by sending them to scalp and murder the planters of New England. The Governour of Canada made up a war party to attack the English settlers: the christain savages, (a strange combination of words,) were joined in it with 400 French soldiers; but on the march, the Indians deserted and returned home. This, the historian attributes to the intrigues of Peter Schuyler -hig 1 praise to that great man, who, while he interposed the Iroquois be- tween the French and New York, defeated their plans of havoc on the frontiers of New England.


Vaudreuil wrote to Schuyler, reproaching him with debauching the Indians who were domiciliated in Canada, at the same time that he, from his respect to the Dutch, and particularly to Schuyler, had left New York in peace. Schuyler replied, that in endeavouring to prevent the Indians from attacking New England, he had acted as a christian. " I must believe," said the Mayor of Albany, " that it is my duty to God and my neighbour, to prevent, if possible, the cruelties of barbarians which have too often been exercised on the unhappy people. You will pardon me, sir, for saying that I feel my heart swell with indignation, when I think that a war between christian princes, obligated to obey the laws of honour and genero- sity," (and he might have added humanity,) " should be carried on with savage barbarism."


Charlevoix says, that Peter Schuyler was a very honest man ; but he knew very well, by what had passed for the last fifty years in this part of America, that it was the English who had reduced the French to the necessity of permitting their savages to act. He says, the French Indians never exercised cruelty, but as reprisals ; and for the purpose of making such kind of warfare cease.


In the spring of 170S, John, Lord Lovelace, Baron of Hurley, was appointed to the government of New York, but did not arrive until the following December. We find every change was hailed with acclamation, but the chances were all in favour of the colonists, in getting rid of a man they despised and detested, that his succes- sor, must be better. Lovelace dissolved the assembly, and con- vened another. To them he recommended an increase of the re- venue, pressed the examination of public accounts, "that it might oe known to all the world, that the public debt was not contracted in his time."


All this passed, while his predecessor was confined by his credi- tors, not being yet liberated, and elevated by the magick of heredi- tary dignity. Any reflection upon Cornbury was gratifying to the ' assembly, but the demands of Lovelace, damped the joy they ex-


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DEATH OF LOVELACE.


pressed at his appointment and arrival. They complained that previous bad government had deterred settlers from the province, and even driven away inhabitants to their neighbours of Connecti- cut, who enjoy more liberty and prosperity. They at length, on the 5th day of May, agreed to raise £2,500 for the charges of go- vernment one year to come ; of which £1,600 was for the gover- nour, and 900 for the fires and lights of the forts at New York, Albany and Schenectady, together with printing, and other small charges. This mode of annually assigning the sum to be raised, would certainly have caused dissention between governour and assembly ; and might have tested Lovelace's character, but he died before the knowledge of the vote reached him.


The government devolved upon Richard Ingoldsby, who was at the time lieutenant-governour : and again the province, happily but for a short time, was in some measure placed in the power of a man who had proved himself unworthy of trust, and incapable of conducting a government. Ingoldsby ruled for eleven months, during which, another feeble attempt was made by the English mi- nistry, for the conquest of Canada. The project of this enterprize was conceived by Colonel Vetch, who had made himself acquainted with the St. Lawrence, by actual examination and sounding : Fran- cis Nicholson, was appointed to command the provincials, and arrived in New York at the request of Ingoldsby, certainly inaus- picious names, and the event agreed with them.


CHAPTER XVII.


Preparations for subduing Canada-Alacrity of New York-The Iroquois join-Troops halt ot Wood Creek-English armament goes to Portugal-The provincials are led back-Discontent- Expedition from Canada-Schuyler's plan for engaging Eng- land in the conquest of Canada-He goes to England with fire Indian chiefs-Produces another English attempt, which fails as before-Governour Hunter-His Council-Arrival of Germans -Lewis Morris-Jacobus Van Cortlandt-Hunter's demands upon the Assembly-Details of the failure of the attack upon Ca- nada-Treaty of Utrecht-Pirates.


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Father Charlevoix in his History of New France, tells us, that immense preparations were made at this period by Great Britain, for the subjugation of Canada ; that a powerful armament was fitted out at Bostou for this purpose ; and at New York, an army of 2,000 VOL I. 34


266


PROJECTED EXPEDITION AGAINST CANADA


men was assembled to seize Chamble, and fall on Montreal. The missionary spy at Onondaga had before given notice that the Iroquois were urged to declare war against France ; but now he tells Vau- dreuil, that all the Five Nations, except the Senecas, declare openly in their villages, that they would join with the English in an attack upon Canada. The French missionary at Onondaga, was warned to depart, and for fear of his life, threw himself into the hands of the New Yorkers, was conveyed to Albany, well treated, and car- ried to New York.


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M. Vaudreuil after putting Quebec in a state of defence ascended for the same purpose to Montreal, and the French fully expected that England with a great fleet and army, would second the efforts of the colonists to overwhelm Canada.


When the provinces were required to co-operate in an attack on Canada, none showed greater alacrity than New York, which pro- vince having been relieved by the removal of Cornbury, and being pleased with the address of Lovelace, (who died before the colo- nists had time to experience the effect of the queen's gracious in- structions, to insist upon a permanent salary,) were ardent in their loyalty, and in a desire to add the French possesions to the British empire. The lieutenant-governour and council, aided by the powerful influence of Colonel Peter Schyuler, induced the Iroquois to take up the hatchet against their old enemies, and to accompany the expedition. The prospect of the reduction of Canada, spread universal joy over the province. The assembly issued bills of credit, the first time New York had recourse to paper money. Car- penters were impressed into the service to build batteries. Com- missioners were appointed with powers to take provisions by force, and to impress men, vessels, horses and wagons, for transporting stores. Nicholson was chosen to lead the army of New York, and New Jersey, through the same wilderness, in which Winthrop had led the combined forces of New 1710 York and Connecticut, in 1691 .* The forces arrived at the fatal halting place, Wood Creek ; but before moving down that stream to Lake Champlain, it was thought necessary (even after the New England men, under Colonel Vetch, had


1709 .


. A council was held at Perth Amboy, the 30th of May, 1709, at which the Co- lonels Nicholson and Vetch, were present, with Ingoldsby, G. Saltonstall, Gover- nour of Connecticut, and C. Gookin, Governour of Pennsylvania. The Indians of New Jersey and the neighbourhood, were induced to join with the Iroquois, and all were put under the command of Colonel Peter Schuyler. Nicholson was appointed by the governour to command the expedition.


William Whitehead, Esq., has found in his researches, and furnished me with letters from John Hamson, to Captain Elisha Parker, respecting the country, and the difficulties of transporting the troops for the invasion of Canada by which it appears that the land between Albany and Lake Champlain, now so full of beau -. ties and cultivation, was then thought the most inhospitable of the known world.


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267


IS FRUSTRATED.


arrived,) to await news from the English fleet. At this commence- ment of the waters that flow to the St. Lawrence, and the Atlan- tick, where formerly Winthrop was stopped for want of canoes, the New York troops accumulated batteaux and vessels of every kind, to transport themselves to Canada, when the British fleet and army should appear before Quebec. But the first intelligence they heard of this looked for armament, was, that instead of coming to the aid of the provincials, it had been sent to Portugal. The summer was passed in the woods and swamps, that then and long after made the country about Wood Creek dreary and unwholesome, and in Oc- tober, the colonies were informed by the English Ministry, that the armament prepared for the relief of the provinces in America, was more needed by her majesty's Portuguese allies.


At Wood Creek, the troops (such as were not in hospitals) were employed in building blockhouses and erecting forts, upon the news that England had abandoned them. Those who survived exposure, miasmata, and all the diseases peculiarly attached to raw troops, in unhealthy situations, were led back, to exasperate still more the colonists, who had ruined themselves to raise and support an army by order of the English Court under promise of co-opera- tion. The Iroquois who had been induced at a great expense of money, presents and promises to attend the provincials, lost confi- dence in the English power. The women and children of the Indian warriours had been supported by the New Yorkers, during the idle absence of their husbands and fathers, who now returned to their homes to sustain the hostilities of the French, whom they had provoked, by joining the English in this disastrous expedition. There was, on the other hand among the whites, a suspicion that the Indians had accelerated, if not rejoiced at, the wasting disease . of their allies, and had imbibed a notion, not far from the truth, that the two contending nations of Europeans, though willing to make use of the natives for defence or offence, were only waiting the proper moment to sacrifice them to their own interest.


The French historian of these events tells us, that while the pro- vincials of New York and New England were building strong places in the neighbourhood of Wood Creek and between the Hudson and (Lac Sacrement, ) Lake George, M. Ramezay was sent from Mou- treal to oppose the invaders on the land side, while M. Vaudreuil descended to Quebec to oppose the expected attack by sea. On the 28th of July, M. Ramezay advanced, having a captain with 50 Frenchmen and 200 Indians in front, sustained by 100 Canadians and 100 regular troops of the king's army. The Governour of Montreal followed Ramezay, at the head of 500 Canadians, the christian Iroquois forming his rear guard, under M. Joncaire. The Ottowas and Nipisings were the flanking parties of this army. Ha- ving raised our expectations of an exciting combat, Charlevoix


268


DISCONTENT OF THE PROVINCIALS.


says, the French army met-a rumour -that 5,000 men were advancing to meet them. A council of war was called, and a deter- mination taken to retreat. After various marches and counter- > marches, without seeing an enemy, M. Vaudreuil, (who, learning that no enemy was approaching Quebec, had ascended and joined his northern army,) sent two detachments to look for his enemy. These approached near enough to find that the English had burnt their forts and gone home.


A French priest -a spy or agent among the Iroquois - informed the Governour of Canada that these Indians only pretended to aid the English ; that the Mohawks wislied to remain neutral ; that by his emissaries he had learned the real sentiments of the Iroquois ; that a chief of the Onondagas had said, " We are placed between two nations, either of which is powerful enough to extirminate us, if the other did not prevent; but while these nations quarrel, we, the weaker party, are safe, and are not to assist either, but manage both." Charlevoix further says, that the Iroquois poisoned a stream, on the banks of which the English encamped, by throwing the skins of the animals they killed into the water : these putrefying, as was intended, communicated disease to the element' which the soldiers of their allies drank ; that in consequence, great numbers died, and the remainder retreated. 'The same author says, that the next winter the Iroquois sent deputies to Vaudreuil, begging for a reconciliation, and pretending that they had no intention of injuring the French. They tried to excuse the Dutch of New York, and Colonel Schuyler, by saying that they were obliged to obey the English. M. Vaudreuil, says Charlevoix, was not in condition to chastise the Iroquois, therefore he pretended to receive these apo- logies in good part.




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