USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. IV 1896-1920 > Part 3
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Howard Balkam (Socialist Labor) tion ) 17,449, 18,362. The Republicans elected 29 of the 34 Con- gressmen, the five Democrats all being from New York City. Of the Assemblymen 114 were Repub- licans, while only 35 Democrats and 1 Independent Republican were chosen. A constitutional amendment providing for the exchange of lands in the Forest Pre- serve between the State and private owners and for leases of cottage sites was defeated by a vote of 710,505 to 321,486.
CHAPTER II VAN WYCK ELECTED MAYOR OF GREATER NEW YORK
1897
T HE great Republican sweep opened the way for Platt's return to the Senate, from which he had resigned in 1881. He completely dominated the organization, had an overwhelming majority in the new Assembly, over which he made James M. E. O'Grady, of Monroe, Speaker, and controlled the hold- over Senate, with Ellsworth as its leader. The incoming administration was not disposed to court trouble by aiding the men who raised the Mckinley standard in New York in any fight upon Platt. The anti-Platt Republicans put Joseph H. Choate in the field for Senator. He ran without any idea of being elected, to give the independent sentiment a chance for expression. Platt says that he was forced into the Senate by Morton, Black, and others, and suggests that he might not have opposed Choate except that his candidacy was made a vehicle of assault on himself.1 But Platt's candidacy had long been foreshadowed, and the idea of his organization of its own accord turning to Choate had
1Platt, Autobiography, p. 335.
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never been even hinted at by its managers and was scarcely thinkable.
An enthusiastic meeting of Republicans in Brooklyn, led by the Rev. Dr. Richard S. Storrs, declared for Choate, and resolutions indorsing him were passed by the Union League Club of New York, though a minority afterward issued an address protesting against the injection of what they considered factional politics into the club.2 When the Republican caucus met on January 14, Senator George W. Brush of Brooklyn presented Choate's name and Assemblyman William Cary Sanger of Oneida seconded it. At Platt's request his friends made no speeches, but were content to vote in silence. Platt was nominated, 142 to 7, the men who stood out against the organization being Senators Brush, Pavey, and Tibbits, and Assemblymen Sanger, Bates of Tompkins, Laimbeer of New York, and Robbins of Allegany.3
At the Democratic caucus on January 18 David B. Hill received 36 votes for the minority nomination. Wilbur F. Porter of Watertown had 3 and Robert C. Titus of Buffalo 2, while three Senators and two Assemblymen withdrew from the caucus on account of Hill's opposition to the Chicago platform.4 Titus's support came from the followers of Norman E. Mack, who was carrying on a contest for the organization leadership in Erie county against Hill's friend Sheehan. The next day in the two houses Platt
2New York Tribune, January 12, 1897.
3New York Tribune, January 15, 1897.
4New York Tribune, January 19, 1897.
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[1897
received 147 to 42 for Hill and 4 for Henry George, cast by the Democrats who had refused to enter the caucus. They were Senators Coffey of Brooklyn and Guy of New York, and Assemblymen Cain and Zurn of Brooklyn. Senator McNulty of Brooklyn was absent when the vote was taken, but announced that if present he would have voted for Andrew McLean, the editor of the Brooklyn Citizen.5
Platt's election to the Senate made difficult any recognition of his enemies who had led the fight for Mckinley in New York. Whitelaw Reid, as the most distinguished of this group, was proposed for Secretary of State, and, after the selection of John Sherman was determined upon, for some other cabinet office or for Ambassador to England. Mckinley, early in his campaign for the nomination, had suggested to Reid that he be again the candidate for Vice-President, an invitation that was declined, but the President-elect hesitated to begin his term by emphasizing factional differences in the Empire State. Accordingly a state- ment was given out at Canton expressing regret that Reid's health would not permit him to join the administration6 and, instead, Cornelius N. Bliss was selected as the New York representative in the cabinet. He at first declined, but finally accepted the Interior portfolio.7 Platt had been favorable to the claims of Stewart L. Woodford, but he waived his opposition to Bliss, who from that time ceased to antagonize Platt and
5New York Tribune, January 19 and 20, 1897.
6New York Tribune, February 27, 1897.
7New York Tribune, March 4, 1897.
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1897]
used all his influence to heal factional strife and secure for McKinley's administration united party support. The London embassy was offered to Depew and accepted. But Mckinley suddenly grew cold toward him, as the result, he subsequently learned, of an intrigue in the interest of a candidate for a minor foreign mission.8 Too many New Yorkers were in the field. So, to remove one, remarks of Depew were misquoted to give an impression of disloyalty and bad taste. McKinley, who believed the reports, was naturally incensed and, turning from New York, appointed his friend John Hay, who had been an advocate of Reid.9 Later, when the President learned of the deception practiced upon him with regard to Depew's remarks, he made amends by offering the Berlin embassy, but it was declined. Andrew D. White went to Berlin, General Horace Porter to Paris, and General Woodford to Madrid. The minor Federal appointments in New York for the most part went to Platt's friends, and throughout McKinley's administra- tion harmony prevailed between the administration and the Platt organization.
Governor Black began his administration in a spirit of assertive partisanship. In his inaugural address, which displayed his habitual command of interesting and forcible words, he took a defiant attitude toward what he called "intolerant clamor."10 He gave the impression that he would be a strong Governor, and he
8Statement of Mr. Depew to the writer, June 15, 1917.
9William Roscoe Thayer, Life of John Hay, II, p. 155.
10New York Tribune, January 2, 1897.
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[1897
proved to be strong in the sense of being firm in the pursuit of his clear, thoughtful, but somewhat narrow policies and in loyalty to his own friends. He antago- nized the independent sentiment of the State by nomi- nating his political patron, Louis F. Payn, to be Superintendent of Insurance. Payn was attacked as a lobbyist and a bitter fight was made against his confir- mation, but without avail, though nine Republican Senators, Brush, G. A. Davis, Higgins, Humphrey, Mullin, Pavey, Tibbits, White, and Wray joined eleven Democrats in voting against him.11
In his message the Governor made an attack upon the merit system as administered, declaring, "Civil service will work better with less starch," and in line with his wishes the Legislature proceeded to take out the starch by an act giving the appointing officer equal powers with the Civil Service commission in the preparation of the lists. The Constitution calls for examinations to determine "merit and fitness." The Governor, treating "merit" and "fitness" as different things, gave the commission power to examine for merit and then let the appointing officer make the rating for fitness, which was to have equal weight with the rating for merit. Thus any candidate who had passed the "merit"' examination at all, could be rated by the appointing officer so as to be reached or disqualified for appointment, as he wished.12 A charter for the new Greater New York was put through, despite many local outcries, and signed by the Governor. He also
11New York Tribune, February 3, 1897.
12Lincoln, Messages from the Governors, IX, pp. 749, 756.
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1897]
approved a measure extending to primaries the protec- tion against fraud and bribery already applying to elections. He refused to sign a bill imposing a graduated inheritance tax, taking the ground that the graduation of the tax rate according to the wealth of the taxpayer violated fundamental principles of democratic equality. The Governor determined to push the State Capitol to completion, and the Legislature, superseding the Capitol commission, ordered the work to be done by contract by February 1, 1898, under the direction of the Superintendent of Public Works.13
The only State officer to be chosen at the fall election was a Chief-Judge of the Court of Appeals to succeed Charles Andrews. Both of the leading parties nomi- nated through their State committees. The Democratic committee on September 15 pointedly ignored the Chicago platform and nominated Alton B. Parker of Ulster.14 He had been Surrogate of his county, manager of Hill's first campaign for Governor, and afterward a Justice of the Supreme Court and a member of the Second division of the Court of Appeals. The Republican committee met in New York on September 18, issued an address in favor of the gold standard, and nominated United States Circuit Judge William J. Wallace of Albany.15
Interest in the first municipal campaign for the control of Greater New York overshadowed the State
13Notes on the items in annual message of 1897, Lincoln, Messages from the Governors, IX, p. 745 et seq.
14New York Tribune, September 16, 1897.
15New York Tribune, September 19, 1897.
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[1897
election. Early in the summer independent citizens organized to perpetuate the reforms accomplished in New York under Mayor Strong and in Brooklyn under Mayors Schieren and Wurster, and to keep the enlarged city from falling into the hands of Tammany Hall, over which, just before election, Richard Croker, after a period of retirement abroad, took back the leadership from John C. Sheehan. The predominant sentiment among the independents favored Seth Low, former Mayor of Brooklyn and then president of Columbia University. The more radical reformers, urged on by the New York Times,16 manifested a difficult attitude toward cooperation with the Republican organization, which had to be relied on for the bulk of the votes to defeat Tammany. The Tribune, while favoring Low, sought to bring the Republican organization to him instead of driving it away. The Sun became the most extreme advocate of the Platt partisan policy. A great many organization Republicans were convinced that municipal non-partisanship was bad both for the city and the party, and that in the long run a straight ticket, even if unsuccessful, would best serve the public wel- fare by building up a strong party in New York City. But the Republicans in frequent platform utterances and in remodeling the Constitution, had encouraged the non-partisanship theory of city administration; so the organization had no consistent basis of party principle to stand on. The greater part of the inde- pendents probably stood ready to seek fusion with the
16See Times of August 8, 15, and 26, opposing conference with the Repub- licans or any delay to secure their support.
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1897]
Republicans on Low. But the attitude of Platt, Lauterbach, and Quigg, his successor as county chairman, in opposition to "any more non-partisan enterprises," led the independents, who had formed the Citizens' Union, to believe that the Republicans would not name Low but would try to force the Citizens' Union to accept somebody else if action by the Repub- lican convention was awaited.17 So, despite the pleas of Republican newspapers and individuals that they give still further opportunity to bring the Republican organization into line, the Citizens' Union on Septem- ber 1 nominated Low for Mayor and later Charles S. Fairchild, ex-Secretary of the Treasury, for Comptroller.18
Fully half of the Republicans in the city favored the nomination of the same ticket, and Jacob Worth made a fight for it in Kings county19 despite the fact that Platt had threatened to overthrow him for advocating Low even in the preliminary stages of the discussion. Platt's previous experience with fusion tickets had convinced him that a Republican Mayor elected on a fusion ticket was not a particularly valuable party asset. Platt and his friends, who dominated the organization, took the position that the party had been insulted by the action of the Citizens' Union in anticipating its nomina- tion. They also professed to see an issue of sound money and support of the Mckinley administration in a straight party campaign, although at the same time in
17New York Tribune, September 1 and November 13, 1897.
18New York Times, September 2 and October 5, 1897.
19New York Tribune, November 13, 1897; New York Times, August 8, 1897.
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[1897
Syracuse the Republican organization under the leader- ship of Francis Hendricks indorsed for Mayor a candidate put up in advance by a Citizens' Union on a platform of municipal non-partisanship,2º and in Utica State Chairman Hackett carried the Republicans to the support for Mayor of a Democrat first nominated by petition on a non-partisan platform. Low was urged not to accept the Citizens' Union nomination until after the Republican convention, but he held that to yield to any such plea of expediency would be to deny the right of independent action in municipal elections. He would have preferred that the Citizens' Union wait, but when it had acted he could not take the position that the exclusive or paramount privilege of nominating for municipal offices belonged to the national parties.21
Notwithstanding the efforts of many Republicans to bring about fusion, and the certainty that a separate nomination would mean giving over to Tammany the greater city which the Republicans had created, Platt persisted in making a partisan campaign. The New York Herald on October 7 quoted him as saying : "I would rather see the Tammany ticket elected than to have Seth Low chosen as Mayor." This only echoed the declaration by Lauterbach as early as April 15 for a partisan ticket, even if it were to be defeated, and his statement : "Better have as Mayor a true Demo- crat, even a Tammany man, than a man responsible to no party."22 On September 28 the Republican city
20New York Tribune, October 13 and 19, 1897.
21Conversation of Mr. Low with the writer, November, 1897.
22New York Tribune, November 13, 1897.
1897]
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VAN WYCK ELECTED MAYOR
convention nominated General Benjamin F. Tracy for Mayor and Ashbel P. Fitch for Comptroller.23 Tracy accepted the nomination with great reluctance, hoping that he might be the means of effecting an anti- Tammany combination on some third candidate. But the Citizens' Union would not consent to any compro- mise based on proscription of Low. The Democrats nominated Robert A. Van Wyck, a Judge of the City Court, for Mayor, and Bird S. Coler, a young banker, for Comptroller.24 On October 1 a body of anti- Tammany Democrats, who could not bring themselves to support Low, organized as the Jeffersonian Demo- cracy and nominated Henry George for Mayor and Charles W. Dayton, who had been postmaster of New York, for Comptroller. 25 A few days before the elec- tion Henry George died suddenly, and his place on the Jeffersonian ticket was taken by his son, Henry George, Jr.
A campaign of extreme bitterness followed. The Republican organization especially attacked Low and made a strong plea for party regularity and support of the national administration. Tammany, largely ignor- ing Tracy, turned its chief attention to Low. The supporters of Low on the other hand sought to persuade Republicans that no party issue was at stake and that the Republican organization's opposition to Low was entirely selfish. Low's popularity in Brooklyn and the lack of effective organization in Manhattan cost the
23New York Times, September 29, 1897.
24New York Tribune, October 2, 1897.
25New York Times, October 2, 1897.
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-1897
Republicans a substantial part of their regular vote. In many districts the Republican vote fell far below even the party enrollment. Van Wyck was elected Mayor of Greater New York by over 80,000 plurality, though he lacked 30,000 of a majority of the total vote. The vote was: Van Wyck, 233,997; Low, 151,540; Tracy, 101,863; George, 21,693 ; Lucien Sanial (Social- ist Labor), 14,467; William T. Wardwell (Prohibi- tion), 1,359; Alfred B. Cruikshank (United Democ- racy), 615; Patrick J. Gleason (Independent), 1,023. The Republican State and legislative ticket suffered from the wreck of the New York organization. The chief losses were in New York City, but disapproval of Platt's methods by Independent Republicans through- out the State was reflected in the falling off of the Republican vote in almost every section. Parker was elected Chief-Judge by more than 60,000 plurality, the vote being: Parker, 554,680; Wallace, 493,791; Theo- dore F. Cuno (Socialist Labor), 20,854; Francis E. Baldwin (Prohibition), 19,653. The Republicans maintained control of the Legislature, but their majority was greatly reduced. The Assembly stood : Republicans, 78; Democrats, 69; Independent Repub- licans, 2; National Democrat, 1. James M. E. O'Grady was reëlected Speaker.
CHAPTER III BLACK ABANDONED FOR ROOSEVELT
1898
T HE showing of independent strength finally impressed Platt. In his Autobiography he says that the Choate movement against him in the Senatorial contest of 1897 set him thinking of the fate of Folger, and he determined to conciliate public senti- ment.1 He did not do it in the Mayoralty fight, and the result gave him still more reason for appre- hension.
Nevertheless, his bitterness toward his newspaper critics was so great that he determined to restrict the press by a law subjecting it to prosecution-not for libel or specific offense against decency or order, already provided for, but on general principles, and prescrib- ing penalties for any paper "which corrupts, depraves, degrades, or injures, or has a tendency to corrupt, deprave, degrade, or injure the minds or morals of the public." In addition it gave private complainants official standing in prosecutions and made actual sup- pression of newspapers possible. This extraordinary measure, introduced by Ellsworth, was favored by
1Platt, Autobiography, p. 367.
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[1898
Croker, and despite the protests of even the country newspapers, generally supporters of Platt, and the opposition of Governor Black, its passage was con- fidently predicted. David B. Hill, seeing the chance to riddle both Platt and Croker, published a scathing attack upon the measure as unconstitutional and calculated only to serve the ends of politicians. A few days later Ellsworth announced that the "responsibil- ity" in obedience to which he had introduced the bill had determined to drop it.2
The proof that Platt had followed a course in New York City that a large number of the Republican voters disapproved, aroused demands for more representative party machinery. Many New York district organiza- tions were in need of entire reconstruction, according to the party constitution, because the party vote fell below the enrollment.3 A body led by General Wager Swayne and Charles C. Beaman undertook to secure a reformed Primary law. Through the instrumentality of Elihu Root their demands and the concessions that Platt was willing to make were compromised, and the Legislature, which was still completely under Platt's control, with O'Grady in the Speaker's chair and Ellsworth leading the Senate, passed a Primary law that provided for official enrollment in the larger cities at the time of registration of all persons who expressed agreement with the principles of a party and an intention to act generally with it. The act intended that alignment at State and national elections should be the
2New York Times, March 7 and 9, 1898; Tribune, March 18, 1898.
3New York Tribune, December 4, 7, 8, 20, 22, 1897.
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1898]
test of party regularity, thus permitting independent action at municipal elections.ª The Legislature author- ized a commission to investigate the canal improve- ment. The cost had been originally estimated at $9,000,000. Eight millions had been expended, but the work was not nearly done. On July 30 the commission reported that $1,000,000 had been improperly spent and another $1,500,000 had been used for making ordinary repairs properly to be charged to maintenance. The total cost of the improvement as planned would be $21,000,000. Ex-Judge Edwin Countryman was then appointed to consider criminal proceedings. He recom- mended action against State Engineer Adams and Superintendent of Public Works Aldridge, not on any allegation of personal corruption but as responsible for the mismanagement, and on December 2 the latter, at his own request, was suspended by the Governor pend- ing further proceedings.5
An extra session of the Legislature was called for July 11 to meet the State's problems growing out of the war with Spain. Appropriations of $1,000,000 were made for the expenses of the New York troops in the war, and a law was passed enabling soldiers to vote. The first call of the Federal authorities was for National Guardsmen. Governor Black was opposed to thus disorganizing the Guard regiments, which might be needed at home, and putting special pressure on their
4Conversations of General Swayne and Mr. Beaman with the writer, March 24, 1898; New York Tribune, March 5, 1898; New York Times, March 24, 1898.
5New York Times, December 1, 2, and 3, 1898.
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[1898
members to enlist when their obligation was no greater than that of others. A second call opened the doors to other volunteers. The State sent over 20,000 men to the war. The Governor also asked the extra session to provide safeguards against election frauds, and as a result a bill was passed for absolute bipartisanship in election boards, and the office of State Superintendent of Elections was established with power to prevent election frauds in the metropolitan district with the aid of a force equally divided between the two major parties.6 The Governor appointed to this place John McCullagh, who had been chief of the New York City police force when Theodore Roosevelt was president of the Police board under Mayor Strong and who had been removed early in Mayor Van Wyck's administration. This legislation awakened much criticism, but, however partisan its purpose, it resulted in a great diminution of fraudulent voting.
Profiting by the lesson that he was learning from the independents, Platt began to look about for a popular candidate to succeed Black. He had no personal objection to Black. The Governor had been faithful to him, and his occasional manifestations of independence had resulted from difference of opinion rather than from difference of aim between Black and the organization. But the Governor had served the organization too faithfully to be of further service to it. His unconcealed contempt for reformers, which some attributed to cynicism and others to hatred of cant, frightened even those whom it most pleased. "Black,"
6Lincoln, Messages from the Governors, IX, p. 885.
FRANK SWETT BLACK
Frank Swett Black, 35th governor (1897-1898) ; born at Limington, Me., March 8, 1853; graduated from Dartmouth, 1875; editor Johnstown, N. Y., Journal for a short time and read law; later reporter for the Troy Whig; admitted to the bar in 1879; in practice at Troy until 1898 and after that in New York City; member of the 54th congress (1895-1897) ; governor of New York, 1897-1898; died, March 21, 1913.
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1898]
says Platt, "offering no apologies for running a simon- pure party regime, planned a renomination and secretly nursed a hope that he would land the Presi- dency." But "'starchless' civil service, which put practically every Democratic office-holder out and installed a Republican organization man in his job, the appointment of Louis F. Payn as Superintendent of Insurance, and other ultra-partisan acts of the Black administration, while they popularized it with the organization workers aroused rebellion among the independents."7 As early as April, Platt in an inter- view let fall the hint that Black's renomination was not certain and suggested that some hero might emerge from the Spanish War to take the Governorship. He mentioned Theodore Roosevelt, Francis Vinton Greene, and Frederick D. Grant as men who might achieve a reputation that would be a political asset.8 It was Roosevelt who came back with the political asset.
From his early days in the Assembly, his name had been associated with the idea of clean politics. Under Mayor Strong he had worked to reform the police. As Assistant-Secretary of the Navy he had been foremost in preparing for the war. His organization of the Rough Riders touched popular imagination, and his disregard of red tape in seeking to protect the health of his troops chimed in with the then acute dissatisfaction with the conduct of the War department in meeting the emergency. All through the summer Odell, who succeeded Hackett as State chairman, kept urging upon
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