Our County and Its People: A Descriptive Work on Erie County, New York (Volume 1), Part 10

Author: Truman C. White
Publication date: 1898
Publisher:
Number of Pages: 1017

USA > New York > Erie County > Our County and Its People: A Descriptive Work on Erie County, New York (Volume 1) > Part 10

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

On the 2d of November, 1748, a council was held at Quebec with deputies from all nations of the Iroquois excepting the Mohawks, and M. Galissonière. The Indians there said that they desired to be at peace with the French and English, but that the latter had continually solicited them to take up the hatchet against the French, which they constantly refused to do; that they were glad to see traders settle in their neighborhood, but that they had not ceded to any one their lands. It is quite possible that the whole Iroquois confederacy would have been led into active partisanship with the French had it not been for the great influence over them, particularly the eastern nations, of the man who is known in our history as Sir William Johnson. He came to America in 1738, when he was twenty-three years old, to take charge of lands in the Mohawk valley belonging to his uncle, and settled at what is now Johnstown. His fairness and honesty in deal- ing with the Indians soon gained their confidence and gave him almost

dislodge him or to obtain similar concessions for any of their own men. Joncaire established a considerable trading post which was maintained during the period when Niagara was abandoned by the French and a group of cabins was added to his own in course of time. In 1721 he was charged by the English with the murder of M. Montour, a Frenchman who, like himself, had taken a native wife. M. Vaudreuil vindicated the act. In 1790 Joncaire appeared among the Senecas with several French soldiers, informing them that for some trivial offense against his governor he had been whipped and banished, and came to them for protection. From that time to his death, in 1740, he was an active agent of the French. After his death the Senecas applied to the French to permit his son (also named Chabert) to come and live with them, which they did. The son was called by the English a "French Indian." Speaking both the English and French languages, he soon made himself as useful to the French cause as his father had been. In 1741 he asked to be released from his service with the Senecas on account of ill-health, and his younger brother, Clauzonne Joncaire. was appointed in his place. The other son, Chabert, seems, how- ever to have remained in French employ, as the names of both brothers are signed to the capitu- lation of Fort Niagara to Sir William Johnson in 1759. In relation to that event the Maryland Gazette of August 30, 1759, said: "There are ten other officers, one of which is the famous Mon- sieur Joncaire, a very noted man among the Seneca Indians; and whose father was the first that hoisted French colors in that country. His brother, also a prisoner, is now here, and has been very humane to many Englishmen." The connection of the Joncaires with other affairs on the frontier will be described as we proceed.

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 163. 2 Ibid, p. 122.

Digitized by Google

FROM 1749 TO 1755.

unlimited influence with them. About the time of the opening of the French and Indian war he was given the superintendency of Indian affairs, and it was very largely through his good offices that the whole frontier was left free from bloodshed until the treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle.

That treaty was signed October 18, 1748, and it was fondly hoped that under it permanent peace in Europe and this country was secured. By its terms several former treaties, including those of Ryswick and Utrecht, were renewed and confirmed. With all barriers removed, the trading posts around Lake Ontario and elsewhere soon assumed their former activity. The waters were again enlivened by Indian canoes and white men's bateaux ; traders gathered at Niagara and Oswego and even opened considerable business with their late enemies in Canada, who were blind to the illicit character of a commerce that was profitable to them.

CHAPTER V.

1749-1755.

The French Position Strengthened-Results of Competition in Fur Trade-Im- portance of Oswego-Building of a Fort above Niagara Falls-Congress of English Commissioners-General Braddock's Council-Campaign Plans-Braddock's Defeat -Shirley's Operations at Oswego -- His Failure to Reach Niagara-The French Elated-Improvements at Niagara-Plan of Campaign of 1756.

While outward peace reigned, the old inward conflict never ceased. From the date of the capture of Louisburg in 1745 the French had ex- tended and strengthened their dominion and the treaty of 1748 found them with a population in this country of about 100,000, and with a line of posts extending from Nova Scotia to the Gulf of Mexico. They soon became aggressive. Personal trade interests were constantly clashing, while the stake for which the two powers were contending was a magnificent one. The causes of trouble extended downward, from the general desire to rule the whole country, to the minutest de- tails of the fur trade. Soon after the close of the war the French authorities fixed the prices that should be paid for beaver skins; these

Digitized by Google

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

prices were promptly exceeded by the English, with the natural result of diverting the trade. In an abstract of dispatches from Canada under date of April 30, 1749, is the following:

That although they followed the orders that had been given respecting the fixing the price of the Beaver, it had been well if the rate had not been diminished; that a much greater quantity of the article will hereafter go to the English inasmuch as our Indians carried it thither even during the war when it was four livres.1

This condition of trade gave the French great uneasiness, and steps were taken to counteract the policy of the English, by keeping on hand at the important posts larger and more complete stocks of goods and lowering the prices whenever it was possible '

During the years 1749-50 the French authorities expressed their ap. preciation of the importance of the post at Oswego and began discuss- ing plans for its capture. In a memoir to his government dated in December, 1750, M. Galissonnière3 wrote as follows:

As long as the English will possess Choueguen there will be a perpetual distrust of Indians the most loyal to the French, twice more troops than the colony requires, or comports with its condition, will have to be maintained in times of the most profound peace; forts will have to be established and kept in an infinite number of places, and very numerous and very expensive detachments sent almost every year, to restrain the different Nations of Indians. The navigation of the lakes will always be ex- posed to be disturbed; agriculture will not advance, except very slowly, and cannot be pursued except in the heart of the colony; in fine, matters will be always in a situation possessing all the inconveniences of war, even without any of its ad- vantages. +

In the summer of 1750 Joncaire the younger informed the Senecas that the French intended to build a fort above Niagara Falls. This information was authoritative and in that season the French erected a small work a short distance below Gill Creek and at the upper terminus of the portage. It served as a rendezvous for the French and their allies on their way to and from the West. Sir William Johnson soon received notice of this proceeding.

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 200.

? "Too much care cannot be taken to prevent these Indians continuing their trade with the English, and to furnish them at this post with all their necessaries, even as cheap as at Choue- guen [Oswego]. . . . It will be necessary to order the commandants at Detroit, Niagara and Fort Frontenac to be careful that the traders and storekeepers of these posts furnish goods for two or three years to come at the same rate as the English."- Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 202.

' Rolland Michel Barrin, Count de la Galissonniere, was made governor of Canada in 1747, suc- ceeding Beauharnois.

4 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 20.

Digitized by Google

FROM 1749 TO 1755.

Uncertainty as to the future attitude of the Indians continued, as it always had been, an ever-present cause of anxiety and jealousy, and during the period from 1748 to the next declaration of war, no effort that diplomacy and ingenuity could suggest was spared by either French or English to gain the fealty of the Iroquois. On the 23d of October, 1754, a secret conference was held at Montreal by a portion of the Iroquois and the "domiciliated Indians " (the French allies), with M. Duquesne, which resulted in those present promising to listen no longer to the English, and to be "deaf to the words of the Onon- tagés as well as to those of all others. The English will never obtain anything from us, nor even settle on our lands." '

In the same year, and as one of the steps taken by the English to gain the further favor of the Iroquois, a " congress " of commissioners from New York, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Maryland, met at Albany. An address was prepared to be delivered to the Indians, among whom was the famous Mohawk chief, Hendrik. This congress continued in session about a month. The king sent presents for the Indians and urged the utmost efforts to secure their friendship. Other councils were held with the same purpose in view, while the diplomacy of Vaudreuil and his emissaries on the one hand, and of Sir William Johnson and his agents on the other, was unceasingly displayed in this direction; which side was most successful will appear as we proceed.

Like the French, the English now began to appreciate the importance of Oswego, and in 1754 the New York Assembly voted about $1,300 for the repair of the fortifications of that post and to increase its gar- rison. They were undoubtedly aware that the French were even then planning the capture of the post. M. de Vaudreuil wrote his govern- ment July 10, 1755, as follows:

I had the honor to inform you in my letter of the 2d instant, that the English were sending a number of people towards Choueguen, where they had built sloops carry- ing 10 guns, and two sorts of little galleys; that a force of 3,000 men were assembling also at Fort Necessity, within about 40 leagues of Fort Duquesne, where the van- guard, consisting of 700 men, had already arrived. . I had the honor to in- form you that I should order 400 men whom I would take from Presque'ile, to fall back on Niagara, but the danger to which Fort Duquesne is exposed has caused me to change my mind, and they will proceed to the latter post .?

In February, 1755, Gen. Edward Braddock arrived in Virginia, com-

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 200). "Ibid, p. 305,

Digitized by Google

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

- missioned commander-in-chief of all the British forces in North America. Next under him was Gov. William Shirley, of Massachu- setts. Braddock called a council at Alexandria, composed chiefly of the provincial governors, to determine upon a plan of operations against the French. The council met April 14, 1755. Governor Shirley was a man of judgment and foresight, and advocated the ad- vantages of a general movement by way of Oswego for the capture of Niagara, and the building of a navy on Lake Ontario which would be sufficient to both move the troops and hold supremacy over that im- portant body of water, thus cutting the French domain in twain and leaving the western posts to fall an easy prey. Braddock entertained different views; he would march directly against Fort Duquesne, while Col. William Johnson, now made by Braddock a major general and superintendent of Indian affairs, was ordered to take an expedition against Crown Point, and Shirley was to operate against Niagara. Braddock made a mistake. He began his march June 10 and on July 9 met with a crushing defeat, to which his stubbornness and neglect of the advice of Washington largely contributed. The Crown Point ex- pedition, also, was to some extent a failure. Johnson met Dieskau at the head of Lake George, was wounded early in the engagement, and general defeat was averted only by later desperate fighting by the Eng- lish under General Lyman, who succeeded to the command. The English retired to Crown Point and Ticonderoga and entrenched, and built Fort William Henry, a strong work, at the head of Lake George. Johnson was given a baronetcy for his part in the battle.

Shirley acted with characteristic energy. He sent on troops to Oswego to strengthen the post and to build a schooner. The vessel was rapidly constructed and launched on June 28. Before this date 300 ship carpenters were forwarded. By the 21st of August, when Shirley reached the post with his own regiment, there were 1,500 men in the garrison.' Fort Ontario was erected on the east side of the river, three or four sloops or schooners were built, and more than a hundred boats. But Shirley was to be disappointed by failure, as the other expeditions had been. Just as his troops were about to embark, tempestuous

1 The regiments of Shirley and Pepperell, with the militia of New York and New Jersey, ac- cording to the plan we have spoken of, arrived at the end of June at Oswego, from whence they could equally menace both Frontenac and Niagara. Bad weather and a sickness that prevailed among them prevented their designs. They employed themselves during this campaign, in forming an entrenched camp around Oswego, and in building Fort Ontario, on the other side of the river. - Pouchot Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 45.

Digitized by Google

FROM 1749 TO 1755.

weather came on, which, added to previous sickness in the garrison, prevented his departure for Niagara.' Fully realizing the importance of holding Oswego, he placed Colonel Mercer in command, with orders to build additional fortifications, and returned to Albany in October, where he was made commander-in chief of the British forces, a posi- tion he was destined to hold only a short time.

The failure of these English operations greatly elated the French, though they now regretted not having attacked Oswego earlier. On the 24th of July, 1755, M. de Vaudreuil wrote the minister as follows:

The expedition against Choueguen, which at all times would have been easy, is now unfortunately very difficult, and that (I cannot but repeat) because the English have experienced no impediment to their labors and ambition. . . Nevertheless, my Lord, I act with confidence, and dare flatter myself that I shall pull down Choueguen.º

In the mean time the French were making more or less successful effort to place the fort at Niagara in better condition for defense. During the operations in Ohio, just described, reports reached the French authorities of "horrible waste" at Niagara, in connection with transportation over the portage, and as a consequence that business was opened to competition. The price finally agreed upon was fifty sous the piece, but M. Duquesne gave his opinion that the contractors could make no profit owing to mortality among horses and other causes. As to the condition of the post itself early in that year (1755) M. de Vaudreuil wrote as follows:

I am informed that the fort is so dilapidated that 'tis impossible to put a peg in it without causing it to crumble; stanchions have been obliged to be set up against it to support it. Its garrison consists of thirty men without any muskets.

Not a bright picture for the French, surely, when in anticipation of Shirley's attack. De Vaudreuil's proceedings to put the post in better condition are best described in his own words:

I had provided for its security, and for that purpose had given orders to the Com- mandants at Detroit and Missilimakinak to send down some Indians there, but they were so fatigued after their campaign at Fort Duquesne, that they were unable to

' According to the historian, Mante, the first English schooner on Lake Ontario was launched in this summer. The vessel was about forty feet keel, mounted fourteen swivels, and was rigged for rowing as well as sailing. The fleet fitted out at Oswego during the year comprised a decked sloop of eight four-pounders and thirty swivels, a decked schooner of eight four-pounders and twenty-eight swivels, an undecked schooner of fourteen swivels and fourteen oars, and another of twelve swivels and fourteen oars. All of these were unrigged and laid up in the fall. Churchill's Hist. Oswego County, p. 66.

2 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 308.

Digitized by Google

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

go and join M. de Villiers; as soon as I had been informed of that circumstance, I hastened to order M. de Foubonne, Commander of the battalion of Guienne, to re- pair with his men to that post and take the chief command of it I have transmitted him instructions for all eventualities. I have issued orders to M. de l'Hôpital, Com- mander of the Bearn battalion, to detach Captain Pouchau to accompany M. de Foubonne to Niagara. As M. Pouchau is in possession of engineering talents, M. de Foubonne will direct him to have such intrenchments as Niagara admits of, con- structed in great haste, so as to put that place in a condition to resist the enemy, who, according to the report of several prisoners, are making arrangements at Choueguen to attack it. I ordered M. de Villiers to retain M. de Lery, junior, on his return from Fort Duquesne, for the purpose of constructing some intrenchments, which he has done proportionate to his force. M. Pouchau will turn all his works to the best advantage possible. My orders have reached M. de Foubonne, who has taken his departure. At Niagara he will find M. de Villiers with about 500 men. including detached marines, Canadians and Indians, and will be able to offer the greatest resistance to the enemy. The artillery taken from the English at Duquesne will remain at Niagara. It will arrive there without any delay. I instruct M. de Foubonne to arrange it to the greatest advantage possible.1

The "M. Pouchau" above mentioned was Captain Pouchot, to whom we have already given credit for an extract, and from whose memoirs of this war we shall further quote; he was an accomplished and ener- getic engineer, who was able by his excellent qualities as exhibited during his stay at Niagara, to both advance the interests of his country and gain the confidence of the troops and Indians. Regarding the latter De Vaudreuil wrote in the same report from which we have just quoted as follows:

I applied myself particularly to acquire a knowledge of the sentiments of the In- dians of the Five Nations. I sent my orders to M. Joncaire, the elder, to remain con- stantly with them. He has run from village to village, and met Col. Johnson's and M. Shirley's emissaries in each. He has sent me a collection of rumors that the English have spread among the Indians. These reports are in part true; but the English have superadded a number of events to their favor, capable of destroying the confidence the Indian Nations have always reposed in the French, and they have even wished to persuade them that I had been taken by their fleet. But M. Jon- caire had annonnced my arrival to them, which has induced three villages up the Cascon-Chagon [Genesee river] to reject the hatchet of the English, notwithstand- ing all their efforts. The Cayugas have warned him not to pass by the river Cas- conchagon, as the English had set a watch for him there. He is to go across the woods to Niagara, and thence to La Presentation [Ogdensburg] where the Cayugas have told him to wait for them, as they wished to assure me of their fidelity. M. Joncaire writes me that he has no doubt but the rest of the Five Nations have gone over to the English, and are at Choueguen with them.

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 325.

Digitized by Google

FROM 1749 TO 1755.

These extended extracts give a clear idea of the situation from the French standpoint during the period while they were awaiting the ex- pected attack on Niagara, which, as already shown, did not take place. On the 1st of October, 1755, De Vaudreuil held a conference with twenty Senecas under the lead of Joncaire, during which the usual apologies and promises were made on both sides. The Indians com- plained of being in "bad health," and Vandreuil promised to provide for them until spring, when he would dispatch them to their territory. The Indians had been suffering from small pox.

Niagara having been almost providentially saved from Shirley's attack, the French now lost no time in placing it in better condition. On the 1st of October, 1755, a courier was sent from Montreal to Fort Frontenac with orders for the Guyenne regiment to immediately pro- ceed to Niagara, there to prepare material for building fortifications in the next year and to erect barracks for 400 men during the approaching winter. At the same time the Bearn regiment received orders to re- duce the extent of the intrenchments and to build barracks for 300 men. The Guyenne regiment embarked on this mission on the 5th of Octo- ber in forty-eight armed bateaux.'

As these operations progressed the spirits of the French rose. They foresaw a campaign of repeated victories. Joncaire arrived at Mon- treal on the 30th of October with a Seneca chief and ten others of that nation, and reported that the Five Nations generally would remain neutral, but that the promises of the Nontagués could not be fully trusted. This news still further stimulated the French.' Their plans for the campaign of 1756 are indicated by De Vaudreuil's letter to the minister under date of September 25, 1755, from which is taken the following :

I shall give myself less trouble about the defense of Niagara than about Choueguen. I will do my best to cut off the communication of the forces that might be sent thither from Orange [Albany], and on the intelligence I shall receive of the enemy's situa- tion, will dispatch an army of regulars, Canadians and Upper Country Indians to reduce it. I shall then arm one or even two large sloops to chase those of the Eng- lish that will make their appearance on Lake Ontario. If no obstacles should inter- pose to my project, the Choueguen campaign will be concluded before the end of May. I shall always have parties of Indians throughout the winter at Choueguen to harass the enemy, and will even try to burn their sloops and ba- teaux.3

General Shirley again called a council of the provincial governors

' Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 851. "Ibid, p. 377. 3 Ibid, p. 377.

Digitized by Google

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

who met this time in Albany in December. Shirley ardently urged the raising of a body of 5,000 soldiers, who should rendezvous at Os- wego in the spring, to aid in the capture of Niagara and the conquest of the northern frontier. Although he was soon relieved from military duty, his plan was substantially followed in the succeeding campaign. Oswego was left under command of Col. John Bradstreet, an efficient young officer.

CHAPTER VI.

1756-1758.

Beginning of the Final Struggle for Supremacy-Three Expeditious by the Eng- lish-Their General Failure-Capture of Fort Bull by the French-Formal Declara- tion of War-Montcalm's Preparations for an Expedition against Oswego - His Capture of that Post-The French Jubilant-Indians Hasten to French Posts- Campaign of 1757-Deplorable Condition of English Affairs-A Change Approach- ing-Pitt's Accession to the Prime Ministry in England-Energetic Action in Rais- ing English Troops-Capture of Fort Frontenac by the English-Famine in Canada -Former French and English Conditions Reversed.

Although open hostilities had continued for about two years between the French and the English in this country, formal declaration of war was not made until May, 1756. The last struggle for supremacy was inaugurated. The year opened ominously for the English cause. Dur- ing the winter and spring Pouchot pushed his work at Niagara and through his energy and engineering skill placed the post in good con- dition. The following upon this subject is found in an abstract of dis- patches from Canada under date of February 2-8, 1756:

The works which have been considered necessary to put Niagara in a state of de- fence, were much advanced, and they would, it was expected, be completed this spring. A garrison of three hundred men is actively at work there. Niagara will thus be capable of resisting the enemy; its position is, moreover, very advantageous. De Vaudreuil has caused two sloops to be built on Lake Ontario, which are to be equipped as war cruizers on that lake, where they will be capable of doing good service. 1

Montcalm was writing of the works at Niagara in June of this year

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 410.

Digitized by Google

FROM 1756 TO 1758.

and said that the fort consisted " of a horn-work with its half-moon, covert-way, lunettes at the places d'armes re-entering from the covert- way. The front of the work is 120 toises [fathoms]. It is fortified according to M. de Vauban's method."

Three expeditions were planned for the campaign of 1756 by Gen. James Abercrombie, who had been given the chief command of the English forces, similar in their general character to those of the pre- ceding year-one against Fort Duquesne and other western posts; one against Crown Point and Ticonderoga; and the third against Niagara. Neither was successful. Dieskau was succeeded in command of the French forces by the Marquis de Montcalm, one of the bravest and ablest generals of the eighteenth century.

Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.

Our County and Its People: A Descriptive Work on Erie County, New York (Volume 1), Part 10

Author: Truman C. White Publication date: 1898 Publisher: Number of Pages: 1017

Author: Truman C. White
Publication date: 1898
Publisher:
Number of Pages: 1017