USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. VI > Part 14
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neither of the two sectional parties now struggling for political supremacy.
"Resolved, That in the present exigency of political affairs we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of admin- istration in the exercise of the constitutional power of the govern- ment. It is enough to know that civil war is raging and that the Union is in peril; and we proclaim the conviction that the restora- tion of Mr. Fillmore to the Presidency will furnish the best, if not the only, means of restoring peace."
The Election
The writer has before him that valuable and now very rare publication, "The Democratic Hand-Book of 1856," compiled by Mich. W. Cluskey and endorsed by the Democratic national committee. On the title- page are these words: "The success of the Democracy essential for the preservation of the Union and the pro- tection of the integrity of the Constitution." In this sentiment was compacted the entire argument of the Democrats in the campaign. The volume embodies numerous documentary matters of great historical mo- ment and interest, including profoundly able addresses delivered in Congress and before the public by Demo- cratic and former Whig leaders of both the north and south-all contributory to the single claim that Buchan- an's election was necessary to preserve the Union and Constitution. Interspersed through its pages are arti- cles of the broadside kind, to the same purport. One of these is entitled :
"The Fearful Issue to be Decided in November Next! Shall the Constitution and the Union Stand or Fall! Fremont, the Sectional Candidate of the Advocates of Dissolution! Buchanan, the Candi-
JAMES K. POLK
James K. Polk, 11th president ; born near Little Sugar Creek, Mecklenburg county, N. C., November 2, 1795; moved to Ten- nessee in 1806; lawyer; served in state legislature, 1823-25; in congress from March 4, 1825 to March 3, 1839; governor of Tennessee, 1839; elected president of the United States in 1844; declined renomination, 1848; died at Nashville, Tenn., June 15, 1849.
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date of Those Who Advocate One Country! One Union! One Constitution ! and One Destiny! Fremont and His Friends! Be- hold the Record !"
The record presented in the article consists of ex- treme utterances by prominent supporters of Fremont. Citation is made of the celebrated indiscretion of Banks, "I am willing in a certain state of circumstances to let it [the Union] 'slide'." The remark of the fiery Giddings, that he looked forward to the time when the torch "shall light up the towns and cities of the south, and blot out the last vestige of slavery," is instanced. Many other aggressive declarations by leading Republi- cans are given in support of the Democratic charge as to their indifference to consequences in the contest against slavery. Garrison, the arch-disunionist of the Abolitionists, is quoted as viewing the Republican movement with satisfaction.
As the campaign progressed, the intense enthusiasm of the radical people of the north for the Republican ticket was met by a marked disposition on the part of the more cautious to accept the Democratic view of the real danger of disunion. The cooperation given the Democratic party by eminent thinkers was certainly not comparable to that extended to the Republican party, yet was of notable weight, especially as repre- sentative of the intellectual and influential leaders of the conservative Whigs. One of the most powerful campaign documents in Buchanan's behalf was an open letter from Rufus Choate, written after mature reflec- tion, in which the conviction was stated that the Repub- lican movement was in its nature geographical, and
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therefore that its triumph would "put the Union in danger." It was constantly alleged by Democratic newspapers and orators that for the first time in Ameri- can history a great sectional party had arisen; that so extreme and exclusive was its sectionalism that by its nominations and platform it practically declared the people of the fifteen southern States its enemies; and that this hostility was fully reciprocated by the south- erners and would unquestionably lead to their with- drawal from the Union in the event of Fremont's elec- tion. Fillmore, the candidate of the Know-Nothings, said: "Can we have the madness or folly to believe that our southern brethren would submit to be gov- erned by such a Chief-Magistrate?"
But these attacks were in no way disconcerting to the Republicans. The campaign for Fremont was waged with the most complete conviction and vigor, and with a fervor of popular manifestation not witnessed since 1840. To the southern threats and northern forebod- ings of disunion the Republicans replied that they were not new, and were meant only to intimidate and be- wilder.
On the merits of the one immediate issue, that of Kansas, conservative opinion was strengthened by the belief that a decision would soon be worked out in favor of the free settlers by the inexorable operation of eco- nomic law. Already it was considered morally certain that they were in a majority in the Territory; and in view of the tendency of free migration to move more actively, economically, and in larger volume than a slave-encumbered class interest, the ultimate over-
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whelming preponderance of the free-State party seemed unquestionable. There were many who felt, on other grounds than those of party prepossession, that as the Democrats were committed to fair action by the Toombs bill and also by pledges made by Buchanan during the canvass, it would be wiser to settle the diffi- culty by vote than by a radical policy involving the danger of southern secession.
The election, as was expected by shrewd observers, was decided by Pennsylvania, which gave its vote to the Democratic candidate. Much disappointment was felt by the Republicans over the poor showing made by Fremont in his own State of California, where he ran third. But his success in such States as New York, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, and all New England, showed the formidable power of the con- joined forces that so recently had come into operation. In the fifteen slave States Fremont had only 1,194 votes, divided as follows: Delaware, 308; Kentucky, 314; Maryland, 281 ; Virginia, 291. The Know-Noth- ing ticket carried only one State, Maryland, but, on account of the official Whig endorsement, received support in every State. Its total vote in the south was in round numbers 480,000; in the north, 394,500.
Electoral vote for President and Vice-President :
James Buchanan and John C. Breckinridge, Democrats :- Ala- bama, 9; Arkansas, 4; California, 4; Delaware, 3; Florida, 3; Georgia, 10; Illinois, 11; Indiana, 13; Kentucky, 12; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Missouri, 9; New Jersey, 7; North Carolina, 10; Pennsylvania, 27; South Carolina, 8; Tennessee, 12; Texas, 4; Vir- ginia, 15. Total 174. Elected.
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John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton, Republicans :- Con- necticut, 6; Iowa, 4; Maine, 8; Massachusetts, 13; Michigan, 6; New Hampshire, 5; New York, 35; Ohio, 23; Rhode Island, 4; Vermont, 5; Wisconsin, 5. Total, 114.
Millard Fillmore and Andrew Jackson Donelson, American party :- Maryland, 8.
Popular vote :
Buchanan, 1,838,169; Fremont, 1,335,264; Fillmore, 874,534.
PART III
PARTIES FROM 1860 TO 1920
H AVING reviewed the political history of the country from the foundation of the government until the final reconstruction of parties in the years 1854-56, we may now terminate both the explana- tory narration and the accessory discussion. For the treatment of the historical facts from 1856 to the pres- ent time the reader is referred to the formal sketches of the Democratic and Republican parties in Volume V of this work. The pages that follow will be devoted without comment to the records of the parties as shown by their successive national conventions and platforms and by the election results.
1860 Democratic Party1
1. Regular Convention at Charleston
The national convention assembled in Charleston, South Carolina, April 23, 1860; temporary chairman, Francis B. Flournoy, of Arkansas; permanent chair- man, Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts. Complete
1For the transactions of the Democratic conventions numbered in our text 1, 3, and 4, we are indebted to Proceedings of the Conventions at Charleston and Baltimore; Published by order of the National Democratic Convention
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delegations were present from all the States, and double delegations from Illinois and New York. Seats were awarded to the delegates from Illinois and New York who favored the nomination of Stephen A. Douglas for President and therefore were in agreement with the general views of the northern Democracy concerning slavery. The convention voted that no ballot for Presi- dent or Vice-President should be taken until after adoption of the platform.
In the committee on resolutions the members from California and Oregon supported the position of the southern wing of the party; and consequently, as the committee was organized by States, the majority report on platform represented the southern attitude on the slavery question. A minority report was brought in by the northern opposition, and a motion was made to substitute it for the majority report. The convention, voting by numbers, of course had a considerable north- ern majority. After prolonged debate, during which efforts for harmony were made without success, the minority report (as amended) was adopted, April 30- the vote of the convention being 165 yeas to 138 nays.
After the adoption of the minority report on plat- form, about fifty of the southern members withdrew
(Maryland Institute, Baltimore), and under the supervision of the National Democratic [Breckinridge] Executive Committee. Washington, 1860.
Another . official publication-restricted, however, to the conventions num- bered in our text 1 and 3-is Official Proceedings of the Democratic National Conventions, Held in 1860, at Charleston and Baltimore. Prepared and published under the direction of John G. Parkhurst, Recording Secretary [Douglas auspices]. Cleveland, Nevins' Print, Plain Dealer Job Office, 1860.
An excellent authority for all the five conventions is Greeley and Cleve- land's Political Text-Book for 1860, pp. 29-48.
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from the convention pursuant to formal protests filed by their State delegations.
Notwithstanding the diminished membership of the body it was decided not only to abide by the two-thirds rule for nominations, but to base the calculation of the two-thirds upon the total number of votes-303-in the original full convention. Fifty-seven ballots for President were taken without a choice being made; Douglas had a majority on every ballot. First ballot :- Douglas, 1451/2; R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, 42; James Guthrie, of Kentucky, 3512; Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, 12; Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York, 7; Joseph Lane, of Oregon, 6; Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, 212 ; Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, 11/2 ; Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, 1. Fifty-seventh ballot :- Douglas, 1511/2; Guthrie, 6512; Hunter, 16; Lane, 14; Dickinson, 4; Davis, 1.
On May 3 the convention adjourned to meet again in Baltimore June 18.
2. Charleston Bolters, First Convention
The bolters from the regular convention at Charles- ton held a separate convention forthwith in the same city, James A. Bayard, of Delaware, presiding. Their proceedings were marked by complete harmony.
Platform of the southern Democracy :
"Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati [in 1856] be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions :
"First. That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary; and, during its existence,
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all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Terri- torial legislation.
"Second. That it is the duty of the Federal government, in all its departments, to protect when necessary the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends.
"Third. That when settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution the right of sovereignty com- mences, and, being consummated by an admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery.
"Fourth. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisi- tion of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.
"Fifth. That the enactments of the State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave law are hostile in char- acter, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
"Sixth. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this government to protect the naturalized citizens in all their rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born citizens.
"Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communi- cation between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts; therefore, be it
"Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge them- selves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean at the earliest practicable moment."
No nominations were made by this convention,
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which, after being in session four days, adjourned to meet in Richmond, Virginia, on June 11.
3. Adjourned Convention of Regulars, at Baltimore
Reassembling at Baltimore, in the Front Street Theater, on the 18th of June, 1860, the regular conven- tion began its business by omitting from the roll-call the States unrepresented upon the adjournment at Charles- ton-Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Missis- sippi, South Carolina, and Texas. For five days the con- vention was occupied with passing on applications for seats, mainly from the excluded States-these applica- tions involving several contests between opponents and supporters of Douglas. Most of the Douglas contest- ants were seated, and a bolt ensued that was even more formidable than that at the preceding regular conven- tion. Caleb Cushing resigned as chairman. His place was taken by John Tod, of Ohio.
It was ultimately decided to nominate by the vote of two-thirds of the delegates remaining. Douglas was chosen for President on the second ballot, receiving 1811/2 votes to 712 for John C. Breckinridge and 51/2 for James Guthrie. For Vice-President, Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was nominated on the first ballot. After the adjournment of the convention he wrote a letter declining the honor, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, was thereupon named for the posi- tion by the national committee.
The Charleston minority report on resolutions was retained, with one additional plank, No. 7 below.
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Platform of the northern Democracy :
"1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in con- vention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic convention at Cincinnati in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied to the same subject matter; and we recommend, as the only further resolutions, the following :
"Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legisla- ture, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Con- stitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the Territories,-
"2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the deci- sions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of constitutional law.
"3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign.
"4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a mili- tary, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional government aid as will insure the con- struction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period.
"5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.
"6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to de- feat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
"7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpreta- tion of the Cincinnati platform that, during the existence of the Territorial government, the measure of restriction, whatever it may
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be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Terri- torial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the government."
The convention completed its work and adjourned on June 23.
4. Convention of the Baltimore Bolters
On June 23, 1860, the delegates who had withdrawn from the regular Baltimore convention came together in national convention in the Maryland Institute, Bal- timore. Their number was increased by admission of some of the delegates who had been in attendance upon the adjourned (Richmond) convention of the original Charleston bolters (see 5 below). Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, was chosen to preside. Twenty States were represented, though not in all cases by full dele- gations.
The platform of the Charleston bolters (see 2 above) was adopted.
John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, were nominated for President and Vice-President, each receiving the entire vote of the convention, 1051/2.
5. Charleston Bolters, Adjourned Convention at Richmond
This convention met on the 11th of June, 1860. Dele- gations were present from Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Texas, and there were also delegates from Congres-
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sional districts in Tennessee and Virginia. John Erwin, of Alabama, presided.
After organizing, the convention postponed action to await the result at Baltimore. It then endorsed the Breckinridge and Lane ticket.
Republican Party
Convention held in Chicago, May 16-18, 1860. Tem- porary chairman, David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania ; permanent chairman, George Ashmun, of Massachu- setts. Delegates were present from all the free States and from Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Texas, and Virginia, the Territories of Kansas and Ne- braska, and the District of Columbia. It was decided to nominate by a majority of the whole number of votes in the convention. The platform was adopted on May 17, and the candidates were nominated the next day.
On the first ballot for President the vote was as fol- lows: William H. Seward, of New York, 17312; Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 102; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 501/2; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, 49; Edward Bates, of Missouri, 48; William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, 14; John McLean, of Ohio, 12; Jacob Col- lamer, of Vermont, 10; Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, 3; John M. Reed, of Pennsylvania, 1; Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, 1; John C. Fremont, of California, 1. On the third ballot Lincoln received 2311/2, needing only 212 for the nomination; whereupon there was a change in his favor of four Chase votes in Ohio, and
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then other changes which gave him a total of 364. He was then nominated unanimously.
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was nominated for Vice-President on the second ballot, his principal com- petitor being Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky.
Platform :
"Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Repub- lican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in dis- charge of the duty we owe to our constituents and to our country, unite in the following declarations :
"1. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature and now, more than ever before, 'demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.
"2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Consti- tution, 'That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,'-is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved.
"3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprece- dented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may. And we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic members without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a
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popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital princi- ples of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence.
"4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endur- ance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
"5. That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exac- tions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the personal relations between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people.
"6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extrava- gance which pervades every department of the Federal government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored . partisans, while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor- ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded.
"7. That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposi- tion, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.
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