USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. IV 1896-1920 > Part 2
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6New York Tribune, June 16, 1896.
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A different account of the plank attributes great activity and influence in persuading the Mckinley leaders to the "gold" declaration to Herman H. Kohlsaat, proprietor of the Chicago Times-Herald. He was an ardent Mckinley supporter and also an ardent gold man. Before the convention he sought to convince Mckinley that use of the word gold was necessary, but the latter felt that the money question would drop out of sight and quoted the advice of men close to eastern finance that if he put gold in the platform he would not carry a State west of the Mississippi. Kohlsaat reached St. Louis on Friday, June 11, and conferred with Hanna, Myron T. Herrick, Governor Merriam of Minnesota, Henry C. Payne, and Redfield Proctor. Melville E. Stone was also present, not as a political manager but as a friend of Mckinley. Hanna declared he could not hold his western delegates for Mckinley if he came out for gold. After an all-day conference the others, who had stood with Hanna, but like Hanna were really wanting to be convinced, agreed to put in the word gold. Hanna fell in line and Mckinley by telephone accepted the decision. A draft was read to him by Stone and he suggested incorporating a promise to seek an international agreement. The draft as thus modified was, except in turn of phrase, that finally adopted. It was agreed to keep the arrangement secret to prevent the westerners from having time to organize opposition to McKinley. Kohlsaat went back to Chicago that night, reaching St. Louis again Monday morning. While he was in Hanna's room that morning Lodge entered and announced that he would insist on
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
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an out-and-out declaration for gold. Hanna roughly told him that he was not going to have anything to say about it. Lodge left in anger, and Kohlsaat expostu- lated with Hanna, saying that Lodge could make trouble and proposed to show him the plank. Hanna objected, saying that he could not trust to its being kept secret, but finally consented. Kohlsaat took the plank to Lodge, who said it was all right, but suggested that the word "unlimited" before "free coinage" in the first sentence be eliminated. This was afterward done. Lodge wanted a copy to show to one man, understood by Kohlsaat to be Platt. Kohlsaat after some objections gave him a copy under pledge of secrecy. The next day the plank appeared in the Boston and New York papers with the intimation that Lodge and Platt had forced its acceptance. After the settlement of the Friday before, Hanna had told Kohlsaat that he agreed with his financial views, but never could have organized the forces to nominate Mckinley if he had come out before. When the plank was published he was disturbed and angry, but the leak came too late to break his combina- tion. It did, however, serve as a basis for the Platt- Lodge claims.
Joseph B. Foraker, who was chairman of the plat- form committee, some years later in a long letter challenged a statement that Kohlsaat drafted the gold plank, saying that it was formulated in the sub-com- mittee, after the Teller silver propositions had been voted down on Tuesday, with the use of a draft pre- sented by Hanna and John K. Richards as a basis. But Kohlsaat did not profess to have drafted the plank, but
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claimed only to have brought the Mckinley managers into agreement on the explicit declaration for gold on the Friday before, and the fact that the plank with that declaration substantially as adopted was published in New York on Tuesday afternoon, while the sub-com- mittee was hearing Teller, tends to show that its char- acter was predetermined before the committee sat.7
In its final form the platform made the concession to the silver men, which the original draft had not included, of a promise to seek international bimetallism. On the other hand, it added the word "gold" to the phrase "existing standard," which Hanna had argued meant the same thing while being less disagreeable to the silver Republicans. McKinley and Hanna were both in favor of the gold standard, although in his earlier days, before the disastrous result of large silver purchases was seen, Mckinley had favored the widest possible use of silver. Neither of them foresaw that the silver issue would be made paramount by Bryan's nomination, but looked for a campaign on the tariff and were anxious to avoid gratuitous offense in the matter of phraseology to silver Republicans. Charles W. Hackett, chairman of the Republican State committee, in a letter designed to celebrate Platt's services to the gold standard, said: "I do not myself think the Ohio managers were sentimentally opposed to the word 'gold.' They simply did not want to magnify the money
7Platt, Autobiography, p. 320; Walter Wellman in The Review of Re- views, January, 1897, p. 41 et seq., and statement of H. H. Kohlsaat to the writer, May 17, 1919; statement of Melville E. Stone to the writer, October 28, 1919; letter of Joseph B. Foraker, Philadelphia Press, December 4, 1899.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1896
issue or offend what they believed to be a widespread southern and western opinion."8
Several of the New York districts were contested. William Brookfield, Anson G. McCook, C. H. T. Collis, and Robert J. Wright, Mckinley men, were seated despite Platt's opposition, and in the twelfth district of New York half-votes were given to C. N. Bliss and S. V. R. Cruger under a compromise with the Platt delegates, Howard Carroll and Thurlow Weed Barnes.9
The convention was organized with Charles W. Fairbanks as temporary and John M. Thurston as permanent chairman. A substitute financial plank offered by the silver men was rejected, 81812 to 1051/2, and the McKinley platform as modified to suit Lodge and Platt was adopted, 8121/2 to 10512. Mckinley was nominated on the first ballot, receiving 6611/2 votes to 841/2 for Reed, 611/2 for Quay, 58 for Morton, 351/2 for Allison, and 1 for J. Donald Cameron.1º The New York delegation split its vote, with the result of 55 for Morton and 17 for Mckinley. Outside of New York Morton had only three votes, 1 from Alabama and 2 from Florida.
Long before the Presidential vote was taken Morton's friends began to talk of him for Vice-Presi- dent. The Governor himself telegraphed his refusal of the second place, but the Platt men continued to talk of him, while their New York opponents carried on a vigorous campaign to keep Platt from getting the
8Platt, Autobiography, p. 326.
9New York Sun, June 15, 1896.
10Official Proceedings of the convention.
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prestige of the consolation prize. On June 17 Chair- man Hackett said that Morton, if defeated for President, would be nominated for Vice-President despite Miller, and Louis F. Payn said that Morton's friends had counted up 387 votes for him for Vice- President. Before the ballot was taken, however, it was clear that McKinley and Hanna had no intention of involving themselves in the New York factional fight, and Morton after a period of silence, during which his friends had been ignoring his earlier dispatches, repeated his declaration, and New York went unani- mously to the predestined Mckinley candidate, Garrett A. Hobart, who was nominated on the first ballot.11
The strength of the gold sentiment in New York made the Republican nomination for Governor equiva- lent to an election, and brought to the State convention at Saratoga on August 5 a round dozen of candidates, the chief of whom was George W. Aldridge of Rochester, the Superintendent of Public Works. Aldridge was an organization leader and as such had been so strongly attacked in the independent press that Platt, after encouraging him, withdrew his aid in deference to Hanna's view that the nomination would be unwise. A movement was started for Platt himself, which gained great headway. Timothy E. Ellsworth wrote a letter favoring Platt. Lauterbach and Quigg urged him to accept, and General Tracy telegraphed in the same spirit. On the 23d, James J. Belden called at Platt's room and told him he must be the candidate. Platt, who did not regard Belden as a friend, said
11New York Tribune and Sun, June 15-18, 1896.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1896
that he would consider the matter when his friends advised.12 Much to the dissatisfaction of Lauterbach, the tide was checked by Patrick W. Cullinan and a delegation from Oswego, which called on Platt and frankly told him that he ought not to be a candidate and subject the ticket to the burden of the attacks that would be made upon him as the party leader.13 Never- theless, late on the night of August 23 Platt said that he had promised his friends not to accept; "but what," he added, "can a man do when so many friends come and urge?"14 The next morning Wadsworth, who was himself in the field, said: "I consider that he is now a candidate and is certain of a nomination."15
When the convention assembled Warner Miller was excluded in favor of Titus Sheard, who hoped that Platt would give him second place on the ticket. The anti-Platt delegates from the Third Oneida district were thrown out in order to give Hackett a reelection to the State committee. Belden was unseated in Onon- daga, and one anti-Platt delegation from Westchester was excluded so as to drive Robertson from the State committee. Frank S. Black, the temporary chairman, a comparatively unknown man, gave the convention an unexpected oratorical treat. It was strongly, almost truculently partisan in its flavor, but full of epigrams and telling points. When the committee on credentials reported, Black denied Miller the floor on the technical
12New York Tribune and Sun, August 24, 1896.
13Platt, Autobiography, p. 329.
14New York Tribune, August 24, 1896.
15New York Tribune, August 25, 1896.
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1896]
ground that his name was not on the temporary roll. This narrow refusal to give a hearing to one of the most eminent Republicans startled even some of those who were prepared to vote against him. But the expressions of disapproval were stifled by Platt himself, who asked unanimous consent that Miller be allowed to state his case. Then the roller went over him.16
General Woodford was made permanent chairman. A platform was adopted indorsing Mckinley, com- mending Morton's administration, praising the Raines law, and favoring the Greater New York plan and the construction of good roads. The first ballot for Governor resulted: Aldridge, 224; Fish, 111; Roberts, 95; Saxton, 72; Black, 36; Wadsworth, 55; Archie E. Baxter, 59; John Palmer, 39; Edgar T. Brackett, 33; Fassett, 21; Ellsworth, 21. The second ballot gave five votes for Benjamin B. Odell, Jr., three for Clarence Lexow, one for Frank Hiscock, and showed only trifling changes in votes for the other candidates. An adjournment was taken till the next morning.
That night Frederick S. Gibbs, national committee- man from New York, said that Platt must name the candidate before the convention met again, or take the nomination himself. In the interval between sessions a conference of the Platt leaders was held, which finally settled on Odell as the candidate by a vote of 11 leaders for him and 5 for Black. But Louis F. Payu, who was managing Black's campaign, still continued his work. After a private talk with Payn, Platt remarked casually to some of the leaders that Black
16New York Tribune and Sun, August 26, 1896.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
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might be the strongest candidate, and a further confer- ence was held on the subject.17 When the third ballot was taken in the morning many delegates were evidently still in doubt whether the choice was to be Black or Odell, but it was clear that Aldridge's star had set, although his vote was larger than before. The ballot was : Aldridge, 242; Fish, 119; Roberts, 38; Saxton, 15; Black, 154; Wadsworth, 42; Baxter, 51; Fassett, 6; Ellsworth, 9; Odell, 82. By the next ballot, however, word was passed and Black was nominated, receiving 675 votes to 6 for Fish and 77 for Aldridge. Timothy L. Woodruff of Kings was nominated for Lieutenant- Governor, receiving 541 votes to 176 for Nevada N. Stranahan of Oswego and 41 for Titus Sheard. Irving G. Vann of Onondaga was unanimously nominated for Judge of the Court of Appeals.
The Democrats met at Saratoga on June 24 to choose delegates to the national convention called to meet in Chicago on July 7. McKinley's nomination on the gold platform and the withdrawal of some delegations from the silver States from the St. Louis convention made the turn of the Chicago convention to silver almost inevitable. Cleveland had waged a losing fight against silver inflation in his own party. He had put through the repeal of the Silver Purchase act only with Republican aid, and at the end of his administration he met defection even in his cabinet, Hoke Smith, the Sec- retary of the Interior, becoming a convert to silver.
17New York Sun and Tribune, August 26, 27, 1897; conversation of Mr. Odell with the writer, June 25, 1917.
1896]
THE FIGHT AGAINST SILVER
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Still, on the eve of the convention the President declared: "I refuse to believe that when the time arrives for deliberate action there will be engrafted upon our Democratic creed a demand for the free, unlimited coinage of silver."18 The New Yorkers still avowed their devotion to honest money. Mayor John Boyd Thacher of Albany, the temporary chairman, quoted to the delighted delegates Platt's attacks upon McKinley and derided Republican loyalty to sound money. He faced difficulty over the silver question, but urged that it was the duty of the Democracy to speak clearly on the subject and told the delegates that they must go to Chicago in a spirit to persuade their erring silver brethren. The platform favored bimetallism, arguing that free coinage would debase the currency to a silver standard and make free bimetallism impossible. The convention opposed as a permanent financial policy gold monometallism on the one hand and silver mono- metallism on the other. But it declared for the mainte- nance of the gold standard until international bimetal- lism could be secured. David B. Hill, Edward Murphy, Jr., Roswell P. Flower, and Frederic R. Coudert were chosen delegates-at-large. Murphy was in ill-health, and the alternate chosen as his substitute was Jacob A. Cantor. The Shepard faction from Brooklyn and the Gleason delegates from Queens were excluded.19
At Chicago the New Yorkers found themselves in a hopeless minority. William C. Whitney gave up a trip to Europe and directed their forces in an effort
18New York Times, June 18, 1896.
19New York Times, June 25, 1896.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
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to stem 1 the tide.20 The national committee put forward Hill for temporary chairman, but the silver minority of the committee named Senator John W. Daniel of Virginia and carried the convention for him. Hill took a leading part in the fight against a silver platform and, when beaten in the committee, carried the question to the floor of the convention, where the minority financial report was voted down, 626 to 303, and a minority resolution asking a Demo- cratic convention to indorse the administration of President Cleveland, the only Democratic President in a generation, was defeated, 564 to 357. Hill offered two more amendments to the platform, one making payment under existing contracts conform to the gold standard, and the other setting a limit of one year for free coinage at 16 to 1 in case other nations did not in the meantime adopt it. These were voted down without division and the platform was adopted, 628 to 301.21
The New York delegation, together with 106 dele- gates from other States, thereafter took no part in the deliberations of the convention, although they retained their seats, and a few of these delegates from other States voted on some of the ballots. For several ballots Richard P. Bland of Missouri, a veteran advocate of silver, led the thirteen candidates, but he was out- stripped by a dark horse, William J. Bryan, who came to the convention as a contesting delegate and was seated only after the committee on credentials had thrown out the gold delegation from Nebraska. He
20New York Times, June 17, 1896.
21Official Proceedings of the convention.
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had thrilled the body by a burst of oratory containing the famous "crown of thorns" and "cross of gold" figure. Bryan was nominated for President on the fifth ballot. Arthur Sewall of Maine was nominated for Vice-President on the fifth ballot.
The New York Democrats faced a distressing dilemma. Many of their leaders had sincere convic- tions against the silver standard. More of them had a keen sense of the hopelessness of a silver campaign in New York. But their stock in trade had been party regularity. Hill and Tammany, by appeals for party loyalty, had forced reluctant Democrats to support them against popular sentiment. Now they must stand by the regular candidates and platform. It was more than a matter of consistency. A bolt would surrender the regular party machinery into other hands, and with- out that their occupation was gone. And if, though defeated in New York, Bryan won the Presidency, they as bolters would be in a hopeless case. So with per- fectly frank cynicism, at Buffalo on September 17 they took back everything they had said at Saratoga in June. Thomas F. Grady was put forward to voice Tammany's conversion, and H. B. Rockwell followed him as permanent chairman. The convention unre- servedly indorsed Bryan and the Chicago platform and declared "as its deliberate judgment that never in the history of the Democratic party has a platform been written which embodied more completely the interest of the whole people, as distinguished from those who seek legislation for private benefit, than that given to the country by the national Democratic convention of
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1896." A convention that could make that somer- sault not unnaturally thought consistency a negligible virtue in its candidates, so it responded favorably to the aspirations of John Boyd Thacher, who had sounded the keynote for gold in the June convention. William Sulzer, whose financial opinions were not embarrassing, and who was sympathetic with the new radicalism of the party, sought the nomination, but Tammany would have none of him. Thacher received 332 votes to 88 for Sulzer and 20 for Wilbur F. Porter of Jefferson, who afterward was nominated for Lieutenant- Governor. Robert C. Titus of Erie was nominated for Judge of the Court of Appeals.22
Thacher on September 19 issued a letter declaring his adhesion to the gold standard, explaining that he had been isolated at his country home and had not known of the convention's silver platform at the time of his nomination. Nevertheless, he showed a willing- ness to run and make the fight on other issues, if the party should be satisfied.23 The party, however, was not satisfied. Three days later Grady brought forward a resolution in the State committee asking him to with- draw.24 Hill prevented its passage, but it served its purpose, as Thacher then declined to run. Porter was promoted to the first place on the ticket and Frederick S. Schraub of Lewis was substituted for Lieutenant- Governor. 25
The Gold Democrats, under the leadership of
22New York Times, September 17, 18, 1896.
23New York Times, September 20, 1896.
24New York Tribune, September 23, 24, 1896.
25New York Tribune, September 29, 1896.
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Charles S. Fairchild, Edward M. Shepard, Oswald Ottendorfer, Francis M. Scott, Charles Tracey of Albany, ex-Mayor Bishop of Buffalo, and Charles J. Bissell of Rochester, held a convention at Syracuse on August 31 and sent delegates to the National Demo- cratic convention which met at Indianapolis on September 2, with Roswell P. Flower as temporary chairman, and nominated General John M. Palmer of Illinois and General Simon B. Buckner of Kentucky for President and Vice-President.26 The second State convention of the Gold Democrats, held in Brooklyn on September 24, nominated Daniel G. Griffin of Jefferson for Governor, F. W. Hinrichs of Kings for Lieutenant- Governor, and Spencer Clinton of Erie for Judge of the Court of Appeals.27
As Bryan's nomination had alienated gold Demo- crats, so McKinley's nomination drove off Republicans from the silver States, who held a convention at St. Louis on July 22 and indorsed Bryan. The Populists at the same time and place also indorsed Bryan, but nominated Thomas E. Watson of Georgia for Vice- President. The Socialist Labor party held a convention in New York on July 6 and nominated Charles H. Matchett of New York for President and Matthew Maguire of New Jersey for Vice-President. On May 27 the Prohibitionists met in Pittsburgh and nominated Joshua Levering of Maryland and Hale Johnson of Illinois, on a straight prohibition platform, while a large minority under the leadership of John P. St. John
26 Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1896, p. 769.
27New York Tribune, September 25, 1896.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
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withdrew to another hall after the planks favoring free coinage, an income tax, and government control of railroads and telegraphs had been rejected. This faction organized as the National party and nominated Charles E. Bentley of Nebraska and James H. South- gate of North Carolina.28
Both the leading political parties thus entered the campaign with large bodies of their former adherents seeking new alliances. McKinley, who had started out with the idea that the tariff would be the leading issue, soon found himself the champion of the gold standard. Before the Chicago convention the Gold Democrats had made much of Republican reluctance to offend the silver States. The New York Evening Post, facing the prospect of McKinley's nomination and election, declared that it would be to foreign investors "proof positive that we mean to go down into the pit and reach rationality and sound finance through a panic."29 But with Bryan going about calling the east "the enemy's country," the Gold Democrats soon gave up all pretense that the Palmer and Buckner ticket was intended to be anything but an aid to Mckinley by offering a refuge for those who could not be brought to vote a Republican ticket. Great numbers of Democrats openly supported Mckinley. W. Bourke Cockran made the most notable speech of the campaign in New York to an audience that packed Madison Square Garden and listened intently, even in the farthest gallery, to a remarkably clear and eloquent exposition
28 Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1896, p. 759.
29 New York Evening Post, May 11, 1896.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TRACY
Benjamin Franklin Tracy; born Owego, Tioga county, N. Y. April 26, 1830; admitted to the bar, May 1, 1857; district at- torney of Tioga county, 1853-1859; one of the founders of the republican party in New York; member of assembly 1861-1862; in July and August 1862 raised the 109th and 137th New York volunteers and made colonel of 109th New York; brigadier general, 1865; United States attorney for eastern district of New York, 1866-1873; judge of the court of appeals, New York, 1881-1882; secretary of the navy under President Harri- son, 1889-1893; president of the New York charter commission of Greater New York; defeated for mayor of Greater New York, 1907; died New York City, August 6, 1915.
ARCHIE EASTON BAXTER
Archie Easton Baxter, clerk of assembly; born in Port Glas- gow, Scotland, December 16, 1844; educated in public schools of New York City, Corning academy, Albany law school, graduat- ing 1879; enlisted Co. E, 141st regiment N. Y. Vol's; afterward adjutant and lieut. col. of 106th reg. national guard, state of New York; county clerk Steuben county, 1875-1878; admitted to the bar, 1879 practicing Elmira, N. Y .; republican candidate for congress, 1882; county clerk Chemung county, 1883; U. S. marshal, northern district New York, 1889-1893; delegate na- tional republican convention, 1896; clerk state assembly, 1895- 1907.
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of the commonly dull questions of finance. In the same spot Tammany gave Bryan a noisy welcome, but his reception in New York was disappointing to his fol- lowers, who had hoped that his appeals to radicalism and class jealousies could arouse the eastern wage- earners. On the eve of the election, business men of all parties rallied for a gigantic "sound money parade," which was one of the most impressive demonstrations of popular sentiment ever seen in the city.
The Republicans swept the country, giving Mckinley 271 Electoral votes to 176 tor Bryan. The popular vote was: McKinley, 7,035,638; Bryan, 6,467,946; Palmer, 131,529; Levering, 141,676. Mc- Kinley carried New York by 268,325 plurality. The vote was: Mckinley, 819,838; Bryan, 551,513; Palmer, 18,972; Levering, 16,075; Matchett, 17,731. The Republicans carried their State ticket by over 200,000 plurality. Black received 787,576, Porter 574,524, Griffin 26,698, William W. Smith (Prohibi-
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