USA > New York > New York City > New York panorama : a comprehensive view of the metropolis > Part 40
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Wage cuts, unemployment, and a general lowering of living standar for American workmen brought about the "Great Riots" of 1877, wh all over the country workers violently demanded food and jobs. "Contr: to the popular notion," remarks Lillian Symes in Rebel America, "tl violence in the American labor movement stems from European anarchis it was this spontaneous uprising on the part of the native American wo ers in the sultry dog days of July 1877 that first directed attention European revolutionary anarchists-men like Michael Bakunin and Joha Most-to our revolutionary possibilities. The events that make 1877 1der bloodiest year in the history of the American labor movement occur without benefit of alien theories."
In order to break a strike of the highly organized cigar makers in 18·
ber the employers transferred cigar making from large shops to tenemer Within a year more than half of the cigars manufactured in New Yot were being made with tenement labor, under appallingly unsanitary conmo tions. An appeal to the Board of Health proving unsuccessful, the uni began to organize the tenement workers. A strike of 7,000 cigar makers hd E: 5 1877 included many tenement workers, but it was lost. Although 1 Fas union was successful in 1883 in securing the passage of a law prohibiti the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses, the highest court of State declared the law unconstitutional because "it is plain that this is 1 Net a health law, and that it has no relation whatever to the public health U
After the disastrous strike of 1877, Adolph Strasser, the union pre I
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nt, began to reorganize the union along the lines of what later became sidown as "pure and simple" trade unionism. The Cigar Makers Interna- en on nal Union became a model organization of highly skilled craftsmen, with iny of the characteristics that Samuel Gompers was later to introduce into : American Federation of Labor (established in 1881 as the Federation nel il Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada ). Although marked by a growing emphasis on "pure and simple" trade Cionism, the last two decades of the century were by no means barren rad political activities on the part of labor. The "Big Six" typographical Tion, while engaged in a dispute with the New York Tribune, boycotted tft only the newspaper and its advertisers but a presidential candidate, tles G. Blaine, when the Republican National Committee in 1884 re- inised to repudiate the Tribune as its party organ. In the same year oljenry George, author of Progress and Poverty, ran for mayor of New work on a labor ticket, opposing Abram S. Hewitt, the Tammany candi- te, and Theodore Roosevelt, the Republican nominee. Hewitt accused arporge of attempting "to organize one class of our citizens against all hhher classes," to which George retorted that all classes, save the minority rajat did not work for a living, were with him. Hewitt won the election th 90,000 votes; George polled 68,000 votes and Roosevelt 60,000. th
Istontemporary observers believed, however, that George was fraudulently orounted out" of thousands of votes. As a result of this campaign, the 1 nited Party was formed. Its platform, however, neglected labor issues in halvor of the single tax; and the party soon disintegrated. During the presi- Ential campaign of 1896 many prominent trade unionists in New York frew their support to William Jennings Bryan.
The closing years of the 19th century witnessed the beginnings of a tre- sendous consolidation of enterprise in all the basic industries, as far enfaching in its effects as had been the rise of the merchant-capitalist class the 1830's. Coincident with the national growth of monopoly came normous technological progress, most apparent in transportation and nihilding. Trains were first operated by electricity in New York in 1901; sud the first subway unit, from City Hall to 145th Street and Broadway, tas completed in 1904. While very few private homes were being built in titanhattan at the end of the century, apartment houses were going up terywhere; and a modern office structure, the Flatiron Building, was com- deted in 1902.
Union organization kept pace with transportation and building. As early 1861 there had been a union of street car employees on the Third
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Avenue line. Other lines were successfully organized in 1886. By 19 1,300 elevated employees had joined a union that in 1904 waged an successful strike against the Interborough. The United Board of Buildi Trades was formed in New York in 1902.
· The coming of the skyscraper to New York after 1890 brought a n set of problems to the building workers, since the rapid change of te nique and the substitution of metal for wood meant the shifting of cr lines, the breaking down of old skills, and the growth of new specializ occupations. Jurisdictional disputes have kept closely related unions loggerheads with one another for at least a generation. The introducti of new processes has at times been delayed though never prevented union action.
The relatively strong bargaining position of the building unions ] enabled them to secure high hourly wage rates. They have shown a ter ency to make exclusive contracts with certain employers' groups, and ha
nic ing O T lot at times closed their books to new members and even to union memb from other cities. The great power that came to be concentrated in hands of their business agents, coupled with the presence in the industry unscrupulous business men, led to some of the most notorious graft: and racketeering in the history of labor. Sam Parks was convicted of tortion in 1902, and Robert P. Brindell was convicted of the same offe: in 1921; each was president of the Building Trades Council at the time his conviction. Many other union leaders in the building trades have be sent to prison for grafting from employers or stealing union funds. ] Building Trades Employers' Association was set up among the contract to check Sam Parks; it has bargained with the unions and protected members from grafting.
The unethical union practices prevalent in the post-war building bo were coupled with a failure to consolidate the position of the unions the economic field and to extend their field of operations. The fringes the industry, in outlying parts of the city and in the suburbs, were ne thoroughly organized. Representatives of the International Brotherhood Electrical Workers even signed an agreement with the Consolidated Edi Company that the union would not try to organize the men in the co pany's plants, though claiming jurisdiction over them. In the slump ai 1929 many more men slipped away from the control of the unions; ? the "kick-back," by which part of the worker's wage was paid over to boss after payday, became common.
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Complete unionization, even on the larger jobs, has never existed in the dustry since 1904, when the Structural Ironworkers' Union was defeated a tussle with the employers organized in the Iron League. The faulty tics of the union leaders cost them the support of the unions in the her trades, and the trade remained technically "open shop" for a genera- n, though paying union wages and working union hours.
Always there has been at work in each union an element that was re- Ited by the undemocratic methods and grafting tactics of certain hard- iled leaders. This element became thoroughly aroused when the depres- liz
on weakened the grip of the old-timers, and the painters took the lead in king a thorough-going change in leadership.
When, at the turn of the century, New York became the garment- king center of the country, the International. Ladies Garment Workers hion was formed (1900). With a strike of 20,000 shirtwaist makers in 09 and a walkout of 60,000 cloakmakers in 1910, this union firmly ablished itself in the garment shops on an industrial basis. In the men's thing industry, as the result of a schism in the United Garment Work- Union during the strike of 1914, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers America was organized. This union ultimately emerged as one of the ost progressive and powerful of the garment unions, and by 1937 it had ,000 members in New York City and 200,000 throughout the country. created a statistical and research department, and in 1923 established e Amalgamated Bank. Through this bank, owned and operated by the ion, labor has often financed its employers-an arrangement unique in ge-scale industry. The solidly organized garment unions, through their int Boards, exert a stabilizing influence upon an industry that is made of small units and that is as erratic as the fluctuations of style itself.
The growth of industrial unionism in the garment trade was paralleled the growth of the Fur Workers Union, at first limited to highly skilled orkers but after 1905 broadened to include the semi-skilled. New York ns is also the chief stronghold of the Steel and Metal Workers Interna- es nal Union.
During the World War, labor gains were notably evident in New York the shipbuilding industry, the iron and steel fabricating plants, and the thing industry, with allied industries similarly affected. The building- ades unions also grew in membership. On August 7, 1919, the Actors' af quity Association fired the opening gun in its fight for recognition by the oducing Managers' Association. Twenty-five theaters were kept in dark- ess during a strike that lasted 31 days and included a spectacular parade
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down Broadway of more than 2,000 Equity members. The produdor granted the actors' demand for a closed shop. lett
The strike of the New York Newspaper Web Pressmen's Union cript the newspaper plants of the city in September 1923, and regular editi of the metropolitan newspapers were suspended for a period of 18 d.05. The Socialist Call, which had made an immediate settlement with union, alone appeared in its usual form. On September 19, the publish issued the Combined New York Morning Newspaper, carrying in mi ture the mastheads of nearly all the city's prominent newspapers. Inter S. tional President George L. Berry signed an agreement on September with the publishers providing for a closed shop, shorter hours an weekly wage increase. Simultaneously, the New York local, which waged the strike without authority of the international union, was divic and its members ordered to apply directly to the International for i membership cards.
A tugboatmen's strike in January 1920, resulting from wage cuts other grievances, led to the issuance of a strike call by the Internatic Longshoremens Association. Twenty thousand members of the Mand Workers Affiliation in New York responded to this call, and the st was later extended to all southern ports. Vast quantities of foodstuffs coal were tied up in all terminals. Groups of railroad shopmen quit w out warning, and all freight and passenger traffic between Chicago and East was stopped. The strike became a public issue, and the workers
Le manded that Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation Labor, should call a nationwide walkout. Attorney-General Palmer nounced the strike as the work of the IWW, and threatened to invoke Lever and Sherman laws. Raids and arrests followed and the Railr Labor Board declared that it would refuse hearings to all railroad emp an ees who had broken work agreements. Strikebreakers were imported, w college professors and students manned commutation trains as volunte Teamsters joined the strike on April 15 by refusing to handle non-ur shipments. A so-called Citizens' Transportation Committee began to liver freight, and broke the strike.
The "New Era" of prosperity between 1923 and 1930 was characteri by a growth of welfare schemes, company unions and various plans employer-employee collaboration. The American Federation of La adopted a conciliatory policy, showing a willingness to cooperate with dustrial management so that prosperity might continue undisturbed. TI was a constant drop in membership in all but the entrenched craft uni(
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odur the most part, however, New York unions came through this period ter than unions in other parts of the country, losing ground mainly by ripperition and apathy.
During the 1920's, New York City became the battlefield for two op- sing currents of union philosophy. Left-wing blocs, waging war against ganizational inactivity and for industrial unionism, were especially active the garment unions. Their activities centered chiefly around the Trade ion Educational League, formed in 1920 and headed by William Z. ster, former American Federation of Labor organizer and leader in the el strike of 1919, subsequently chairman of the Communist Party of United States. The League announced its plan "to develop the trade ch fions from their present antiquated and stagnant condition into power- ividi, modern labor organs, capable of waging successful war against Capi- or " This left-wing movement won the allegiance of several locals of the r Workers Union, and created opposition blocs in the garment unions ts atio d a number of the building-trades unions. In 1929 the International dies Garment Workers Union expelled 77 regularly elected left-wing Marlegates of the New York Joint Board who represented the 30,000 mem- str rs of Locals 2, 9 and 22. At about the same time, the International Fur orkers Union expelled several left-wing locals, with a membership of wi,000. New independent industrial unions were organized and affiliated nd rs ion th the Trade Union Unity League, itself affiliated with the Communist d International of Labor Unions. The unions of the Trade Union Unity ague led a series of aggressive strikes in New York, notably among shoe d leather workers and cafeteria employees and in out-of-the-way sections the garment trades.
Although the activities of the Trade Union Unity League caused Ameri- 1pl in Federation of Labor unions and leaders in New York City to define eir own policies more sharply, the severe economic crisis of 1929 found te ganized labor still poorly prepared to meet it effectively. Labor, in New ork, again began to express itself politically, as it had in 1830, 1837, un 0 350 and periodically since. Conscious of its plight and of the dangers herent in vast unemployment, it helped-although not in any organized priday-to elect a national Democratic administration in 1932. It also under- ok a series of organizational drives, the success of which was aided by La ch Th iction 7a of the National Recovery Act, effective June 16, 1933, which knowledged the right of workers "to organize and bargain collectively rough representatives of their own choosing ... free from interference, (straint or coercion of employers of labor or their agents."
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A number of new unions were chartered, among them the Americ Newspaper Guild, which had its largest local in New York City. T. Trade Union Unity League officially dissolved in 1935, its members 10 turning to American Federation of Labor locals. The Fur Workers Indu. trial Union, one of the strongest units of the Needle Trades Worke Industrial Union, was formally admitted as an entity into the Americ de Federation of Labor, becoming the International Fur Workers Union. T International Ladies Garment Workers Union launched an intensive ( ganizational drive. A stoppage of cloakmakers in 1934 brought 12,000 noga members into the fold; and the dressmaking division was reorganized a strengthened by 90,000 members. Passing the 100,000 mark in New Yo: the union spread its recruiting campaign to outlying towns, where it ganized an additional 120,000 workers.
An event of unusual importance to organized labor was the passage the National Labor Relations Act, popularly known as the Wagner Lak Act because of its sponsorship by Senator Wagner of New York. Tl measure, as signed by the President on July 2, 1935, provided for "t exercise by workers of full freedom of association, self organization a designation of representatives of their own choosing for the purpose negotiating the terms and conditions of their employment." Resort to t New York regional office of the National Labor Relations Board beca: frequent. In the nine months between October 1, 1936, and June 30, 19 de the New York regional office cleared a total of 386 cases, in 213 of wh: agreements were reached by employers and employees through mediati by the board.
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While labor was recovering from its moribund state and taking offensive, public attention was directed to the extensive racketeering
a corruption that had sprung up in a number of unions during the prosp ous years of 1923-30. In some organizations in New York City- Painters' Union, for example-the issue was fought out internally and corrupt cliques ousted. Later, with the appointment by Governor Lehn of Thomas E. Dewey as Special Prosecutor, indictments were brought 1936 and 1937 against gangsters and racketeers who preyed upon bo fide unions-in some instances actually becoming officials of legitim unions, in others forming "associations" disguised as labor unions wh attempted to "shake down" employers. Among those convicted and s
Atio tenced were three officials of the Hotel and Restaurant Workers Uni who were proved to have engaged in extortion; a notorious gangs Arthur Flegenheimer ("Dutch Schultz") ; "Tootsie" Herbert, describec
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eading figure in the underworld, who had become business agent of cal 167 of the Chicken Drivers Union; and officers of the Official Or- dox Poultry Slaughterers of America (orthodox Jewish chicken killers schoctim), who, according to the prosecution, had conspired with mem- 's of the New York Live Poultry Chamber of Commerce to monopolize live poultry business of New York City.
A new element, destined to increase union enrollment at a tremendous e and to help swell the total number of New York unionists to more n 1,000,000 in 1938, was formed in 1935 as a coordinating body en- ged in union activities outside the jurisdiction of the American Federa- n of Labor. The Committee for Industrial Organization, as it was ned, grew out of certain American Federation of Labor unions com- tted to the structural principle of industrial or "vertical" unionism as inst the craft or "horizontal" policy predominant in the AFL. The O movement, though deriving its greatest momentum from the enroll- lint of workers in mass production industries in other parts of the coun- " + , proved to be a driving force for unionization in New York City, 1 afrolling organized garment workers, clothing workers, hat, cap and milli- se ry workers, seamen, transport workers, shoe workers, office and profes- o Unal workers, as well as many others hitherto unorganized.
Can Many new unions were created as a result of the entrance of CIO into 193: whi organizing field. It took the stand that it would not invade AFL terri- y except where the existing unions included only a small percentage of atie workers in the industry and were too weak to undertake organization ivities. The AFL charged that CIO was setting up dual unions, and g "intered by extending the jurisdiction of its existing unions to cover sec- ans of industries not previously enrolled. Despite bitter disagreement be- spleen the CIO and the AFL, however, large sections of rank and file work-
-t; in both organizations, as well as numerous officials, hope for ultimate dtity.
hm The resurgence in 1936 of broad political action by labor, independent ht bo the old-line parties, was not a new phenomenon in the history of labor New York. Workers had organized their own political parties for in- im pendent action, as has been seen, in 1830 and at intervals since, espe- shelly when panics and depressions smashed local trade unions and wrecked stional federations. When, on the other hand, labor parties gained the nid jectives of universal suffrage, free public schools, and the abolition of gst pressive legislation, or when workingmen's political groups were ab- edrbed or defeated by other political groups, New York labor abruptly for-
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sook politics, especially in a period of industrial expansion, and turn itx toward simple trade unionism.
What was striking about the organization, on July 16, 1936, of t American Labor Party was that for the first time in more than a hundr years New York workers turned to independent political action during period of growth in union organization. Workers now entered politi not because their trade unions had been smashed by an industrial cris but in order to broaden politically the democratic gains being made at t same time in the economic field.
On August 18, 1936, the American Labor Party announced the namis of the first labor party presidential electors in United States history. W President Roosevelt and Governor Lehman as its candidates, in the Mon vember election it polled 274,924 votes in New York City. Encouraged this success, its leaders began organization of an electoral apparatus, andi proceeded to form Labor Party clubs in the State's more important asse bly districts. The party name was kept prominently before the public vigorous support of the national Child Labor Amendment and the Judic Reform proposal. On August 4, 1937, the party nominated Mayor Fiore fon, H. La Guardia for reelection as mayor, and in September it adoptedco municipal platform demanding public ownership of those services in wh 10 "private enterprise and capital have failed to meet public necessities." Skal cific planks in the platform called for extensive public housing, munici ASD cat ownership of utilities and the traction system, distribution of low-cost m extension of free hospital facilities and maintenance of relief at adequiks living standards. In the sphere of social justice, the platform called government aid in the fight against child exploitation, substandard wagera excessive hours, and sweatshop working conditions. Demands for ma tenance of the public educational system at a high level and adequat minority representation in city government were also included.
In the subsequent city election of November 1937, the American La Party polled nearly 43 percent of the votes for the winning ticket. Five tene its candidates were elected to the City Council, along with one Fusil Labor candidate. Meanwhile, units of the American Labor Party were bet formed in many industrial sections of the United States.
In 1938, a century after Mechanics' Bell had pealed its demand for ten-hour day and the recognition of the needs of the workers in New Yorkds there was again occasion for a mechanics' bell to call attention to new la laity. problems and the urgent need for new solutions, with unity the most pr kat ing need of all.
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urn XI. CITY PLANNING
The Urban Pattern
nam s EARLY as 1914, Graham Wallas could write that "the science of city W inning is rapidly developing into the master science of the material e Nnditions of modern life." Even into the late 1930's, this remained an ed ective characterization of the tremendous range and complexity of the s, adivic art." It also implied basic conceptual limits. In the positive sense, assemanning had expanded from the nucleus of skills recommended by Vitru- lic is until it included such highly assorted factors as power, heat, light, dicommerce, engineering, transport, finance, architecture, industry, educa- orelin, meteorology, water supply, wharfage, sanitation, physiography, traf- ted control and landscape architecture in their modern meanings.
whil On the negative side, the phrase "material conditions" indicates in gen- 'Sgal how far the science is still bound by historical and technical usage. icippecially as regards statutory planning, it has largely failed to establish milat degree of removal from politics as a means, that ability to regard poli- quá's as a necessary element in the problem rather than an unyielding frame, d fich has been considered essential in the other sciences. As against such wagfactice, compare Frank Lloyd Wright's free projection of Broadacre City mal-somewhat Utopian, perhaps, in its detachment from existing dilemmas qu the recasting of great cities, but superbly calculated in relation to ma- tials, social use and the prevention of just such future dilemmas.
Again, civic art has made little use of those biological techniques-the ivegenetics of Morgan, Haldane, Jennings and Hogben, for example-which, usic Lewis Mumford shows, had begun to reach a flowering in the first third bei: the 20th century. It has also largely failed to integrate findings in the llateral social sciences: the mass psychology of Allport; Galpin's pioneer or fudy, The Social Anatomy of a Rural Community, which analyzed meth- Yods of determining actual as against administrative limits of the commu- lality. Perhaps the chief criticism of community planning so far has been preiat it did not find room for these and other contributory techniques in he broad terms of ecology, which considers "the interactions among
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