Our county and its people : a descriptive work on Erie County, New York, Volume I, Part 11

Author: White, Truman C
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Boston] : Boston History Co.
Number of Pages: 1014

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The brave Colonel Mercer was killed in this defense of Oswego. The number of prisoners captured by the French was 1, 700, with seven war vessels and a large quantity of cannon and other munitions. Mont- calm ordered the destruction of the whole fortification; this was done, in part at least, to show the Indians that the French did not desire to maintain a military station in their territory. The capture of Oswego had the effect of turning many of the Indians from the English to the French, causing great rejoicing by the latter and corresponding de- spondency among the English.2

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X. pp. 442-3.

2 " The capture of Oswego produced the greatest effect upon all the Indian tribes, because the English had affected a decided superiority over us, and by their braggadocio on their power and courage, sought to make the Indians believe that we should not be able to resist them. The latter saw with what ease we took the post which had as many defenders as assailants, and their brisk cannonade, of which they had never heard the like, did not disturb the French troops. We

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

Moreover, the moral effect of the victory was disastrous to the Eng- lish, and their offensive operations ceased for a time. It removed what the French regarded as the chief danger to their plans for whole- sale conquest, and left unbroken their possession of the valleys of the St. Lawrence, the great lakes, the Ohio, and the Mississippi.'

The Indians hastened in large and small bodies to Niagara and other French posts. So many arrived at Niagara as to give Pouchot (who returned to that fort in September with a picket (company) of the Bearn regiment) much difficulty in providing for their subsistence .? Mont- calm saw this change in the attitude of the Indians, concerning which he wrote the Count d'Argenson, April 24, 1757, as follows :

All the news from Detroit, Forts Duquesne and Niagara assure us of the disposi- tions of the Indians of the upper countries, which is principally owing to the fall of Choueguen. Captain Pouchot, of the regiment of Bearn, who commands at Niag- ara, is wonderfully liked by the Indians, and conducts himself much to the satisfac- tion of the Marquis de Vaudreuil.3

Under Pouchot's administration Niagara was still further strength- ened, as shown in the following abstract from dispatches :

Niagara is also well fortified. It had only six guns. Choueguen has furnished 24 of the largest caliber which are now mounted. People are busy supplying Forts Duquesne, on the Beautiful river, Niagara and Frontenac with provisions, in order to be no longer obliged to employ the best men at such work when they may be re- quired elsewhere.

The greatest point is that the English keep on the defensive and do not come to attack us. M. de Montcalm writes that they will never be able to come at a more favorable time for us, holding, as we do, all the important posts.

The harvest in New England is said to be very bad and all the prisoners assure us that if the English do not take Carillon and St. Frederic, this year, New England is swamped and unable henceforth to contribute anything.4

On December 13, 1756, M. de Vaudreuil held a conference at Mon- treal with a hundred Indians representing all the Five Nations except

may say, that since this event, they have redoubled their attachments and friendship for the French."-Pouchot Memoirs, Vol. I, p 70.

1 The victories of the French gave them command of Lake Champlain and Lake George. Their success at Oswego confirmed their control over the western lakes, and the valley of the Mississippi. Their occupation of Fort Duquesne enabled them to cultivate the friendship, and continue their influence over the Indians west of the Alleghanies. Their line of communication reached from Canada to Louisiana, and they were masters of the vast territories that spread out beyond it. Their supremacy on this continent was now at its zenith ; henceforward all change tended to their decline and final dispossession.

2 Pouchot Memoirs, Vol. I, pp. 61-62. 3 Note from Col. Hist., X, 548, in Pouchot Memoirs, I, 77. 4 Col. Hist., Vol. X. r. 481.

FROM 1756 TO 1758.

the Mohawks and including several minor nations. The Indians, as usual, wanted assistance and made apologies for their remissness and promises of future fealty to the French. On the other hand the French officials reprimanded them for their past failures to keep their agree- ments and made new compacts with them.

In January, 1757, a large body of the Loups of Tioga assembled at Niagara to hold a council. Scattering bodies of other nations, even of the Senecas, were present, from whom it was learned that Sir William Johnson had sent belts to the Senecas and Loups, promising supplies and protection in return for their allegiance. Nevertheless, the Indians adhered to the French, and as a consequence, "small parties of Indians and some French went out from almost every post from Frontenac to Fort Duquesne, devastating frontiers of New York, New Jersey, Penn- sylvania, Maryland and Virginia." 1

In a communication dated at Quebec September 9, 1757, Montcalm wrote as follows to the Marquis de Paulmy :

Our latest dates from Fort Duquesne, of the 7th 7ber, confirm the good disposi- tions of the Indians, the continuance of their forays, which spread desolation throughout the English colonies. Sieur de Liniery, a Colonial Captain in Command there, writes me that the different parties brought him in recently 200 prisoners or scalps. The same is nearly the case at Niagara, according to the letter of M. Pouchot, who commands there.

"On the 1st of July there was held a grand council at Niagara, at which the Iroquois informed by a fine belt the Hurons, Ouias, Miamis and Outaouaes, that they had taken up the hatchet for their father (the French king) and that they would not quit again. These nations always distrusted the Iroquois and loved them not. Each jealous of the superiority of the other, could only regard the Five Nations as the allies of the English." 2

Pouchot notified M. Vaudreuil that the fortifications at Niagara were finished. He was soon afterward relieved of command at that post and was succeeded by Captain Vassan, a brilliant and capable officer. This was against Montcalm's advice, and from this time onward there is noticeable in the correspondence of both Vaudreuil and Montcalm a growing feeling of opposition and distrust.3 The policy adopted by

1 Pouchot Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 78.

2 Ibid, I, 84.

3 Captain Pouchot, of the Bearn regiment, who has long commanded at Niagara, was accom- plishing wonders among the Five Nations and Delawares. The Marquis Vaudreuil admits it, and has frequently told me he wished him still there. Why did he recall him? Why does he not

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

Pouchot's successor was not such as to retain the good will of the In- dians in minor matters, or to advance the larger interests of his superior officers.

The campaign of 1757 as a whole terminated disastrously for the English, leaving their affairs in a worse condition than at any former period. Fort William Henry fell before Montcalm's army in August, and the French still controlled the western region. But a change was at hand, which was brought about to a considerable extent by the suc- cession of William Pitt to the prime ministry of England. He was a man of great ability and a devoted friend to the American colonies. He promptly gave assurance that ample forces should be sent over and recommended that the colonists raise as many men for the armies as possible. Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire and New York voted from 5,000 to 7,000 men each, and so inspiriting was the outlook that those troops were ready for the field in May, 1758. The impotent Loudon, after endeavoring to shift the blame for past reverses upon other shoulders, returned to Europe, and the command of all the Eng- lish forces in America devolved upon Gen. James Abercrombie. Three expeditions were planned for this year, neither of which directly in- volved the frontier in Western New York. The one against Louisburg was successful, and the post was taken by Major. Gen. Jeffrey Amherst; the second against Ticonderoga and Crown Point was under Abercrom- bie in person, who was defeated; the third was directed against Fort Duquesne and was successful.

General Bradstreet, who had been commissioned a brigadier-general, endeavored early in the season to gain Abercrombie's consent to an expedition for the capture of Fort Frontenac, but was refused. After the Ticonderoga battle, however, Abercrombie reversed his decision. Bradstreet, accompanied by Maj. Philip Schuyler, took command of 3,000 troops who were engaged in building Fort Stanwix (on the site of Rome), proceeded to Oswego, built a schooner in three weeks, and on the 25th of August landed his troops near Fort Frontenac. There he constructed a battery and began the siege on the 27th. The Indians had already deserted the post and the garrison of 120 men surrendered the same day. Bradstreet lost only four or five men. 1

send him back? Many officers, exempt from suspicion, have proposed to him to send Captain Pouchot back, as being one of the officers best qualified to manage the Indians .- Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 693.

1 They soon breached the wall and the garrison of ninety men and thirty voyageurs surren- dered upon condition of being allowed to descend to Montreal. The English took away part of

FROM 1756 TO 1758.

One authority says that the English found nine vessels, two of which they sent to Oswego. Pouchot says (vol. I, p. 125,) that they took away a bark and a brigantine and " the rest of our marine they burned." The destruction of property and abandonment of this post by Brad- street was censured in some quarters, it being thought the fort could have been held permanently, greatly strengthening the English position.

The capture of Frontenac was one of the most important events of the war. It facilitated the fall of Duquesne, discouraged the French, gave joy to the English, and reflected honor on the provincial soldiers. So powerful was its effect on the French that a cry for peace went up throughout Canada, the resources of which were becoming exhausted. There was almost a famine in that region and men and officers of good judgment, who were aware that a turn had come in the tide of English affairs, foresaw approaching disaster. A letter from Quebec under date of June 15, 1758, says:

The twelve thousand barrels of flour which have arrived in no wise relieve the scarcity [of provisions]. They enable us only to march to oppose the enemy's plans; this is the most essential point. Of 36 ships that sailed from Bordeaux in 3 divisions, 24 are missing, which were all freighted with provisions and other necessary supplies. Not a single vessel has yet made its appearance from Rochelle, whence many are expected ; neither from Bayonne, nor Marseilles, from which ports several had sailed. The sea swarms with English privateers and we have not one. These privateers are supported by men of-war and there is hardly a frigate to escort twelve of our mer- chantmen. All this affords every reason to believe that we shall be worse off the next winter than the last. To crown the misfortunes, this year's harvest cannot fail to be bad. Little has been sown for want of seed; and sowing was scarcely com- pleted when the land was inundated with rain, which has continued nearly a month. It is since cold, and now freezes at night so hard as entirely to destroy all the vege- tables, which are, so to speak, the sole resource of the people who, since a year, are in want of bread. This, my Lord, is a situation the more cruel, as it is not ex- aggerated; the result is an advance in prices so horrible as to entail suffering on the most comfortable. We are all in the same category.1

The vigilant foresight and military genius of Montcalm enabled him to clearly appreciate the increasing adversities of the French. In July of this year (1758) he reported to Marshal de Belle Isle the numbers of the French forces, recounting how little they could depend upon the Indians excepting for haphazard forays, concluding as follows:

the artillery which we had captured at Oswego, and destroyed what they could not remove .- Pouchot Memoirs, Vol. I, pp 124-5.

1 M. Doreil to Marshal de Belle Isle, minister of war, Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 718.

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

With so small a force, how preserve, without a miracle, from the Beautiful river, [Ohio] to Lake St. Sacrament, and attend to the descent on Quebec; 'tis an impossi- bility. Whoever will write to the contrary of what I advance will deceive the king. However so unpalatable soever it be, 'tis my duty, as a citizen, to write it. This is not discouragement on my part, nor on that of the troops, for we are resolved to bury ourselves under the ruins of the colony.1

De Vaudreuil did not share Montcalm's apprehensions; indeed the two were clearly at cross purposes, as indicated in the records of the time. How prophetic were Montcalm's words the sequel shows.ª

De Vaudreuil reported the capture of Fort Frontenac to his war min- ister on the 2d of September, and made the following statement :

The enemy have found at Frontenac considerable provisions, goods and artillery, which were intended for the posts on the Beautiful river and at Niagara. One of the sloops [two of their largest were captured by Bradstreet] was loaded with those articles; that fort being the entrepot of our Lake Ontario navy, it could not happen otherwise; even though I should have had 5 or 600 men at that post, they could not defend it in consequence of its construction.

As soon, my Lord, as I was aware that the sloops were in the hands of the Eng- lish, my uneasiness for Niagara increased in consequence of the difficulty of getting to that place. I have at the moment dispatched 30 bark canoes to overtake M. Du- plessis and have ordered him to deliver them to M. de Montigny whom I have en- trusted to repair to Niagara with 5 to 600 men, some additional gunners and 20 thousand weight of powder. I hope if time be given this detachment to arrive at Niagara, 'twill be out of danger, and that, as the bark canoes can be hid in the woods, they will escape the vigilance of the sloops. Peace appears to me an absolute necessity for this colony.3

The foregoing reads much like an apology. The fact is, the capture of Frontenac was due to thorough efficiency on the one side and ineffi- ciency on the other. More forcibly than anything else this event indi- cated the changing fortunes of the two nations who were in conflict for dominion.

On the 9th of the same month Montcalm wrote Belle Isle, war min- ister, regarding the capture of Frontenac as follows:

What is most unfortunate is, that they the English have taken considerable pro- visions, quantity of merchandise, eighty pieces of iron cannon, large and small, many of which they left after breaking the trunnions, and destroyed the navy, for which we were indebted to my capture of Choueguen; burning five of our sloops and carrying two of them away. That navy assured to us the superiority on Lake Ontario, which we now lose. 'Twill be still worse should the enemy reduce Niagara, which is a strong post for this country.4

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 761. 2 See correspondence between Doreil and Belle Isle, Ibid, pp. 768-9.

3 Ibid, pp. 823-24. 4 Ibid, p. 831.

FROM 1756 TO 1758.

Montcalm had been called to Montreal from Carillon to confer with Vaudreuil, and in his letter from which we have quoted does not hesi- tate to impute to his superior officer the assured loss of Fort Frontenac and all that went with it, and the possible future fall of Niagara.

Everywhere the French were growing despondent; it would seem that if the English had been prepared and had pushed their operations vigorously in the latter part of the summer of 1758, the war might. have closed earlier than it did. M. Doreil wrote M. de Massiac, minis- ter of marine, on August 31, 1758, from Quebec, as follows upon the gloomy prospects :

Things have greatly changed, my Lord, since the signal victory gained by the Marquis de Montcalm and the French troops on the 8th of July-a day ever mem- orable, which has saved the colony for the time [referring to Ticonderoga]. The capture of Louisburg, the movements of the enemy on the Oyo [Ohio] and at Fort Duquesne, those which they are making on Lake Ontario, where our posts are abso- lutely bare, and General Abercrombie's powerful army, which continues opposed to the Marquis de Montcalm, place it in great danger this very year, and will bring down its total ruin if peace be not concluded this winter. 'Tis evident that the In- dians of the Five Iroquois Nations and even some of our domiciliated tribes have deceived the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who has perhaps confided too much in them, and who, on the strength of their promises; had scarcely any person at Niagara or at Fort Frontenac. The English have actually more troops on foot in this Continent than Canada has people, old men, women and children included.

The enemy are masters of Frontenac since the 27th of August; and what is worse, of our barks which have not been burnt; and of the provisions and goods stored at that post for the Upper countries. . . The Indians have begun attacking us. Fears are entertained for Niagara and for the Marquis de Montcalm's army, like- wise for the Beautiful river.1

The rapid increase of population in the English colonies and the ex- pedition with which they had enlarged their armies, added to the anxiety of the French. High officers began to doubt their ability to hold Niagara, although it was considered the most tenable of their re- maining posts, In the late months of the year (1758) plans were laid by both powers for the campaign of the next year, which it was be- lieved would end the conflict. It was held by Montcalm to be of the highest importance that Lake Ontario should be controlled by sufficient vessels to keep the English in check. He estimated, upon authority of De Vaudreuil's memoir, that about 3,000 men were available for service in what he called the " Lake Ontario district," and continued as follows upon the plans and prospects :

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X, pp. 828-29.

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

From these, however [the 3,000 men], must be detached the 500 men who have gone to Niagara with M. de Montigny. Their business is to remain in that fort until the arrival of the troops destined to garrison it, and to be occupied there, in the mean while, either in coming or going for victualling that post, or at the different civil and military buildings which M. de Pouchot, whom I shall send thither imme- diately to command them, would judge necessary for a long and vigorous defense; therefore, no more than 2,500 or 3,500 men must be calculated.1

. De Vaudreuil made some observations on Montcalm's memoir, dif- fering with him, as usual, in which he wrote:

The Marquis de Montcalm is too much of a military man not to admit that, no matter however well we may victual Niagara, were it reduced to the defense of its garrison alone, and we should abandon our lakes, neither it nor any of the other little posts could fail of being taken, if the English lay siege to them. . I . consent to confer the command of Niagara on M. Pouchot, as he is qualified to com- plete and even defend the works if attacked .?

Fort Duquesne was captured by the English on the 24th of Novem- ber, the garrison escaping down the river, " abandoned, or at least not seconded by their friends, the Indians, whom we had previously engaged to act a neutral part, and who now seem all willing and ready to em- brace His Majesty's Most gracious Protection."3

The prophecies of a bad harvest in Canada were fulfilled; the Eng- lish were inspirited by success and their armies were strengthened by large accessions, and the year closed in gloom for the French. They foresaw their doom in the coming campaign.

1 Col. Hist., Vol. X, p. 870. 2 Ibid, p. 872.

3 Report of General Forbes on the siege of Duquesne, Ibid, p. 905.

END OF FRENCH DOMINION.

CHAPTER VII.

END OF FRENCH DOMINION.

The Last Campaign-Desperate Situation of the French-English Preparations for the Last Struggle-Discontent Among the Five Nations-They Go over to the English-Pouchot Returned to Niagara-Repair of the Fort-English Campaign Plans-Expedition against Quebec-Organization of an Expedition against Niagara -Beginning of the Siege of that Post-Success of the English-Death of General Prideaux-A Doomed Fortress-French Reinforcements-They Meet the English- A Sanguinary Battle-Rout of the French-Surrender of Niagara to the English- End of French Dominion-Treaty of Peace.

The spring of 1759 found the French in a deplorable condition. The preceding harvest, as was predicted, was a complete failure, causing famine that was not the least of their misfortunes.1 The Eng- lish were, on the other hand, exultant and as soon as the season was sufficiently advanced, they made preparations for the final campaign which was to give them permanent victory.

In a French memoir of January, 1759, on the position of the French and English in America, and what was absolutely necessary to enable the French to make an adequate defense, is the following :

Eight French battalions which will hardly number, at the opening of the cam- paign 3,400 men, twelve hundred troops of the Marine, at most, five or six thousand Militia. Such are our forces. The Indians cannot be included in the account. Eng- lish presents, our poverty, our prodigious inferiority-what motives to abate their ardor! Besides, being independent, never making two expeditions consecutively, even should the first have resulted only in raising one scalp; ill qualified for defense ; afraid of death; what benefit can be expected to be derived from them?

No stronghold in the country; Niagara, the most tenable of the whole, if properly attacked, cannot hold out more than three weeks. Shell alone will force Carillon to surrender. . I do not even except Mont-Real and Quebec, if the foot of their walls be once reached.

1 The rations of bread were reduced to a pound and a half, and that of pork to a quarter of a pound. The latter failing, the intendant proposed to issue horseflesh to the troops, which they were obliged to submit to without a murmur. With economy they were still able to furnish a little pork, but when the ice melted they were obliged to throw it away as spoiled. The con- tractor was therefore ordered to furnish horses, and he accordingly collected all the jaded nags of the country to feed the troops .- Pouchot Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 134,

OUR COUNTY AND ITS PEOPLE.

We are in want of provisions, that is to say, by carefully economizing the little we have, it will be hardly possible to enter on the campaign and subsist through the first month.

We are in want of powder, to such a degree, that if the English come to Quebec, there is not six days supply for the cannon. Almost all the guns are iron, and bad. Mortars are wanting, and still more so shells of the calibre of those we have.1

The discontent of the Five Nations, aggravated not so much, per- haps, by parsimonious treatment by the French as by promises and more liberal treatment by the English, under the skillful diplomacy of Sir William Johnson, alarmed MM. Vaudreuil and Montcalm. It was the judgment of both that Captain Pouchot should be sent to Niagara as the one of all their officers best qualified to regain the weakening fealty of the Iroquois. Both knew that the attempt to further strengthen Niagara was a make-shift to impress the Indians, rather than an effort to intimidate the English or to place the post in better condition for defense.

Captain Pouchot, with only " three piquets, amounting to 149 men, "2 left Montreal on the 27th of March, accompanied also by 157 Canadians under a colonial officer. In taking leave of Montcalm, Pouchot said to him, "It appears that we shall never meet again, except in England.""

Pouchot arrived at Niagara on the 30th of April, after various delays. With his customary energy he set about repairing the fort, to which nothing had been done since he left it in 1757. Joncaire was there and informed Pouchot that the English were on the march, and that the Five Nations " had totally declared themselves for them." 4

During the month of May small bodies of Indians, chiefly from the west, who had remained faithful to the French, arrived at Niagara, but the French hoped no longer for aid from the Iroquois; they were prone to join the victorious side. On the 28th of May a body of Cayugas went to Niagara for a council. Pouchot charged them with sending belts to other nations to turn them against the French. Their reply was unique as well as suggestive. "It is true, father, that we have no courage. We well know all the evil that we do, but no one is more embarrassed than ourselves. The French draw us one way, and the English the other." 5

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Our county and its people : a descriptive work on Erie County, New York, Volume I, Part 11

Author: White, Truman C Publication date: 1898 Publisher: [Boston] : Boston History Co. Number of Pages: 1014

Author: White, Truman C
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Boston] : Boston History Co.
Number of Pages: 1014