USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. IV 1896-1920 > Part 5
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No State officers were elected in 1899. The Republicans again carried the Legislature, though Assemblyman Mazet was defeated. Four constitu- tional amendments were adopted, one giving to the Municipal Assembly of New York City the powers of
13Theron G. Strong, Joseph H. Choate, p. 81.
14Statement of Mr. Odell to the writer, June 25, 1917; Platt, Autobiog- raphy, p. 405.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1899-1900
the Boards of Supervisors of the metropolitan counties, one regulating the bonded indebtedness of the city, and two others providing for additional Justices in the Appellate division and allowing the Governor to designate Supreme Court Justices to the Court of Appeals.
The Legislature of 1900 consisted of 27 Republican and 23 Democratic Senators, and 93 Republican, 56 Democratic, and one Independent-Democratic Assem- blymen. Nixon was elected Speaker for the second time. The Governor again came in conflict with many of the organization leaders by his refusal to reappoint Louis F. Payn Superintendent of Insurance. He was perfectly willing, however, to name a man agreeable to the organization, who should meet his requirements as to character and ability. Platt was not disposed to carry his friendship for Payn to extremes and agreed to the selection of Francis Hendricks.15 In fact, Platt and Odell, even when they most disagreed with the Governor, avoided any attempt at dictation, sometimes to Roosevelt's surprise. Once he impetuously declared to the State chairman that he would like to make a cer- tain appointment, and received the reply: "If you want to, why don't you? You're the Governor."
On the other hand, Roosevelt took a conciliatory atti- tude toward Platt in relation to Ramapo water legisla- tion.16 In August, 1899, public opinion in New York City was agitated by the discovery of a plan of the Van Wyck administration to make a forty-year contract with
15Platt, Autobiography, p. 375.
16New York Tribune, March 15 to 23, and April 17, 1900.
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1900]
THE "SHELVING" OF ROOSEVELT
the Ramapo Water Company for two hundred million gallons a day at $70 a million gallons. The execution of the contract was defeated chiefly by the opposition of the New York World and of Comptroller Coler.17 The Ramapo company was a private corporation in which both Republican and Democratic politicians were interested. It enjoyed extensive rights to condemn watersheds and sell the water to municipalities. On pretense of legislation to limit and define its rights, its powers had been greatly broadened in the administra- tion of Governor Morton. New York City itself did not possess as broad powers to take water as had been conferred upon this company. It seemed, indeed, as if the city was so hemmed in that it might in order to get needed water be forced to buy of the company a supply that the law did not permit it to develop for itself. The discovery of this situation and the indignation over the narrowly escaped contract, which would have levied $5,000,000 a year on the city treasury, provoked demands for protective legislation. Three bills were brought before the Legislature-the Demarest bill to repeal the exclusive grants to the Ramapo company, the Morgan bill giving the city rights to acquire water not in actual use by other communities, and the Fallows bill requiring separate consent of the Board of Public Improvements, the Board of Estimate, and the Mayor and Comptroller to any water contract. Popular opinion favored the second bill, which had been introduced by Assemblyman John Hill Morgan at the request of the Merchants' Association of New York; but rural
17John L. Heaton, The Story of a Page, p. 167.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1900
legislators were rallied against it though it merely made the city independent of the Ramapo company and gave it practically no more powers than the company already enjoyed in the country districts. The Fallows bill was finally passed and became a law over the veto of Mayor Van Wyck.18
Roosevelt aspired to a second term in the Governor's chair, but the organization did not view the prospect with enthusiasm. He freely consulted Platt and worked with the organization, but instead of obeying orders he forced the leaders to compromise with his views. To avoid an open fight upon him, which would have split the party, Platt, ably assisted by Louis F. Payn, started a movement to make Roosevelt Vice- President. Afterward Platt explained that he felt the need of a "strong personality" on the national ticket to carry it through,19 but his assertion at the same time : "There was not a ripple of opposition to the renomina- tion of President Mckinley. His election was assured from the start," scarcely confirms that account of his motive. Roosevelt vehemently resisted being shelved, to such purpose that when the Republican State convention was held in New York on April 17, both Nathaniel A. Elsberg, the temporary and James S. Sherman, the permanent chairman, declared New York would not give Roosevelt for the Vice-Presidency but demanded his services for a second term at Albany. Platt, Depew, Odell, and Roosevelt were elected dele-
18New York Tribune, April 4 and 7, 1900.
19Platt, Autobiography, pp. 383, 399.
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THE "SHELVING" OF ROOSEVELT
1900]
gates to the national convention in Philadelphia on June 19.20 Platt did not abandon his plan. The Roosevelt talk was kept up and greatly fostered in the west, while Roosevelt continued to decline. Hanna, representing Mckinley, whose unanimous renomina- tion was unquestioned, was opposed to Roosevelt. After Bliss had been proposed and been attacked by Platt,21 and had withdrawn, Hanna turned to J. P. Dolliver of Iowa. Quay joined with Platt and ostentatiously offered the Pennsylvania delegation to Roosevelt.
On the eve of the nomination a meeting of the New York delegation was held. Just previously Roosevelt appealed to Platt to desist, and was frankly told that he would not be renominated for Governor. Platt finally induced him to promise that he would not absolutely refuse to run. In the meeting Roosevelt and his friends continued to resist the pressure, however, and after twenty-one members of the delegation who stood against Platt's wishes had been put on record, the delegation indorsed Timothy L. Woodruff, who, though an eager candidate, had been ready to step aside for Roosevelt.22 This indorsement was not meant seriously. Platt had no intention of even trying to nominate Woodruff for Vice- President. He was still for Roosevelt and angrily denounced Francis Vinton Greene as being himself an aspirant when Greene urged that Roosevelt's wishes be respected. Odell, to whom Platt had offered to throw
20New York Tribune, April 18, 1900.
21New York Tribune, June 16 and 17, 1900.
22New York Times, June 20, 1900; New York World, June 21, 1900.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1900
the New York delegation, went to Hanna, presented to him the difficulties that either Roosevelt's candidacy for Governor and his defeat, which Platt predicted,23 or the refusal to him of the nomination, would entail, and the desirability of a New York campaign that would have behind it the Roosevelt enthusiasm and a united organization. Finally Hanna, who saw his own forces ready to break away, consented to Roosevelt.24 With the States under Hanna's control ready to join in the western movement to name Roosevelt regardless of New York, there was nothing left for the Governor to do. Mckinley was unanimously nominated, and the only vote not cast for Roosevelt was his own.25
The second Republican State convention was held in Saratoga on September 4. Timothy L. Woodruff was temporary and Nevada N. Stranahan permanent chairman. Woodruff aspired to the Governorship, but Odell was the predetermined candidate and he and all the rest of the ticket were nominated by acclamation.26 With good reason Platt boasted as the nominations were about to be made: "The empire is at peace."
The platform indorsed the national and State administrations of Mckinley and Roosevelt, declared
23New York World, June 22, 1900.
24Statement of Mr. Odell to the writer, June 25, 1917.
25Platt, Autobiography, ch. xix.
26The ticket was: Governor, Benjamin B. Odell, Jr., Orange; Lieutenant- Governor, Timothy L. Woodruff, Kings; Secretary of State, John T. Mc- Donough, Albany; Comptroller, William J. Morgan, Erie; Treasurer, John P. Jaeckel, Cayuga; Attorney-General, John C. Davies, Oneida; State Engineer, Edward A. Bond, Jefferson. Comptroller Morgan died on Septem- ber 5, 1900, and the State committee named Erastus C. Knight of Erie for the vacancy.
71
THE "SHELVING" OF ROOSEVELT
1900]
that imperialism was not an issue, and pointed to the lower tax rate, the Raines Liquor Tax law, and the franchise tax as achievements that entitled the party to popular confidence.
The inevitable renomination of Bryan placed the Democrats of New York, especially David B. Hill, in an embarrassing position. He disbelieved in the Nebraskan's theories and kept out of the campaign of 1896 after the party under Tammany leadership had indorsed the Chicago platform. But the natural desire for regularity played a large part in the case, and Hill's only hope of leadership was in going with the tide. Croker and Murphy were both seeking to overthrow him. At the State convention in New York on June 5, over which John T. Norton and Elliot Danforth presided, Hill secured control of the new State committee by threatening to go on the floor and denounce Tammany's connection with the ice trust. This Croker did not care to risk. Hill consented to instructions for Bryan and pledged the unfailing sup- port of the organization to whatever national platform should be adopted. Tammany and Norman E. Mack struggled to get a square reaffirmation of the Chicago platform, but Hill defeated this and put in an equivocal plank favoring gold and silver at parity.27 Sixteen to one could not possibly mean parity, and the declaration served to show the Gold Democrats that Hill was at heart with them, but he conceded everything essential in the instructions for Bryan and the promise to support
27New York Tribune, June 5, 6, 1900.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1900
the national platform, with only the faintest hope of being able to moderate its expositions of Bryanism.
Hill, Croker, Murphy, and Augustus Van Wyck were the delegates-at-large to the national convention, which met at Kansas City on July 4. There Hill's par- tial victory was turned to complete humiliation. Ex- pecting to be the New York member of the platform committee, he visited Bryan at Lincoln, where, though they did not agree on the platform, the Vice-Presiden- tial nomination was urged upon him.28 At a meeting of the New York delegation Tammany put forward Augustus Van Wyck for the platform committee. Hill protested that this was an attempt to humiliate him. Grady at first protested that the step was taken to please Bryan. Then a bitter altercation developed between Hill, Grady, and Croker, in which Hill was charged with treachery to his associates and he in turn taunted Croker with running to Europe in party crises. McLaughlin deserted Hill, and Van Wyck was chosen by a vote of 40 to 26. Croker in the altercation offered to indorse the man whom he had denounced as traitor to the party for Vice-President. Hill scorned this sugges- tion, and finally the delegation decided to present the name of John W. Keller, by a vote of 36 to 27 in favor of Elliot Danforth, Hill's candidate.29 Keller was the Charities Commissioner of New York City. He had no national standing, and Tammany's coupling him with Hill as fitting Vice-Presidential timber was an added belittlement of its enemy.
28New York Tribune, July 3, 1900.
29New York Tribune, Times and World, July 4, 1900.
73
1900]
THE "SHELVING" OF ROOSEVELT
Bryan was nominated by acclamation on a platform of free silver and anti-imperialism. Despite the ironical indorsement of Keller, Croker was still determined to force Hill on the ticket. When candi- dates were being presented for Vice-President, Grady took the platform and nominated him despite Hill's attempts to dissuade the Tammany men and his loud protest that it was unfair. The chair later gave him an opportunity to withdraw his name, but Tammany persisted in casting the whole New York vote for him. Hill was the most conspicuous and able man. named, and other States were glad to join in the movement. He might have been nominated but for his own work and the efforts of the radical managers, who realized the absurdity of forcing Hill to stand with Bryan for policies in which he did not believe. They induced friends of Charles A. Towne of Minnesota, a silver Republican, to concentrate their votes on former Vice-President Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, who, though not distinctively a Bryan candidate, seemed to have the best chance of stopping the Hill movement. Stevenson was nominated on the first ballot by a vote that was made unanimous after changes.
Back in New York Hill and Croker continued their fight. Hill fell in with a movement to nominate for Governor Bird S. Coler, Comptroller of New York City, who had achieved popularity by his resistance to the Ramapo contract and by his efforts to break the prac- tical monopoly of the American Ice Company, which the year before had aroused indignation by an attempt to double the usual price of ice. The ice trust was
74
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1900
created by Charles W. Morse, the promoter, afterward sent to prison for violation of the banking laws. He combined independent companies and sought and in a measure secured a monopoly through control of docks at which ice could be landed. He placed stock of the company on favorable terms with many leaders and lesser politicians of both parties, including Mayor Van Wyck. Attempts to secure the removal of Mayor Van Wyck on account of this transaction failed, but public feeling forced the company to abandon two-thirds of its contemplated raise in price.30
Jeers about the ice trust at the June Democratic State convention had greatly annoyed Tammany, and its leaders looked with no favor on Coler. The support of Hill made his candidacy still more unwelcome. Croker looked for an up-State candidate who would draw away Hill's friends, and, after considering with favor William F. Mackey of Buffalo,31 he fixed on John B. Stanchfield of Elmira, a friend and former law partner of Hill. At a meeting of the State com- mittee on August 16 Hill was defeated in an attempt to name a temporary chairman for the State conven- tion,32 which was held on September 11 at Saratoga with Patrick H. McCarren and George Raines presid- ing. Hill hoped for the aid of Hugh Mclaughlin. Coler had been his loyal follower and had every claim to Brooklyn support. For a time the Brooklyn organization was favorably inclined to Coler, but it
30 Heaton, The Story of a Page, pp. 179, 180.
31New York Tribune, August 6, 1900.
32New York Tribune, August 17, 1900.
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THE "SHELVING" OF ROOSEVELT
1900]
turned when the Comptroller published in the Inde- pendent an article on "Commercialism in Politics33 full of scarcely veiled assaults on Croker. Hill spoke for Coler in the convention and declared that he was fortunate in his enemies. Grady vehemently attacked Hill and sneered at Coler. Coler's sole spokesman from Brooklyn was Otto Kempner. With the excep- tion of Kempner's vote, Kings county went solidly with New York for Stanchfield, who was nominated, 294 to 154.34
Duncan Campbell Lee of Ithaca brought confusion to the convention by offering a resolution condemning the ice trust. The chair had received his resolution and ordered that it be read and referred to the platform committee. As soon as the clerk, in the midst of read- ing, reached the words "ice trust," however, McCarren suppressed it, despite Lee's protests at the irregularity.35
The platform ratified the nomination of Bryan, met the challenge of Lee with a mention of the ice trust in a general condemnation of trusts, and denounced the Republican canal policy, the Raines law, the Metropolitan Election law, and the increase of State commissions.36
The Democrats had no hope of carrying New York State on the financial issues, so they laid great stress on
33Independent, LII, p. 1896.
34New York Tribune, September 13, 1900.
35New York Tribune, September 13, 1900.
36The ticket was: Governor, John B. Stanchfield, Chemung; Lieutenant- Governor, William F. Mackey, Erie; Secretary of State, John T. Norton, Rensselaer; Comptroller, Edward S. Atwater, Dutchess; Treasurer, John B. Judson, Fulton; Attorney-General, Thomas F. Conway, Clinton; State Engi- neer, Russell R. Stewart, Onondaga.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1900
the administration's policy toward the Philippines, professing friendliness to expansion but opposition to the holding of people in subjection. Some Gold Democrats and independents, among them Edward M. Shepard and Carl Schurz, came to Bryan's support on this issue, although the Gold Democrats as a party, while making no nominations, had urged voters not to be deceived into thinking that the money question was settled. Mckinley was triumphant throughout the country, having 292 Electoral votes to Bryan's 155. He
carried New York by 143,606 plurality.
The vote
was : McKinley, 821,992; Bryan, 678,386; John G. Woolley (Prohibition), 22,043; Eugene V. Debs (Social Democrat), 12,869; John F. Malloney (Social- ist Labor), 12,622. The State ticket ran well up with McKinley, Odell receiving 111,126 plurality. The vote was : Odell, 804,859; Stanchfield, 693,733 ; Charles H. Corrigan (Socialist Labor), 13,762; William T. . Wardwell (Prohibition), 22,704; Benjamin Hanford (Social Democrat), 13,493. The Congressional dele- gation stood : Republicans 21; Democrats 13. There were elected to the Senate 35 Republicans and 15 Dem- ocrats and to the Assembly 105 Republicans and 45 Democrats. Nixon was elected Speaker for the third time.
Platt, as everybody, including his victim, thought, had accomplished the purpose of shelving Roosevelt and getting a Governor after his own heart. But he was doomed to disappointment. In a few months an assassin's bullet made Roosevelt President; Odell became his own master; all of Platt's plans went awry.
CHAPTER V
PLATT'S POWER WANING
1901-1902
G OVERNOR ODELL was a successful business man, and he devoted himself to effecting economies and organizing the State adminis- tration on a business basis. The tax rate of 1901 was the lowest since 1854,1 partly through the enforcement of economies and partly through the policy of indirect taxation that had been gradually developed. The Ramapo act of 1895 was repealed, the State Health department placed under a single head, a law establish- ing grades for the State service passed, and an attempt made to limit the extravagant growth of printing expenditures.2
Platt was anxious to place the New York City police under State control by the reestablishment of the old metropolitan police district of Governor Fenton's time. The notorious police scandals called for some remedy, and Odell was at first inclined to adopt this plan. He soon came to believe, however, that this would be resented, not merely by Tammany but generally by New
1New York Tribune, April 24, 1901.
2Lincoln, Messages from the Governors, X, pp. 212, 192; 196; ch. 521, Laws of 1901.
77
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1901
Yorkers, as an invasion of home rule, and would hurt the party.3 Greatly to Platt's annoyance he refused to sanction the bill that had been drawn up with full expectation of its passage.ยช Platt determined not to force the issue and accepted a bill abolishing the bipartisan Police board in New York City and placing the force under a single Commissioner appointed by the Mayor.5 Van Wyck immediately appointed Michael C. Murphy Commissioner, and he made William S. Devery, under whom police corruption had become notorious, head of the force. Platt charged that this was a violation of the understanding by which specific provision against such an appointment had been omitted from the bill as a matter of courtesy to the city authorities,6 and he was more than ever anxious for the State control. But Odell was obdurate.
In general Odell consulted with Platt on matters of appointments, but his personal and unannounced selection of Charles S. Boyd for Superintendent of Public Works in December, when Partridge resigned to become Police Commissioner under Mayor Low, caused some friction. Odell was as thorough an organi- zation man as Black, but he had a far keener sense of public sentiment, less aptitude for contemptuous treat- ment of the demands of idealists, and less readiness to sacrifice the reputation of his administration and his own power to the narrow views of his political asso-
3Statement of Mr. Odell to the writer.
4Platt, Autobiography, pp. 424-429.
5Lincoln, Messages from the Governors, X, p. 211. 6Platt, Autobiography, p. 423.
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PLATT'S POWER WANING
1901]
ciates. Independent critics soon came to regard him with favor.
The assassination of President Mckinley and the succession of Theodore Roosevelt to the Presidency on September 14 made dominant a new force in New York politics. Roosevelt avoided war with the Platt organ- ization and worked with it in Washington as he had done in Albany. Yet his influence went for the promo- tion of reform measures, the recognition of independent men, and the abandonment of the narrow proscriptive habit which so often becomes second nature to the professional organization leader. And now his influ- ence was paramount. Platt recognized his supremacy, and throughout his term, however restless or resentful of his methods individual politicians might be, the Republicans of New York as a body gave him steadfast support.
Platt also adopted a conciliatory attitude toward the New York City Independents. Instead of opposing fusion on Seth Low as in 1897, the Republicans picked Low as their own candidate and induced the Demo- cratic elements in the Citizens Union to accept him. Croker, not to be outdone in an appeal to the better element, turned for a candidate to Edward M. Shepard. By inheritance and conviction Shepard was a firm Democratic partisan, but he had revolted against the McLaughlin domination of Brooklyn and the Tammany rule of the greater city. He had sup- ported Low four years before and advocated municipal non-partisanship.7 His intense dislike of the Repub-
7New York Tribune, October 4, 1901.
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POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1901
lican Philippine policy, coupled with his desire to build up a clean and strong Democracy, made the prospect of leading the party in the metropolis attract- ive to him. Moreover, he had come to doubt the permanency of reforms introduced without a party backing.8 High-minded men, even among those who did not support him, urged him to take the nomination so that, whoever was elected, New York would have a good Mayor.
He acted without doubt from conscientious motives, but as the campaign developed his position became an impossible one. He was open to the same attack for inconsistency that had been leveled against the Repub- lican organization in 1897. The police partnership with vice was glaring, and William' Travers Jerome, the fusion candidate for District Attorney in New York county, carried the excitement to fever heat by nightly recounting to audiences of men and women the work- ings of the system of exploiting girls by "cadets." Tammany was committed to Devery, and Shepard could not well repudiate him. He could only promise reform in general terms, and took refuge in the state- ment that it would amount to bribery of the voters to promise beforehand that he would yield to the general demand that Devery be displaced.
Low was elected Mayor by 31,632 plurality, receiv- ing 296,807 votes to 265,175 for Shepard. Jerome also carried New York county, a much more difficult task, for there the Tammany vote was concentrated. Mayor Van Wyck, who ran for Supreme Court Justice on the
8New York Tribune, October 10, 1901.
BENJAMIN BARKER ODELL, JR.
Benjamin Barker Odell, Jr., 37th governor (1901-1904) ; born at Newburgh, N. Y., January 14, 1854; student, Bethany college, W. Va., 1873 and Columbia university, 1873-1875; engaged in banking, electric lighting and commercial enter- prises at Newburgh; treasurer and director of the Central- Hudson steamboat company, New York; member republican state committee, 1884-1896; chairman republican state execu- tive committee, 1898-1900; member of congress, 1895-1899; declined renomination; governor of New York for two terms, 1901-1904.
SETH LOW
Seth Low, college president; born Brooklyn, January 18, 1850; graduated from Columbia university, 1870; nominated independent candidate for mayor of Brooklyn and elected 1881, re-elected, 1883 ; became prominent through endeavors to purify city government by introducing civil service reforms; delegate to the peace conference at The Hague, 1889; elected mayor of Greater New York, 1901; delegate to constitutional convention of 1915; died New York City, September 17, 1916.
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