USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. VI > Part 12
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1It may be affirmed with confidence that northern opinion, excited by the Kansas-Nebraska act, alone prevented this unjust war. . . . What a foolish piece of statecraft was that of the southern leaders in 1854! They obtained a fighting chance in Kansas, but they threw away the Pearl of the Antilles, the island which would have been a rock and a fortress for their Southern Confederacy .- Rhodes's History, vol. ii, p. 33.
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Kansas and the critical position of the Democratic party, the administration decided not to risk an extra burden of unpopularity, and the project was aban- doned. The facts were published some months later.
The struggle in Kansas was from its beginning re- garded by the administration from the viewpoint of positive southern sympathy. In a special message to Congress on January 24, 1856, President Pierce dis- cussed the causes and history of the troubles, and attrib- uted them solely to "interference" by the northern anti- slavery people with the orderly and peaceful settle- ment of the Territory.
"This interference," wrote the President, "in so far as concerns its primary causes and its immediate commencement, was one of the incidents of that pernicious agitation of the subject of the condition of the colored persons held to service in some of the States, which has so long disturbed the repose of our country and excited individuals, otherwise patriotic and law-abiding, to toil with misdirected zeal in the attempt to propagate their social theories by the perversion and abuse of the powers of Congress.
"The persons and parties whom the tenor of the act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas thwarted in the endeavor to im- pose, through the agency of Congress, their particular views of social organization on the people of the future new States, now perceiving that the policy of leaving the inhabitants of each State to judge for themselves in this respect was ineradicably rooted in the convictions of the people of the Union, then had recourse, in the pursuit of their general object, to the extraordinary measure of propagandist coloniza- tion of the Territory of Kansas, to prevent the free and natural action of its inhabitants in its internal organization and thus to anticipate or to force the determination of that question in the inchoate State."
In other words, the President considered it wrong for the anti-slavery people to engage in formal competition
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for control of the future State; the intent of the Con- gressional act was to thwart them from securing such control; and the only inhabitants of Kansas possessing a proper status in the opinion of the national govern- ment were those not identified with the interests and influences in behalf of making it a free State. Strange declarations indeed from the official head of the great political organization whose entire creed was based upon the doctrine of equal rights for all the people, and which throughout its long and illustrious history had accordingly enjoyed the special support of the free masses of the north, who assuredly had a valid claim to homes in Kansas and the right to endeavor to exclude slavery, that worst enemy of free labor. Yet the Presi- dent's frank attitude was the only consistent one for the defense and carrying out of the Kansas-Nebraska act: -Kansas, it was held, logically belonged to the south and slavery, and any concerted free action was but an interference with the predetermined exclusive right of the slaveowners. The plan of "leaving the inhabitants to judge for themselves" (popular sovereignty, called by the irreverent "squatter sovereignty") was in its in- ception, so far as Kansas was concerned, wholly biased in favor of slavery, and all the ingenious pleas to con- vince the north of its democratic impartiality were utterly sophistical.
One of the early acts of the Republican House of Representatives was the adoption of a resolution direct- ing the Speaker to appoint a special committee to pro- ceed to Kansas and make an investigation concerning the troubles. The resulting committee after a minute
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inquiry brought in a majority report (July, 1856) which was of very notable character for its charges and proofs against the pro-slavery faction, and which was used with powerful effect in the Presidential cam- paign. The notorious election frauds, intolerant enact- ments of the Territorial Legislature, and aggressive and barbarous doings of the pro-slavery partisans (espe- cially the Missouri intruders) were treated in detail. A minority report was presented by the single Demo- cratic member of the committee. This also was a highly interesting and important document. It em- bodied matters showing a by no means one-sided state of affairs in the respects of fanatical party spirit; law- less deeds, including dreadful cold-blooded murders; organized activities of warlike aspect, both provocative and by way of reprisal; and preparations for further armed strife. Evidence was given that the free-State people had for some time been receiving from the east shipments of the Sharps rifle (a military arm), with which, indeed, they had generally equipped them- selves. These facts of the responsibility in part of the free settlers produced, however, little impression at the north except as they strengthened the hope that the free- State party would prove strong and resolute enough to gain the upper hand. There had been no concealment about the sending of Sharps rifles and other military equipment to Kansas; on that subject the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher delivered a celebrated address in his church in Brooklyn.
After the organization of the House by the Republi- cans several important measures relating to Kansas
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were introduced and earnestly debated in that body and the Senate. With a view to pacification the Democrats passed in the Senate (July, 1856) the noted Toombs bill, which provided for an early election in the Terri- tory for a Constitutional convention, the election to be held under Federal auspices and to be so regulated as to assure fairness to both sides and prevent all intimidation and illegal voting. This did not appeal to the Repub- licans, who, while conceding that the plan in detail, purely as a voting arrangement, was probably fair, asserted that their unyielding policy was to prevent the allowance of slavery in any Territory, and therefore that they could not leave the matter to chance. A more shrewd reason for the rejection of the Democratic overture has been suggested by some historical writers as having had weight with the Republican leaders- that of preferring, for campaign advantage, to have the chaotic conditions continue until the Presidential election.1 . As measures which alone would be ac- ceptable from their point of view, the Republicans sought to secure the immediate admission of Kansas on the basis of the Topeka Constitution, and also to re- enact the slavery inhibition of the Missouri Compro- mise. The Senate and House being at variance, the efforts of both parties for their particular ends failed, and the campaign was fought on the Kansas question without further material developments.
1See especially Theodore Clark Smith, Parties and Slavery, pp. 166-169.
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American Party (Know-Nothings)
Previously to 1854 this organization had been only in evolution on a system of profound secrecy even as to its name. Coming out from the dark at the elections of that year, the facts were seen to be that it was the politi- cal development and expression of an immense country- wide "order" founded on the most elaborate, tremen- dous, and astonishing ceremonials, mysteries, oaths, pledges, etc., with grips, raps, passwords, watchwords, signals (such as prescribed ways of reflectively and dis- creetly rubbing the nose and chin), regalias, rituals, rites, and degrees ; that its official name (divulged only to those achieving the highest degree) was The Su- preme Order of the Star-Spangled Banner; that it was ruled and all its decisions were initiated and directed by an extraordinarily select inner body called the na- tional council ; that its practical program was to stigma- tize, discriminate against, and substantially decitizen- ize large elements of its fellow-countrymen on account of their places of birth and religious persuasion; and yet that it expected the great American people-the most composite, cosmopolitan, liberal, and kindly peo- ple in the world-to accept it as The American party. The fate that speedily overtook it has served since as an effective warning to aspiring neophytes in politics. Grandiose pretensions by parties to the possession of singular virtues of Americanism, and corresponding egotism, gasconade, and braggadocio on the part of their illiberal followers, have perhaps not very much abated ; but never has the experiment been repeated of
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a serious and hopeful organization arrogating to itself the superlative style of The American party.
Greeley never spoke more sensibly than when, at the height of its popularity, he said: "It would seem as devoid of the elements of persistence as an anti-cholera or an anti-potato rot party would be."
Its first and only national nominating convention assembled in Pittsburgh on Washington's birthday, 1856, and continued in session four days, twenty-seven States being represented by 227 delegates, and Ephraim Marsh, of New Jersey, presiding. Previously to the coming together of the convention the "national coun- cil" of the "order" had met and adopted a platform for the party. When this was presented to the convention a bitter discussion arose on account of its non-com- mittal treatment of the slavery question, and an amend- ment was offered declaring "That we will nominate for President and Vice-President no man who is not in favor of interdicting the introduction of slavery into territory north of 36° 30' by Congressional action" ;- defeated by 141 to 59, whereupon some seventy of the northern delegates refused to participate further in the proceedings.
Nominations :- For President, Millard Fillmore, of New York; for Vice-President, Andrew Jackson Donelson, of Tennessee.
Platform :
"1. An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being for His protecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their successful Revolu- tionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in
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the preservation of the liberties, the independence, and the Union of these States.
"2. The perpetuation of the Federal Union and Constitution as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties and the only sure bulwark of American independence.
"3. Americans must rule America; and to this end native-born citizens should be selected for all State, Federal, and municipal offices, of government employment, in preference to all others; nevertheless,
"4. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens; but
"5. No person should be selected for political station (whether of native or foreign birth) who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal and State Constitutions (each within its own sphere) as paramount to all other laws as rules of political action.
"6. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights of the several States, and the cultivation of harmony and fra- ternal good-will between citizens of the several States, and, to this end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual States, and non-intervention by each State with the affairs of any other State.
"7. The recognition of the right of native-born and naturalized citizens of the United States, permanently residing in any Territory thereof, to frame their Constitution and laws and to regulate their domestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of admission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one Representative in Congress.
"Provided always, That none but those who are citizens of the United States under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to participate in the formation of the Constitution or in the enactment of laws for said Territory or State.
"8. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory
1
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ought to admit others than citizens to the right of suffrage or of holding political offices of the United States.
"9. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued residence of twenty-one years, of all not hereinbefore provided for, an indispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all paupers or persons convicted of crime from landing upon our shores ; but no interference with the vested rights of foreigners.
"10. Opposition to any union between church and state; no inter- ference with religious faith or worship; and no test oaths for office.
"11. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in public expen- ditures.
"12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitution- ally enacted until said laws shall be repealed or shall be declared null and void by competent judicial authority.
"13. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of the present administration in the general management of our national affairs, and more especially as shown in removing 'Americans' (by designation) and conservatives in principle, from office, and placing foreigners and ultraists in their places; as shown in a truckling subserviency to the stronger and an insolent and cowardly bravado toward the weaker powers; as shown in reopening sectional agitation by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; as shown in granting to unnaturalized foreign- ers the right of suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska; as shown in its vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska question; as shown in the corruptions which pervade some of the departments of the gov- ernment; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval officers through prejudiced caprice; and as shown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations.
"14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils and prevent the disas- trous consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build up the 'American Party' upon the principles hereinbefore stated.
"15. That each State council shall have authority to amend their several constitutions so as to abolish the several degrees and substi-
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tute a pledge of honor, instead of other obligations, for fellowship and admission into the party.
"16. A free and open discussion of all political principles em- braced in our platform."
Although no specific reference was made to the Roman Catholic church, horror of that denomination was one of the recognized and binding articles of the Know-Nothing faith. In 1855 the national council had adopted a platform which declared :
"8. Resistance to the aggressive policy and corrupting tendencies of the Roman Catholic church in our country, by the advancement to all political stations-executive, legislative, judicial, or diplomatic- of those only who do not hold civil allegiance, directly or indirectly, to any foreign power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, and who are Americans by birth, education, and training-thus fulfilling the maxim, 'Americans only shall govern America.' "
This plank, like the other declarations of the Know- Nothings, was not without the plausibility that gener- ally attaches to matured deliverances by representa- tive bodies. The trouble with the Know-Nothings was not that they lacked engaging words with which to present their ideas, but that they ignored the funda- mental plan of popular institutions. Universal suf- frage for loyal citizens had become as solidly and last- ingly established as the country itself; and universal suffrage meant equal opportunities and privileges of civil influence and advancement for all, or it meant nothing. The imputation of disqualifying allegiances to the particular classes of citizens specified by the Know-Nothings was mere dogmatic assertion, and was not intended to assume any other character for conver-
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sion into public action; there was no legalistic question or proof of disloyalty concerned or contemplated.
In the 1855 platform of the Know-Nothings an en- deavor was made to remove the objection to the party on the score of its secrecy, one of the resolutions reliev- ing members from their obligations of concealment in several respects.
The anti-slavery Know-Nothings held a convention in New York City on June 2, 1856, which demanded free Territories and a free Kansas and nominated Nathaniel P. Banks for President; he withdrew in favor of the Republican candidate, Fremont.
Democratic Party
National convention held in Cincinnati, June 2-6, 1856; temporary chairman, Samuel Medary, of Ohio; permanent chairman, John E. Ward, of Georgia. The two-thirds rule was readopted without opposition. Among the delegates were former prominent members of the Whig party.
There were three contestants for the Presidential nomination-President Pierce, James Buchanan, and Stephen A. Douglas. Vote on the first ballot :- Buchanan, 13512; Pierce, 12212; Douglas, 33; Lewis Cass, 5. Buchanan maintained the lead throughout the struggle, and on the thirteenth ballot received a majority. As it became evident that Pierce could not be nominated his name was withdrawn, and an effort was then made to combine his supporters and those of Douglas in favor of the latter. This was largely suc-
JOHN TYLER
John Tyler, 10th president; born at Greenway, Charles City county, Va., March 29, 1790; lawyer; member of house of dele- gates, 1811-16; served in congress from December 16, 1817 to March 3, 1821; again member of house of delegates, 1823-25; United States senator from March 4, 1827 to February 20, 1836, when he resigned ; member of house of delegates, 1839; elected vice president, 1840; became president on the death of Harri- son, April 4, 1841, and served until March 3, 1845; delegate to Confederate provisional convention, 1861; elected to Confeder- ate congress, but before it assembled he died on January 18, 1862 at Richmond, Va.
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cessful, but Buchanan retained his full strength and also received some of the Pierce votes. The sixteenth ballot stood :- Buchanan, 168; Douglas, 122; Cass, 5. Douglas, feeling that it would be improper for his friends to persist after the preference of a majority of the convention had been so clearly manifested, tele- graphed his withdrawal. Buchanan was unanimously nominated on the seventeenth ballot. His selection was due to several weighty considerations :- he was one of the veteran leaders of the party; was expected to carry his State of Pennsylvania, which was believed to be indispensable to Democratic victory; and, having been absent from the country as Minister to England, was not directly identified with the Kansas disputation, yet was known to be as "safe," from the southern point of view, as either Pierce or Douglas. He was more- over a man of preeminent public reputation and irre- proachable character.
On the first ballot for Vice-President ten men were voted for. John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, re- ceived the unanimous vote of the convention on the sec- ond ballot.
The platform, adopted with practically no dissen- sion-none whatever concerning the slavery question, -was as follows :
"Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people.
"Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world as the great moral element in a form of government springing from and upheld by the popular will; and we contrast it with the creed and
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practice of Federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent and which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity.
"Resolved, Therefore, that, entertaining these views, the Demo- cratic party of this Union, through their delegates assembled in a general convention, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative government, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, renew and reassert before the American people the declarations of principles avowed by them when, on former occasions, in general convention, they presented their candidates for the popular suffrage.
"1. That the Federal government is one of limited power, de- rived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power made therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government; and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.
"2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the general gov- ernment the power to commence and carry on a general system of in- ternal improvements.
"3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States contracted for local and internal improvements or other State purposes; nor would such assumption be just or expedient.
"4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country ; that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of persons and prop- erty from domestic violence or foreign aggression.
"5. That it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government and for the grad- ual but certain extinction of the public debt.
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"6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution; and that we are opposed to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the States as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the Con- stitution.
"7. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power and above the laws and the will of the people; and that the results of Demo- cratic legislation in this and all other financial measures upon which issues have been made between the two political parties of the coun- try have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all parties their soundness, safety, and utility in all business pursuits.
"8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the people.
"9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the qualified veto power by which he is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the public interests, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United States and from a corrupting system of gen- eral internal improvements.
"10. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which make ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the Alien and Sedition laws from our statute-book ; and
"Whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was uniformly adopted
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