Our County and Its People: A Descriptive Work on Erie County, New York (Volume 1), Part 9

Author: Truman C. White
Publication date: 1898
Publisher:
Number of Pages: 1017

USA > New York > Erie County > Our County and Its People: A Descriptive Work on Erie County, New York (Volume 1) > Part 9

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" This is a quaint and interesting document and may be found in Col. Doc., Vol. IX, p. 387.

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FROM 1594 TO 1697.

quois, who harassed the settlements in Canada, until the French be- came convinced that unless more thorough measures were adopted they were lost.

In 1689 Count de Frontenac, whose former management of the col- ony had been so effective, was again sent over as governor. He was an old man, but vigorous, brave and capable, and the flagging spirits of the settlers soon revived under his administration. Failing in his efforts to negotiate peace with the Iroquois, he opened a vigorous cam- paign; burned Schenectady on the night of February 9, 1690; defend- ed Montreal against attack by General Schuyler of New York; and at all points faithfully served his country's interests. But with all his struggle it was a losing cause. The French were harassed and pre- vented from tilling their lands or reaping what they had sown; the fur trade was stopped by the Indians, who took possession of the passes between the French and their allies in the West; famine came on and in June, 1692, the Iroquois entered into a formal treaty of alliance and friendship with Governor Ingoldsby of New York. Frontenac in desperation organized a raid against the Mohawks in 1693, but like many other similar incursions into Indian country, its consequences recoiled upon the invaders. In the summer of 1696 he made a pre- tentious expedition for the purpose of destroying the Onondagas. His victory was a barren one; the Indians fled as usual, leaving only their villages and crops for the torch of the French army, which returned to Canada in discomfiture. The century closed in peace under the treaty of Ryswick, made in 1697, and the French king, who had espoused the cause of James II, acknowledged William of Orange, king of Great Britain and Ireland.

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CHAPTER IV.

1698-1748.

Continued Territorial Contention between France and England-Renewed Vigor in the Fur Trade-Beginning of Queen Anne's War-Importance of Niagara as a Military Post-Treaty of Utrecht-Building of a Picketed Post at Niagara-Opposi- tion by Governor Burnet of New York-Restriction in Sale of Indian Goods by the English to the French-Erection of Fortified Post at Oswego by the English-French Opposition to the Work-Attitude of the Iroquois-Building of a Stronger Work at Niagara-Rivalry between Oswego and Niagara-Beginning of Another War- Its Relation to the Western Frontier - Joncaire's Influence -Treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle.

The close of the war did not settle territorial differences between the French and the English, and Western New York continued a source of infinite difficulty. The veteran Frontenac died in November, 1698, and was succeeded by Chevalier de Calières, while Lord Bellomont succeeded Governor Sloughter in New York. A treaty of neutrality was negotiated August 4, 1701, at Montreal, by De Calières, between the Iroquois on one side and the French and their Indian allies on the other, which gave great satisfaction to the French king.' This treaty was assented to by New York, and permanent peace seemed assured to the English and Dutch colonists, who engaged with renewed vigor in their fur trade. The Jesuits promptly took advantage of the peace- ful conditions, and the surrounding waters bore their canoes hither and thither, while the forests echoed their prayers and hymns. They were very active in establishing and promoting missions among the Five Nations, a course which gave such offense to the English that an act was passed by the Colonial Assembly of New York in 1700, requiring every "ecclesiastical person receiving his ordination from the Pope or See of Rome," then residing in the province, to depart from it before the 15th of November, under penalty of death.

1 I have learned with great joy that his Majesty has been satisfied with the treaty I concluded last year with the Five Iroquois Nations, and with that I have procured for our Indian allies .- Letter from Chevalier de Calieres to the French court, November 4, 1702, in Col. History, Vol. I.X, p. 736.

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FROM 1698 TO 1748.

What is known as Queen Anne's war began in 1702 and ended in 1713. Before military operations had progressed far on this side of the ocean the French had, through the influence of the Jesuits, and the diplomacy of Vaudreuil,' regained the good will of the western In- dians, and so improved and strengthened the situation of the French as to place them in many respects in equality with the English. Dur- ing that war the Five Nations skillfully maintained an appearance of neutrality and friendship for both the French and English; there is, however, little doubt that their sympathies were for a time with the latter. While the war was directed on the part of the English prin- cipally against Port Royal, Quebec and Montreal, Western New York and our frontier continued to be looked upon by the French as an essential point of vantage. In 1706 proposals were submitted to the French court to take possession of Niagara as a means of controlling the fur trade and protecting the western region against the Iroquois and the English." On June 30, 1707, information came from Versailles that the king had learned that the English were endeavoring to seize the post at Niagara; that it was of great importance as an entrepot for Detroit and instructing the Intendant to examine on the spot and learn if it would be possible to obtain consent from the Iroquois to establish a garrison there.' This plan was carried out and on Septem- ber 14, 1708, Sieur d'Aigremont reported to M. de Pontchartrain that he arrived on the 27th of June at Niagara where he had appointed to meet Sieur Joncaire, to discuss the advantages of establishing a fort at that point. D'Aigremont doubted the possibility of doing so, owing to opposition by the Indians and jealousy of the English.'

The details of this eleven years period of war do not properly belong in these pages. The war closed with the treaty of Utrecht, April 11, 1713, in which France ceded to England "all Nova Scotia or Acadia, with its ancient boundaries, also the city of Port Royal, now called Annapolis Royal, and all other things in those parts, which depend upon the said lands; " she also agreed to "never molest the Five Na- tions subject to the dominion of Great Britain." But the all-important questions of boundaries and control over vast regions of country were left unsettled, to rise in later years and cloud the peaceful horizon.

' Chevalier de Calieres died at Quebec in 1703 and was succeeded as governor by Philip de Rigaud. Marquis de Vaudreuil, who held the office until his death, October 10, 1225. He was per- sistent and active in his conduct of affairs and made the English infinite trouble by inciting the Indians to frequent forays on the frontier.

" Col. Hist., Vol. 1X, p. 678. 3 Ibid. p. 807. + 1bid, p. 821.

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While the victory lay with Great Britain, the French lost none of their prestige in the West, nor did they relax their activity in establishing stations and prosecuting their fur trade. Correspondence, complaints and recriminations promised to be endless, and ere long it became ap- parent that permanent peace was not yet secured.

In a French report dated October 20, 1720, Messrs. Vaudreuil and Begon stated that in the previous spring Sieur Joncaire had caused the Indians to erect a picketed house at Niagara. The English, of course, bitterly opposed this act. Through Joncaire's great influence with the Senecas, that nation was induced to consent. The reason given for the erection of the work by the French was, that it was "required to prevent the English introducing themselves into the Upper Country, and to increase the trade at Fort Frontenac."1 Gov. William Burnet, of New York, protested,' claiming that "the French flag had been hoisted in one of the Seneca castles," which he considered "an ill observance of the articles of the Peace of Utrecht." Vaudreuil replied, insisting on the right of the French to the post at Niagara, claiming that Bur- net was " the first English Governor-general who has questioned the right of the French from time immemorial, to the post of Niagara, to which the English have, up to the present time, laid no claim," etc.'

It was evident that the time had arrived when the English were de- termined to secure control of Lake Ontario. Governor Burnet in 1721 established a temporary trading station at Irondequoit, which did not, however, remain long.' Meanwhile the New York Legislature passed a law forbidding the further supply of Indian goods to the French, who were unable to get them elsewhere except at higher prices. This act seriously affected the New York importers, as well as crippled the French, and the latter retaliated by inciting the northern Indians to drive the English from their country. "Since the close of October, 1723," wrote De Vaudreuil, "the Abenakis did not cease harassing the English with a view to force them to quit their country."'

To further his purposes Governor Burnet made preparations to estab-

1 Col. Hist., Vol. 1X, p. 897.

2 Letter of 24th of August to M. Vaudreuil, Ibid, p. 901.

'Ibid, p. 901.

' That I might improve their [the Indians] present good humor to the best advantage I have employed the five hundred pounds granted this year by the Assembly chiefly to the erecting and encouraging a settlement at Tirandaquet, a creek on the Lake Ontario about sixty miles on this side of Niagara whither there have actually gone a company of ten persons with the approbation of our Indians." - Burnet to the Board of Trade, Oct. 16, 1221.

* Col. Hist., Vol. IX, p. 936.

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FROM 1698 TO 1748.

lish a strong defensive work at Oswego in 1725, and in the following spring he carried out his plan.1 This gave the French great uneasi- ness. De Vaudreuil wrote concerning it that he "had received the advice that the English and Dutch had projected an establishment at the mouth of the River Chouaguen [the French name for Oswego] on soil always considered as belonging to France." His un- easiness is further indicated in his statement that he "felt the difficulty of preserving the post of Niagara where there is no fort, should the English once fortify Chouaguen; and that in losing Niagara the colony is lost, and at the same time all the trade with the upper country In- dians. " 2

The fort at Oswego was finished in 1726. It now became of vital importance to the French to place Niagara in a state of defense, which they hesitated to undertake without acquiescence of the Iroquois. The bewildered Indians, alternately cajoled and threatened for many years by representatives of both European powers, could scarcely determine where their best interests lay; it is not strange, therefore, that they vacillated to some extent from one to the other. De Vaudreuil sent M. de Longueil among the Onondagas,3 whose consent he obtained to the building of a fortification at Niagara, and two vessels to sail on Lake Ontario. De Longeuil found Oswego and the water passage to Onondaga in full possession of the English, who exhibited an order from the New York governor to allow no Frenchmen to pass up th Oswego River without showing a passport.

Messrs. de Longueil and Begon, in their report on the proposed French fort at Niagara, urged the importance of beginning it in the spring of 1726, transmitted a plan of the work and an estimate of its cost, which was 29,295 liv .; the two barks were built at a cost of 13,090 liv., which sums were sent over by the king. There was some difference of opinion between the engineer who planned the fort and other French officers as to the most desirable location for the "stone house." The engineer selected the site of the former work erected by

1 Burnet wrote the Board of Trade on the 9th of May, 1726, as follows: "I have this spring sent up workmen to build a stone house of strength at a place called Oswego, at the mouth of the Onondage river where our principal trade with the far Nations is carried on. I have obtained the consent of the Six Nations to build it." The place was garrisoned by sixty soldiers, a cap- tain and two lieutenants, and there were gathered there at that time about 200 traders.

2 Col. Hist., Vol. IX, p. 950.

3 He afterwards repaired to Onontague and obtained the consent of their chiefs to the erection of a stone house at Niagara, in the place of the one which fell in ruins; also, to the construction; of two barks for the transportation of materials .- Col. Hist., Vol. IX, p. 976.

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De Nonville, which was substantially the site of the present fort. He made a map of the locality and traced a line of fortification around the site of the house, and accompanied it with "some reasons which obliged him not to build it at the Portage, marked B, on the site of the former house, but to locate it at the mouth of the Niagara river, so as to prevent the English going to trade on the north shore of the lake, and seizing on that river, which is the passage from the upper country, as the Lake cannot be crossed with their bark canoes; whilst, had he built at the Portage, which is three leagues up the river, and should the English locate themselves at the mouth, where the House is erected, the Lake would be surrendered to them, and the House block- aded in such a manner that it would be impossible to assist it or to withdraw the garrison from it." On the other hand, while Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy (the former was appointed governor in 1726) admitted that the house was "well located for defending the communi- cation into the lake, and the passage from the lake to the upper coun- tries," insisted that it did "not absolutely command the Portage, which is the spot where everything passes." On this subject, so important in connection with the early history of our frontier, we quote further from the Colonial Manuscripts from which the foregoing extracts are taken, as follows:

In order to remedy this inconvenience, they propose to rebuild that which stood at the Portage, and say that such expense is absolutely indispensable if it be desirable to secure the Upper country. They transmit the Plan and elevation thereof, with an estimate amounting to 20,430 liv. 14s. 11d. They add that this building will not give any umbrage to the Indians, inasmuch as it will be considered as the re-erection of one entirely similar to that which stood there, and has almost fallen down. It will not be a new affair requiring negotiation with them.1

On the 25th of July, 1726, M. de Longueil wrote that the business of erecting the fort "has been well managed and pushed forward, and that the barks constructed at Fort Frontenac have afforded wonderful assistance; that no opposition has been offered by the Iroquois, who, on the contrary, appeared highly pleased to see us near them; but, that the English, uneasy and jealous, have solicited and gained over some Seneca chiefs to thwart this establishment, which has been of no other effect than to attach the Iroquois to us more strongly."?

On the 7th of September, 1726, De Longeuil wrote the French gov - ernor that there were no more English at Oswego, along the lake, nor

1 Paris Doc., Col. Hist., Vol. IX, pp. 976-17.

" Ibid, p. 97%.

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FROM 1698 TO 1748.

in the river, and that if he encounter any in the lake, he will have them pillaged. That the house at Niagara is very much advanced.1

While these operations were in progress the English were constantly striving to incite the Iroquois against the French and to induce them to prevent the completion of the Niagara fort, but with indifferent suc- cess .? On the 29th of April, 1727, King Louis in a memoir to his Ca- nadian governor, approved of the construction of the house at Niagara, and of the two barks; also approved of the proposal of Beauharnois and Depuy "to rebuild the old house at the portage."'

The strife and contention went on until it culminated in another war; this result was inevitable. The posts at either end of Lake On- tario, Niagara and Oswego, were now of the highest importance to both French and English. The nation in possession of both would hold absolute sway over Lake Ontario and through that of the great bulk of the fur trade. Consequently the letters, memoirs and dis- patches that passed between the two powers struggling for the mas- tery, from the date of the erection of the stone structures at Niagara and Oswego, were very largely devoted to this subject and need only brief notice here.

Everywhere the French were vigilant and active. They erected a stockade in 1731 at Crown Point on Lake Champlain. In 1734 Beau- harnois counseled increasing the garrison there to 120 men, and a con- siderable force was stationed there a few years later. At the same time more troops were called for from France for general defense. In a dispatch of December 24, 1734, the governor admitted that the French could do nothing against Oswego if the Indians remained neu- tral, at the same time contending that the English could not success- fully assault Niagara. The French, as shown by the records, had im- plicit confidence that the Indians would never countenance any move- ment of the English against that post.'

1 Col. Hist., Vol. IX, p. 978.

" The Indians replied to the exhortations of the English as follows : " You have been a long time repeating the same thing to us, and always in vain ; we do not regret having given our con- sent to the building of the house and the barks; we have given our word, and are satisfied with the manner in which the French have acted ; it is useless to say any more, and if this post offend you, go and pull it down."-Ibid.

' Ibid, p. 964.

'"The Five Nations who are impelled by one and the same interest would doubtless certainly oppose any attempt on the part of the English against Niagara, just as they would resist any effort on our part against Choueghen ; on the other hand, the Iroquois would have nothing to re- proach us with, were the English the first to move against Niagara ; under such circumstances I

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The English were no less energetic in efforts to maintain or strengthen their situation; but they were far less successful, particularly in their relations with the Iroquois. Strong as they had been in the past, they finally became doubtful of their ability to hold Oswego, and as confi- dent that its capture would be attempted by their enemies. Governor Clarke wrote the Board of Trade as follows:

My Lords-If the loss of Oswego (which I much fear will fall into the hands of the French on the first rupture) does not stagger the best resolutions of the Six Nations, who at present fear more than they love the French; that Fortress, or rather, Trad- ing house, for it is no better, is in a defenseless condition, the Garrison consists but of a Lieutenant, Serjeant, Corporal and 20 men. It is and has been without ammu- nition, the Assembly refusing to be at the expense, as well as to make provision for victualling a larger Garrison.1

In the same year the governor wrote of the French situation as follows:

The French had lately three, and now two sailing vessells, each of about 50 or 60 Tons, on the Lake Cadaraqui; on the North East end whereof, near the entrance in- to the River of St. Lawrence, they have a small Stone fort called Frontenac, with a Garrison of about thirty or thirty-five men, and on the South west End, near the fall of Niagara. another with the like garrison, a trading house under the cover of it, and are now building there one or two more trading houses. We have a trading house and a Garrison of 20 men in it at Oswego, almost opposite to Fort Frontenac, which in our present situation will inevitably fall into the hands of the French on the first opening of a War & with it the Five Nations, the only Barrier against the French to all the Provinces from this to Georgia."

During all of these prolonged proceedings that were leading towards war, both the powers most interested threatened, coaxed and intrigued and made presents to the Indians in the hope of winning their undivided allegiance. Promises of an alluring character were freely made by both nations, presents were distributed, among which intoxicating liquor became a prominent feature.'

War was declared in 1744, involving England, Spain, France and Austria, including the western colonies of the three first named. While it was an eventful struggle in its general character, its story possesses

would be always in time to attempt the capture of Choueghen, wherein I would experience less opposition, and which I would not fail immediately to attack."-Beauharnois, letter to Count de Maurepas, Col. Hist., Vol. IX, p. 1106.

' Clarke's letter of Aug. 20, 1742, Doc. Hist., Vol. I, p. 463. ? Ibid, p. 465-66.

""The toleration his Majesty [ the French king ) is pleased to entertain in favor of the distri- bution of brandy to the Indians, is so much the more necessary, as that liquor is the sole allure- ment that could attract and preserve them to us, and deprive them of all inducement to go to the English."-Abstract of dispatch, Col. Hist., Vol. 1X, p. 1016.

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FROM 1698 TO 1748.

little local interest. During the summer of 1744 the old stockades at Niagara were repaired and doubled, and on October 8 Beauharnois in- formed his government that he had sent Sieur de Celeron to command the post, and " have added thirty men to its garrison, so that this con- sists of sixty-four soldiers and six officers."' Two years later the same writer wrote of the garrison showing that it comprised only about one-half of the above number, and was under command of Captain Duplessis. Neither Niagara nor Oswego was directly involved in this war. The latter was substantially deserted during the whole period. During the first and greater part of the contest the Iroquois greatly favored the French, though constantly persuaded and allured by the English. In 1747 it was reported that the Senecas, as well as the others of the Five Nations, were divided in their allegiance, "part for the French and part for the English, who are endeavoring to corrupt them by all sorts of means." ?

In the fall of 1747 the post at Detroit received a large accession, as shown by the following report :

The Montreal convoy arrived safe at Detroit on the 22d of September, escorted by about 150 men, including the merchants and their servants. This relief is the salvation of Detroit, and has apparently made an impression on the Nations.3

Under the same date occurs the following :

The Niagara and Frontenac posts are quiet. We learn by this same opportunity that the sloop on Lake Ontario has arrived at Niagara freighted with provisions and merchandise, by which means that post is well supplied. Fort Frontenac is equally well provisioned.‘

The attitude of the Iroquois Indians during the latter part of this war is well set forth in the following brief extracts from the above mentioned journal. Under date of May 28, 1748, is the following :

Count de la Galissonière sends, with a convoy, Captain de Raymond. to relieve M. de Contrecoeur, the commandant at Niagara, who has applied to be recalled. . . Sieur Joncaire,' Resident at the Senecas, having demanded to be relieved, in con-

1 Col. Hist., Vol. IX, p. 1104. 2 Col. Hist. Vol. X, p. 123.

' Journal of Occurrences in Canada, 1747-8, Paris Doc. X, Ibid, p. 140. ' Ibid, p. 143.

$ This name of Joncaire has an important place in the early history of the frontier of Western New York. As already stated, when the French determined to reoccupy Niagara preparatory to establishing a post there, M. Chabert de Joncaire was sent on a mission to the Senecas to obtain their consent to the erection of the work. In earlier years he had been captured by the Senecas, who adopted him and he married a Seneca squaw. He was released by them when peace was declared, and was afterwards employed by the French to promote their interests with the Sen- ecas, where his position and influence, as their adopted son, gave him great influence. They per- mitted him to build a cabin on the site of Lewiston, from which the English were powerless to

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sequence of his health, the General has appointed Sieur Joncaire Clauzonne, his brother, to succeed him, to whom he furnishes the necessary instructions respecting the course he is to pursue towards the 5 Nations, under existing circumstances.1

Under date of July 19 is found this: ·

Letters from Niagara are received at Quebec, stating that the 5 Nations are gone to the council at Orange [Albany] and that they promise to come and visit their Father at Montreal immediately on their return. It is reported that these nations have sent back the hatchet which the English gave them to use against the French .*

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Our County and Its People: A Descriptive Work on Erie County, New York (Volume 1), Part 9

Author: Truman C. White Publication date: 1898 Publisher: Number of Pages: 1017

Author: Truman C. White
Publication date: 1898
Publisher:
Number of Pages: 1017