USA > New York > New York City > History of the New Netherlands, province of New York, and state of New York : to the adoption of the federal Constitution. Vol. I > Part 46
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Having gained possession of the islets in the neighbourhood of the principal fort, and cannonaded it for some time, during which preparations were made for a general assault, that useless scene of
carried over the rapids. They pursued their way : and by robbing the French planters, procured food and clothing, until they saw the St. Lawrence, and finally an English encampment. They were received as friends, and forwarded to Mur- ray, at Quebec, and there delivered the orders of Amherst.
405
FINAL CONQUEST OF CANADA.
slaughter was prevented by the enemy's beating a parley, and sur- rendering by capitulation. Having determined to leave a garrison here, the army descended the St. Lawrence-not without loss of men and boats amid the islands and rapids. Forty-six batteaux, seventeen whale-boats, one row-galley, a great quantity of military stores, some artillery, and forty-six men were sacrificed, before the troops were landed upon the Island of Montreal. On the 6th of September, the army was landed at La Chine, and proceeded to erect batteries, plant cannon, and regularly invest the city.
By this time, General Murray appeared with his victorious army, below the town; and Haviland, with his force, had arrived from Lake Champlain. Thus surrounded by enemies too numerous to be resisted, the gallant Marquis de Vaudreuil sent a letter, by two officers, to the English commander, demanding a capitulation, which was in a short time agreed to. The three English armies, by three different routes, and without a possibility of communica- tion, arrived at one point, ready for co-operation, within a few hours of each other. The surrender of Montreal gave to the Eng- lish government the vast country of Canada, which it has retained to this day.
The colonies were now relieved from a neighbour that had for years pressed upon their territory, ravaged their frontiers, and threatened them with final subjugation. None were more immedi- ately benefitted than the inhabitants of New York-none more sin- cerely rejoiced in the triumph of the English arms. But they had soon reason to see that the effect upon the ministry of Great Britain, was a calculation of what might be drawn from the colonies, founded upon a knowledge of the exertions made, and the sums raised, for the expulsion of the French.
The Indians, too, saw that their situation was changed, and, as they feared, not for the better. Two parties had heretofore contended for their favour : they were now left to the mercy or generosity of . one. The degenerate Iroquois were no longer necessary for the safety of New York or New England ; nor the western savages as allies to the French, in their march of aggression. They saw that the whites, no longer occupied in destroying each other, would ulti- mately exterminate the red race. They- sought,. fortunately too late, for the means of resisting what had now become irresistible; and, though the contention between the colonies and Great Britain for a time changed their position, the removal of the French power from America was the signal, which they could not but see, of their eventual downfall.
The combination formed by the nations, immediately after the conquest of Canada, is astonishing both for the rapidity with which it was conceived, its extent, and the effect it had upon the colonial frontiers ; but it was more immediately felt elsewhere than by New
406
AMHERST IN NEW YORK.
York. Many of the out-posts. were assailed and carried, by this simultaneous rushing forward of the Indians ; but Detroit and Ni- agara were protected by General Amherst's detachments, and finally Colonel Broquet terminated these hostilities-but not until 1764- and the nations were compelled to submit to the power of the white man.
CHAPTER XXVI.
General Amherst arrives at New York ; is invested with the Order of the Garter by Monckton, at the encampment on Staten Island- Monckton and army sail for Martinique-Troops raised for the regular service of Great Britain-Gratitude of England- Stamp Act-Its retrospect and reception in America in general, and New York in particular-A Congress in New York-Stamps arrive-Riots-Prudent measures-Lord Chatham-Repeal of the Stump Act.
1760 THE reader has perceived that the Marquis de Vau- dreuil, finding that he was surrounded by foes, in numbers irresistible, and that all the country between him and the sea had submitted to General Murray, capitulated to Amherst ; and the colonial capital of France, in the northern portion of America, was surrendered to Great Britain .*
Gage, who had married one of the Kemble family at New Brunswick, in New Jersey, and became afterwards so notorious in Boston, was appointed Governour of Montreal. Murray returned to Quebec, and Amherst repaired to New York, to be invested with the Order of the Garter and the title of Sir Jeffrey, by Monckton, who, with . an army was encamped on Staten Island.
When General Amherst arrived, he was saluted by the guns of Fort George, and by permission of the keeper of the new jail, now the record office, his majesty's colours were displayed on that build- ing so notorious as the " prevo," in later times. The prisoners likewise saluted the general with twenty-five guns. In the evening, the jail, with the rest of the city, was illuminated, in honour of his excellency.
Mr. Colden commenced his government in a calm, which was
* The regular troops were to be transported to France. The inhabitants of Canada who chose to remain, are guaranteed in property, rights, and religion.
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MONCKTON, GOVERNOUR.
interrupted by the news of the death of George the Second, the accession of his grandson, and the necessity, real or supposed, of dissolving the present assembly of New York, and issuing writs for a new election, which were returnable on the 3d of March, 1761. On the 24th, Mr. Pitt's instructions having been received, the assembly voted 1,787 men, and £52,000.
Mr. Smith, the historian, tells us, that Mr. Colden offered the seat of chief justice, vacated by Mr. De Lancey, to the elder Smith, who refused it ; and the post, which was a subject of great anxiety, was filled by Mr. Pratt, of Boston, promoted to the office by the English government at the same time Mr. Colden was appointed lieutenant-governour.
1761 The opposition to the lieutenant-governour was shown in the assembly, by a motion of Mr. Cruger's, to interdict stage-plays, Colden having allowed a theatre to be set up ; and by praises bestowed on General Monckton, then with the troops on Staten Island, and in hourly expectation of receiving the appoint- ment of Governour of New York. His commission arrived on the 19th of October, and he produced it to the council on the 26th ; when Mr. Colden asked for his instructions, which usually accom- panied the commission, and Monckton replied, that he liad none, and hoped never to have any. The oaths being administered, a procession was formed to the city hall, where it was published as usual-the militia being drawn up, and the mob as usual, shouting their joy at any change.
General Monckton embarked on the 15th of November ; and soon after, with the army which had been encamped on Staten Island, proceeded to the Island of Martinique, leaving Lieutenant- governour Colden as the ruler of New York .* Few contrasts could be greater than that between Colden and Monckton. The first was old, versed in civil affairs, learned, studious, cautious, and reserved. Monckton young, bold, a military man : a man of the world in its expenses, show, and licentiousness-of course the favourite of the gay, the unthinking, the ambitious, and the votaries of what is called pleasure.
In the voluminous collection of MSS., called the "Gates Pa- pers," deposited with the Historical Society of New York, there are letters which serve to elucidate a large portion of our history. Governour Boone, of New Jersey, who had not yet met the assem . bly of that province, writes thus to Horatio Gates-then an aid to Monckton, and preparing for the Martinique expedition-dated from Perth Amboy, October 13th, 1760 .- "Poor De Lancey !
* The fleet which left Sandy Hook under Monckton's command, on the 15th of November, consisted of one hundred transports and two line-of-battle ships.
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40S
COLDEN, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOUR.
Have I wrote to you since his death ? General Monckton is talked of for the government and desired. Pownal is expected and dreaded. General Gage is said likewise to have applied." Of the people about him he says, " their politicks are confounded and their society is worse, by the loss of the best companion in it." Of the De Lanceys, after the death of the Lieutenant-governour, he says : "Oliver is in the council ; and Jemmy De Lancey, no longer a soldier, is a candidate for the city."
Monckton proceeded to Martinique ; and, as a matter of course, with the forces carried thither, took the place. Gates went with him ; and, as his aid, was sent to England, with the news of the conquest, and in expectation of promotion. Monckton returned to New York ; but very soon left his government, and repaired to England in search of something better. At this time, William Smith, the historian, writes to Horatio Gates-" Colden, for want of purse, and more for want of spirit to imitate Monckton in the dignity of his government, has retired to Flushing. The little star does not yet appear : the twilight of his predecessor is still too . strong. to permit such a twinkling luminary to glitter." Such were the opinions entertained by the prominent men of that time respect- ing Colden and Monckton.
The assembly met on the 19th of November ; and the historian, Smith, supposes, that the house meant to "teaze" the Lieutenant- governour, "at the expense of their own dignity," by saying, " they would not permit the colony to suffer by Mr. Monckton's absence ;" and by alluding to the high fees taken for patents, " in which he was doubly interested, as governour and joint surveyor- general with his son." In a note he says : "the governour took £12 10s. for every thousand acres ; and the surveyor-general £5 more per thousand."
1762 For a second time this year, Lieutenant-governour Colden and the assembly met, in March .* The requisitions demand- ed by England were nearly equal to two-thirds of what the colony con- tri-buted for the conquest of Canada. £300,000 are stated as the publick debt, and the colonists were taxed ££40,000, per annum, to
* The assembly of the province of New York, which was elected this year. con- sisted of twenty-seven members. Chancellor Kent remarks, that neither Philip Schuyler, George Clinton, Dirk Brinckerhoff, or Leonard Van Kleeck, were in this legislature. They were elected in 1768.
The Cherokee war, at the south, was terminated this year : but not without the assistance of the British forces. It was the first instance in which American colo- nists were obliged to solicit aid against Indians. The canse was the disproportion of slaves to free men. South Carolina seemed aware of this evil, and passed a law this year, imposing so high a duty on imported slaves, as would have amounted to prohibition ; but the tender mother country rescinded this law, as injurious to Brit- ish commerce. In the instructions given to Benning Wentworth, for the governing
DISPUTE BETWEEN NEW YORK AND NEW HAMPSHIRE. 409
discharge it, yet the assembly granted what was required. To be sure, there was a demur as to setting a precedent of levying men for the king's regular regiments ; but rather than not be sufficiently loyal, it was determined to levy four hundred and seventy-nine men, as required, with pay, clothing, and other requisites ; the expense to be "repaid when his majesty in parliament shall think proper."
There were not wanting men sensibly alive to the impropriety of of raising money upon the colonists, to supply the standing army of Great Britain with men. Their eyes were open to the ulteriour views of England ; but they were silenced for the time by fears that, as had been done before, a peace with France might be pur- chased by the restoration of Canada ; and it was thought best to show a willingness and an ability to support the mother country in holding a colony which had hitherto been the cause of such suffer- ings and fears throughout the provinces.
In May, the assembly was convened, and a bill passed for a lot- tery to complete the new jail, and another to forward the erection of the light house at Sandy Hook. In June, General Monckton re- turned to his government.
About this time the dispute between the provinces of New York and New Hampshire, concerning their boundary line, . was nearly at its height : the latter claiming all that territory which lies between the Connecticut River and Lake Champlain, since constituting the state of Vermont. New York claimed the same, in consequence of the grant made by Charles II to the Duke of York, which cx- tended from the west bank of the above river to the east side of Delaware Bay ; and in consequence of the original discoveries and possession of the Dutch, which had this extent, under the title of Nieuw Nederlandt, and which was ceded by treaty, after conquest, to the crown of England. Parts of this country were intruded upon by Massachusetts and Connecticut, and given up by New York by way of compromise. New Hampshire claimed without justice or title, and the claim was resisted, and the dispute referred to the king by agreement ; who decided in favour of the rights of New York to the territory in dispute ; notwithstanding which, Governour Wentworth, of New Hampshire, laid out townships and granted
of New Hampshire, he was expressly prohibited from giving his assent to any laws by which the importation of slaves into New Hampshire, could be embarrassed by imposts. The welfare of the colonies, or the rights of humanity, were feather-light in the balance against " British commerce."
The colonies were called upon to raise forces for the present year, to the amount of three-fourths of the last.
VOL. I.
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410
GRATITUDE OF ENGLAND.
lands, and the purchasers settled upon them in the face of the warn- ings of New York, and proclamations of the governour.
The great exertions made by the colonies to remove the French, and the liberality still shown, instead of exciting the gratitude of Great Britain, gave occasion for lier rulers to calculate how much might be made from a country that had shown such resources, and the amount of revenue that might be counted upon from provinces so capable, and now so entirely within the grasp of the ministry. The people of the parent country had long been in the habit of speaking of " our colonies," and the parliament thought of the mode by which the greatest profit could be made from his majesty's plan- tations, for the ease and pleasure of his majesty's subjects who staid at home.
The first Englishmen who came to live in this country, left their native homes that they might enjoy the liberty of worshipping ac- cording to the dictates of their consciences, and making laws for their own government ; or for bettering their condition by trade or otherwise. While they were poor and struggling for existence, the government of England let them alone-" they grew by her neg- lect," as was justly said by Col. Barre, in the English parliament. When they became rich enough to exchange their commodities for goods manufactured in England, she was not satisfied with the bene- fit of the commerce, but having by degrees established governours and other officers over the colonies, shie sent out collectors of reve- nue, opened custom-houses, and laid duties on the goods she sold ; and if she permitted the colonists to buy of other nations, taxed such goods still higher.
The colonies submitted to what was part of a general system, and patiently bore impositions, until it was too evident they were de- signed for the exclusive benefit of others. Massachusetts had, during the ebullition caused by changing the Stuarts for the house of Orange, in England and her dependencies, denied the power of the parliament to legislate generally for the colonies ; and New York, in 170S, had declared that only the representatives of the people had a right to tax them. It will be remembered that the plan for the taxation of the colonies was proposed in 1754 ; it was seen that too much power would be given, by the mode suggested to the British ministry, while England feared the approach in America to self-government ; and the plan objected to by both par- ties, failed. But now was thought a fitting time to make provinces that could sustain taxation to a great amount, yield a permanent revenue to Britain. Mr. Grenville matured his scheme, and the nation applauded.
It had been customary for the requisitions of the minister to be made to the governour, and for the assembly to grant whatever
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411
OPPRESSION OF THE COLONIES.
was demanded. This was considered by the colonies as a proper mode of proceeding. The representatives of the people were the judges of the propriety of the requisition, and it was afforded ac- cording to that judgment. But the scheme for raising a perma- nent revenue was to be by decrees of the British parliament, and was to be drawn from people, who were not and could not be there represented.
By degrees, England imposed duties on articles imported into the colonies, and they submitted. But the original wrong grew ; . and as the colonies grew, they became discontented. Individuals practised smuggling-that is, they contrived ways to land goods without the knowledge of the English collectors, and by avoiding to pay the duties which were to go to the government of a distant country, they increased their profits, and some made great fortunes. Smuggling was not considered infamous, as it is now, and must be always when duties are laid on importations by the people themselves for their own purposes. It was thought of only as an evasion of a burden imposed by a foreign government ; submitted to by a kind of compro- mise from necessity. This practice of smuggling was of course com -- plained of by the English collectors, and the king's ministry or- dered their armed vessels in greater numbers to cruise upon our coast, and commissioned their commanders as custom-house offi- cers. These men were rapacious, and under colour of zeal for - his majesty's service, they vexed the commerce of the country by seizures that were illegal, and for which no redress could be ob- tained but by application to a distant country, more injurious to the sufferer than the original wrong.
It was felt that the revenue laws were made for the benefit of others, and that an informer could only be actuated by the hope of reward, for an injury inflicted on an American, and a benefit bes- towed on a foreigner. The consequence was, the introduction of the vile practice of tarring and feathering, by mobs, impelled to revenge injuries for which there was no legal remedy.
- Trade with the French and Spanish provinces had long been a source of profit to the merchants of New York, and by putting them in possession of specie, enabled them to make their remit- tances to England. That trade was known to be illegal, but it had long been connived at by Britain, and practised by America. The ministry now, as one means of raising a revenue from the colo- nies, a measure in itself sufficiently obnoxious, affixed such duties upon imports as amounted to a prohibition of this trade, which had become necessary ; and the mode resorted to for the
1764 1 purpose of raising this revenue, was even more intolerable than the taxation itself; in addition to the vexation from illegal siezures, and others in conformity to the English law, was the in- solence of the naval officers, and the encouragement given to
£
412
STAMP ACT ..
informers, actuated merely by the hope of reward, for the injuries inflicted on Americans, and a benefit bestowed on foreigners .*
In connexion with the ministerial scheme of raising a revenue from America, was a still more obnoxious resolution of parliament, " that it may be proper to charge certain stamp duties in the colo- nies." In fact England considered the colonies as her property, Englishmen did not speak of Americans as their fellow subjects, but as their colonists. The parliament looked only to America with a view to raising money. On the 10th of March, they laid heavy duties on articles imported by the colonists from the West Indies, and resolved upon imposing stamp duties ; and the March follow- ing, in 1765, they passed the stamp act. To this, all America rose up in opposition as one man. It had no advocate but the king's governours, their tools, and the officers appointed to receive and deal out the stamps ; and they were afraid to receive them, or were obliged to renounce their appointments.+
1765
Americans had submitted to the English navigation-act, they had evaded the imports, although they were considered · as mere entering wedges to open the way for more onerous bur- thens : they had submitted, saying perhaps, we cannot avoid paying these duties, unless we can afford, and choose, to buy the articles imported. They are not absolute necessaries of life, and if we - pay these external taxes to Great Britain, it is only paying much more for luxuries. But when they knew that Britain had passed the stamp act, (her house of commons with little opposition, and her house of lords unanimously,) when it was known that
* Penalties were recoverable in Admiralty Courts, where no juries were re- quired, and the judges dependant upon the king, as their profits were upon the forfeitures they themselves decreed. In addition, the duties were required to be paid in specie, to the depreciation of the paper money issued by the provinces to serve Great Britain. Does the present age furnish no parallel ?
t On the 9th of March, 1764, William Smith, the historian, writes to Gates, then in England, thus :- " Gay in the morning-dead in the evening." He speaks of the death of Chief Justice Morris, of New Jersey. " He came out to a rural dance, on Jannary 27th, 1764. He took out the parson's wife, opened the ball, danced down six conple, and fell dead on the floor, without a word, or a groan, or a sigh. Franklin," this was William. the son of Benjamin, "has put Charles Reade in his place upon the bench, and filled up Reade's with a babbling country surveyor .-- After Boone-after Morris, Reade !" Speaking of political affairs, the historian says, "The first error is on your side of the water," and then speaks of the recall of Governour Boone, of New Jersey ; and hints that the canse was his contest with " a prond, licentious assembly. We," he proceeds, "are a great garden -- constant cultivation will keep down the weeds-remember, they were planted by Liberty and Religion, near a hundred years ago-these are strong roots that will soon despise the gardener's utmost strength. When Great Britain loses the power to regulate these dependencies, I think 'tis clear she will have no other left." He then calls for governours and judges of spirit and abilities. The only inference is, of spirit and abilities to keep down what was planted by Liberty and Religion. This letter from the future chief justice under the king, for New York, and subse quently for Canada, written to Horatio Gates, is, at least, curious .- See MSS. Let- ters, in the Library of New York Historical Society.
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STAMP ACT.
the colonies were to pay for stamps, to render valid every legal proceeding, every bill of sale and receipt, every license for marriage, and every will of the dying,-such a tax there is no avoiding ; and internal taxation once begun, will be continued. Our property may be taken from us without our consent, and that is not only contrary to every principle of good government, but of natural justice, and violates at once and totally our rights as Eng- lish subjects ; who are never taxed but by their own consent given by their representatives. Now, as we cannot be represented in England, we are represented in our assemblies ; and when they im- pose taxes, either for our own affairs, or to comply with any re- quisition from England, it is our own grant ; but to be taxed at the will of an English parliament reduces us to positive slavery.
This act was passed in March, and as early as April it was hawked about the streets of our city, with this title, " The folly of England and the ruin of America."
But before the reader goes into the consequences of the stamp act in New York, he will recollect, what the state of the parties was in Great Britain, and the situation in which Mr. Pitt, who had under George Il, almost annihilated the power of France, was placed soon after the accession of George III.
The famous league, called " the family compact," was made in December, 1761. Pitt, whose success, like those of all great men whether civil or military, was in part, the result of good intelli- gence communicated by spies, knew of this league, and of the prepa- rations making by Spain to join France in the war with England, and declared that now was the time to humble the house of Bourbon. Lord Bute, knowing that the glory his rival derived, was from the successful war he waged with France, advocated a peace. The king's council was influenced accordingly, and when Mr. Pitt said, he would no longer remain in a situation which made him responsible for measures he was not allowed to guide, the pre- sident, Lord Grenville, replied, " I find the gentleman is deter- mined to leave us ; but if he be resolved to assume the right of advising his majesty, and directing the operations of the war, to what purpose are we called to this council ?"*
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