History of the city of Columbus, capital of Ohio, Volume II, Part 56

Author: Lee, Alfred Emory, 1838-; W. W. Munsell & Co
Publication date: 1892
Publisher: New York and Chicago : Munsell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1196

USA > Ohio > Franklin County > Columbus > History of the city of Columbus, capital of Ohio, Volume II > Part 56

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

The Douglas wing of the Democracy held a ratification meeting in the Capitol Square June 25, J. H. Riley presiding. Speeches were made by R. B. Warden, Charles Sweetser. J. H Geiger, Sterne Chittenden and George L. Converse. A national salute was fired at the corner of State and Third, and the streets were illuminated with bonfires and enlivened by a parade of marching clubs.

A Breckenridge and Lane ratification meeting, Thomas Sparrow presiding, was held at the corner of Broad and Third streets June 29. The speakers were Thomas Sparrow, William A. Neil and S. W. Andrews. The State Executive Committeemen of the Breckenridge Democracy were W. A. Neil, Thomas Sparrow, S. W. Andrews, J. A. Miller, I. A. Marrow and W. S. V. Prentiss.

The Douglas Democracy held a State Convention July 4 at the Odeon, Samuel Lahm, of Stark, temporarily and Edward Kinsman, of Cuyahoga, permanently presiding. Nominations : Supreme Court Judge, Thomas J. Fitch, Montgomery ; Attorney-General, Allen G. Thurman, Franklin ; Board of Public Works, Abner L. Backus, Lucas, The Breckenridge, or socalled " National " Democracy, held a State Convention in Columbus August 7. The temporary chairman was General MeLaughlin, of Richland ; the permanent one, Reuben Wood of Cuyahoga. Reso- lutions offered by C. B. Flood to nominate a State ticket were tabled. William A. Neil and Charles Reemelin were nominated as Electors-at-large. A Douglas Club was organized at the City Hall, August 11; President, Peter Ambos; Secretaries, John M. Pugh and Joseph Falkenbach ; Treasurer, S. S. Rickly. A Bell and Everett State Convention, P. Van Trump presiding, was held August 16 at Chilli- cothe. Allen Trimble of Highland, and John Davenport, of Belmont, were named as Electors-at-large.

On July 27 John Sherman addressed a Republican meeting at the " Wigwam." A torchlight parade of Wide Awakes took place the same evening. Emancipation Day - August 1 - was celebrated by the colored people at Goodale Park ; address by James Poindexter.

429

POLITICAL EVENTS ; 1854-1860.

On August 22 Cassins M. Clay addressed a large afternoon Republican meet- ing at the East Front of the Capitol. An evening meeting at the Wigwam was addressed by Edward Archbold and S. P. Chase. A Republican mass meeting at the Wigwam September 21 was addressed by R. C. Schenck, Francis P. Blair, S. P. Chase and Thomas Corwin. On September 25 a large Donglas meeting was held at Goodale Park. Stephen A. Douglas and Herschel V. Johnson were both present and made speeches. A procession was formed on High Street, and moved to the Park with music and banners A torchlight parade took place in the even- ing, and Messrs. Schnable, Johnson and Gibson addressed a street meeting in front of the American House.

A Republican mass meeting, held at the Wigwam October 8, was addressed by H. C. Noble, S. P. Chase, William Dennison and Samuel Galloway. In the streets the Wide Awakes held a torchlight parade, accompanied by fireworks, artillery salutes and bonfires. A Democratic meeting held the same evening was addressed by S. S. Cox. A Breckenridge meeting held at the Odeon November 1 was addressed by Thomas W. Bartley and Charles Follett. A meeting of colored people held at the Second Baptist Church December 19 passed resolutions appeal- ing to the General Assembly to repeal the " odious and unjust laws " discriminat- ing against colored citizens. James Evans presided

NOTES.

1. Ohio State Journal report.

2. Mr. Stanton had been Secretary and Acting Governor of Kansas Territory.

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE COALITION OF 1855.

BY HON. OREN FOLLETT.

[Hon. Oren Follett, of Sandusky, Ohio, was, at the time he wrote the following paper, in 1889. ninetytwo years of age, and was probably the oldest journalist then living in Ohio. He was a responsible editor of the Ohio State Journal during the campaigns of 1840 and 1844, and was editor of that paper for three years, beginning in 1854. At the period of which he writes, he was Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee. He is a brother to Mrs. William A. Platt, of Columbus. ]

In what I shall here say, I propose simply to review events with which as editor, and Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee of 1855, I had connection, mentioning in my progress, as few names as possible.

There are doubtless still in active life many persons who can recall the cam- paign of 1854, in all its essential features. It will be remembered that the State ticket of that year embraced but two offices, Judge of the Supreme Court and Member of the Board of Public Works. Judge Swan was elected by 80,000 majority ! This was a " glorious victory," but wholly unexpected. It inspired the outside observer with unbounded confidence in. the new party movement [then in progress]. The inside working of the political machine is not always understood by the average observer. The Know-Nothing organization was new and had manifested its power in local elections only; it was on this occasion left out of account. By means not necessary to detail, I had, early in the spring of 1855, obtained a view behind the scenes. The organization was spreading and was perfecting its machinery, but it did not think it wise or profitable to try its working power on the slim State ticket of 1854; it cast its vote, therefore, solid for Swan, as against its real object of attack. To the uninitiated, it would have been a matter of wonder and surprise to know that the order at that time had over 1,200 lodges in the State duly officered and organized.

Many of the leading Whigs in the State, strongly anti-slavery in their feel- · ings, but unwilling to ally themselves with the so called Liberty party, were members of the Know-Nothing organization. It also had recruits from the Demo- cratie party. There was something sectional in the new Republican party - they would wait. They did not deem it best to show their organized strength by a separate ticket in 1854, for the reasons already stated. The course adopted in 1854 was designed more for the depression of the Democratic organization than for the elevation of the Republican party, as was shown by their vigorous prepa- ration for the campaign of 1855, as will appear.

[430]

431

THE COALITION OF 1855.

I have, in as few words as possible, indicated the position of the parties in 1854. I regret that I cannot more fully enter into a history of the campaign of 1855, its hidden movements and processes, without mentioning the names of prominent persons, now passed away, who lent valuable aid to the movement by which the Know-Nothing and the Republican organizations were brought into harmonious action at a very critical period. I do not hesitate in naming Mr. Spooner (I do not remember his Christian name) recently deceased, who, at the time, was Clerk of the Superior Court of Cincinnati and was chief officer of the Know-Nothing organization. He was a total stranger, but by the intervention of friends, we were soon brought into confidential relations. His services were valu- able ; he betrayed no trust, and I take pleasure in paying this slight tribute to his memory.

Avoiding detail which would involve the necessity of mentioning the names of men no longer on earth to speak for themselves, it will be sufficient to say that, after negotiation and due consultation, at which I was the only person privy on the part of the Republican party, it was determined to call a meeting of the seeret organization to be composed of delegates from each Congressional District of the State, at which I might be present with such friends as I should select and would vouch for.

Here was a climax. Whom could I safely approach ? I had sounded my com- mittee. The feeling toward the Know-Nothings was one of mild indignation for failing to consider the result in 1854 as conclusive. In the course I was pursuing, secrecy all around was necessary, so far as opponents and the general public were concerned. As chairman of the State Central Committee and editor of the cen- tral organ, I was assuming a responsibility to be justified only by suecess. But having assured myself that to proceed as we were was certain defeat, I no longer hesitated. In the course adopted it will be seen that only open facts can be dis- cussed.

The Republican State Convention had been called for July 13, the anniver- sary of the Ordinance of 1787, and it was whispered that the Know-Nothing and the Democratic organizations would await its action. The most that would be conceded by our committee was to recall the announcement and to be guided by events. That, I claimed, would be a confession of weakness, a thing to be avoided when facing the enemy. The proposition was rejected.

There seemed thus to be no alternative. Defeat was sure with the three parties in the field, with the probabilities largely in favor of the Democratic party in its awakened zeal. The Republican party proper had undoubtedly increased in force, but it was still the weakest of the three. Its defeat after the splendid eanvass of 1854, would throw a damper over the States and, it not fatal, would certainly embarrass the movement for a time.

I accepted the proposition of our Know Nothing brethren ; and, after look- ing over the ground in all its bearings, I selected two, and but two, friends to aecompany me to the secret convention. These were Colonel Schonler, editor at that time of the Cincinnati Gazette, and George A. Benedict, one of the editors of the Cleveland Herald. The purpose to be answered by this selection will be apparent on slight examination ; the Gazette on the southern border, the Herald at the north and the Journal in the center, all speaking in the same voice and echoing the same sentiments, and all intensely Know-Nothing on certain points in the then condition of the press of Ohio, would be potential and irresistible, as the sequel proved.

The secret convention assembled (the date I do not remember) at Cincinnati, in a room on Fourth Street, ocenpied by the engineers and draughtsmen engaged in the construction of the Ohio & Mississippi railroad. There was a full repre- sentation from the congressional districts and quite a number of supernumer-

432

HISTORY OF THE CITY OF COLUMBUS.

aries, residents of the city. The Republican representation was as before stated. On taking my seat and casting my eyes over the room, I discovered Colonel Lewis Campbell, of Butler county, with whom on former occasions I had cooper- ated. I at once took my seat beside him. It was arranged that, after the organiz- ation, I should address the meeting. I made my speech in explanation, etc., and was followed by Campbell. The further preliminary proceedings were mainly by direct question and answer, all in good temper and with kindly intent. After a fair understanding to divide the ticket equally on the principle that, to the con- tracting parties, " half a loaf is better than no bread," very unexpectedly to me, a proposition was made to nominate a ticket forthwith, instead of awaiting the action of the State Convention. After discussion, the proposition was adopted. A full State ticket from the Governor down, made a fine opening for the ambitions. Mr. Chase, I knew full well, was a candidate for Governor and one not easily dis- posed of with the full Liberty party to back him. I had visited Mr. Chase in May, trying to persuade him to decline, fearing the effect of his name, on the members of the defunct Whig party, but without success. At the interview, he promised to consult his friends and give me an answer in the morning. How many he consulted besides communion with himself, is of course not known, but probably the circle was not large.

On the other hand, I knew for a certainty that Jacob Brinkerhoff, of Mans- field, a lawyer of some eminence who had served a term in Congress, was the intended nominee of our Know-Nothing friends. When, in spite of my objection, it was voted to nominate, a crisis was presented which it was necessary promptly to meet. I arose in my place at the proper juncture and nominated Brinkerhoff for Governor. The effect was salutary. There was present in the meeting a delegate from Cincinnati, who had fixed his eye on the nomination for Attorney- General. He was disappointed and the incident came near defeating the whole movement, for, before ten o'clock next morning, Mr. Chase was informed in full of the proceedings the evening before.

Here I must interrupt my narrative long enough to say that Mr. Chase was too good a manager, where himself was concerned, to provoke outside opposition unnecessarily. He wisely and fortunately for the good of the cause, determined to await developments and see what would come of counteracting movements. Of all this, in due course, I was advised or guessed, and took measures accord- ingly. Mr. Chase, on his part, was active and aggressive. His Liberty friends, as a class, were men of concentrated views and of determined purpose. Mr. Chase was their man and he should be nominated for Governor, even if compelled to run on an independent ticket. At the State Convention, to make sure of their object, there were in outside attendance some three or four hundred, whose purpose it was to give him an independent nomination, in case of failure before the Conven- tion. I had information of this fact, but not of the numbers ; the latter came after- ward by confession. To return to my narrative. The outlook, with the facts foreshadowed and transpiring, was not encouraging. It was necessary, if we would succeed, to make myself master of the situation ; and for that purpose, I paid a personal visit to Mr. Brinkerhoff at Mansfield and to another talked-of can- didate in Morrow County, whose name I cannot recall, to ask of them a pledge not to withdraw from the canvass at the instance of Mr. Chase's friends or of any- body else, without consulting with me. After due explanation, the pledge was given and kept in good faith.

In due course, the Convention met at Columbus. The arrangement still stood that the ticket should be of the approved mixture -" halt and half" -- in other words, half Republican and half Know-Nothing. It should here be understood that the Know-Nothing State Convention, which, if my memory serves me, was to have been held in Cleveland, had been quietly postponed to await events, and

THE JEFFREY MANUFACTURING COMPANY.

433

THE COALITION OF 1855.

delegates to the Columbus Convention elected at the Republican primary meetings in which the Know-Nothings were to take part. Of course, I understood that this arrangement, with their secret organization, would give our friends a decided advantage in the selection of delegates. That was a minor risk. The Convention was to be a Republican Convention and the ticket nominated was to be a Republican ticket. I do not suppose that I was the only one who saw the ultimate outcome. But the leading men who lent themselves to the movement were men of enlarged views and patriotic sentiments. They had mostly been Whigs as long as there was a Whig party, and such of them as were Know- Nothings were so to arrest or at least check the movement of the Democratic party North, in its growing sympathy with the arrogant claims of the South. This explanation is due to the memory of the many prominent men who had allied themselves with the Know-Nothing party and without whose sympathy and hearty concurrence, I could have done nothing effectively.

I return to the Convention. It met as appointed. The delegations were full to overflowing. In short, the outside attendance swelled the crowd to incon- venience. Excitement ran high. Giddings led the Liberty party crowd. I did not know, nor did I wish to know, his exact position in case of failure to nomin- ate Chase. I repeat, the excitement ran high. Varions expedients were proposed. Some Columbus friends suggested the nomination of Judge Swan for Governor ; the Judge's splendid canvass of the year before, it was thought, made him invincible. They did not understand the inside workings of the campaign. I made no attempt to explain the present condition of things; the advice was to keep cool and await events. So far as I knew, myself and the two editors named were the only persons on our side who understood the real state of things.

When the excitement was at the highest, I sought out my friend Brinkerhoff. I called his attention to the excitement, which he fully recognized, and of which he had in part penetrated the cause. In view of the facts and the state of things portending, I put the question whether he had not better take the nomination of Judge, as really an office of more honor and power than that of Governor. His reply was prompt ; he thought he would ; it was more in the line of his profes- sion, etc.

The agony was over. A few words in the right place operated like oil on the troubled waters. Mr. Chase was on hand watching the course of things. I went to his room and informed him that the course was clear for his nomination. These were the first words that we had exchanged on the subject since my inter- view in May. He seemed incredulous, but the immediate entrance of Lew Camp- bell, with the same announcement, removed all doubt.

But the Convention - what of it? It assembled and nominated a full ticket, every candidate being a Know- Nothing, with the exception of the head, Mr. Chase. What, then ? Where was your " half and balf?" Why, simple reader, we had got the whole! Were they not nominated at a Republican Convention ? Were they not all Republicans? The Know-Nothing party was disbanded, dead. The Liberty party was absorbed, amalgamated. The coast was clear for the Republi- can party and it took possession.

This history would not be complete without mention of the additional faet that a portion of the Know-Nothing party in the central and southern counties were not satisfied with the nomination of Mr. Chase. They therefore brought out Ex-Governor Trimble as a third candidate and polled some 23,000 votes for him. But, notwithstanding, by good management Mr. Chase's plurality was about 15,000 -and the whole ticket was triumphantly elected.

As in 1854-5, the now compact Republican party thought that some recogni- tion was due the editor of the Journal ; and, by due process, he became at the suc-

28*

434

HISTORY OF THE CITY OF COLUMBUS.

ceeding Congress of 1855-6, the caucus candidate for Publie Printer, with General Banks, of Massachusetts, as the candidate for Speaker. History tells us that Gen- eral Banks was elected, but I was not. The story, if told in detail, would be a long one ; and for many reasons had better not be told. The principal actors have all passed away ; not one, so far as I know, is now living It was a selfish, unprincipled job from the beginning, adverse to honest party rule in its inception and its execution. Omitting details, it should be understood that the plot to capture the office and elect a Democrat as Printer (Wendell), had its inception in the aseertained close division of the parties in the House, before the assembling of Congress. Men of both parties, not members, were concerned in the plot. Touching the final issue, it is in order to say, as shown by the record, that the Indiana delegation brought forward a candidate of their own, Mr. Defrees, of Indianapolis. This looked like independent action - but it was not. In 1855, it . will bear saying, Mr. Harrison, a son of President Harrison of 1840, and the father of President Harrison of 1888, was a member of the Indiana delegation and, though not a leading member, was one of the most stubborn bolters. Undoubtedly there were individuals who took part in this job who did not understand the work in all its bearings and did not know how deep they were wallowing. They were used by abler and bigger men than themselves to " pull the chestnuts out of the fire."

An incident took place the evening before the election of Printer too personal to be related here. 1 forebear entering upon it at this late day. What I have set down is a fair history, in outline, of the campaign of 1855 and its attendant consequences, which I verify by my signature and would otherwise attest, if it were necessary.

O. FOLLETT.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

POLITICAL EVENTS; 1861-1867.

1861.

January 4 was set apart by proclamation of the National and State execu- tives as a day of fasting and prayer for the Union, then in imminent peril of disruption. The forees of the Southern Confederacy were at this time already organizing; State after State was drifting towards the vortex of revolt, and politieal events of the highest importance followed one another, thick and fast. Party lines and factions beeame insignificant in the presence of the momentons erisis which involved the national existence. The Republicans, professing to renounce all mere partisan considerations for the salvation of the eountry, adopted the name of Union, and Democrats, in large numbers, were equally prompt to subrogate every party obligation to the higher one of maintaining the integrity and supremacy of the national compact.

On January 23 the Democratic State Convention met at Armory Hall; Thomas J. S. Smith was chosen as its temporary. and Henry J. Jewett as its permanent chairman. John K. Ridgway and twenty others were appointed vice ehairmen. From the Committee on Resolutions R. P. Ranney reported a declara- tion of principles, the fifth clause of which was objeeted to by Judge Key as recognizing the right of seeession. The resolve objected to read :

That the two hundred thousand Democrats of Ohio send to the people of the United States, both North and South, greeting ; and when the people of the North shall have ful- filled their duties to the Constitution and the South, then, and not until then, will it be proper for them to take into consideration the doctrine of the right of the coercion of a State; aud then and not until then, should they attempt to put down the alleged right of secession by the alleged right of coercion.

Substitutes for this were offered by Judges Key, Warden and Thurman ; that of Judge Thurman was adopted as follows :

That the two hundred thousand Democrats of Ohio send to the people of the United States, both North and South, greeting; and when the people of the North shall have ful- filled their duties to the Constitution and the South, then, and not until then, will it be proper for them to take into consideration the question of the right and propriety of coercion.

On January 28 a Union meeting, " irrespective of party," held at the City Hally A. G. Hibbs presiding, adopted resolutions favoring the measure known as the Crittenden compromise, and declaring that the Union could not be preserved by force. This meeting was addressed by Matthias Martin, Robert Hutcheson, S. Medary and A. G. Thurman. An editorial article in the Cincinnati Commercial

[435]

436

HISTORY OF THE CITY OF COLUMBUS.

of March 31, preferring the dissolution of the Union to coercion, was a subject of general and deeply interested comment throughout the city. The article was currently supposed at the time to represent the views of Mr. Chase.

On February 8 the following dispatch was received by Governor Dennison :

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, Feb. [8], 1861.

Gov. William Dennison :- In reply to your despatch to John Y. Wilcox I would state that Mr. Lincoln will leave here on Monday, eleventh instant, arriving at Indianapolis at 5 p. M. same day ; will arrive in Cincinnati on Tuesday at 3 P. M. ; will arrive at Columbus on Wednesday at 2 P. M. ; will leave Columbus on Thursday, at 8 A. M.

W. S. WOOD.

A joint committee of the General Assembly to arrange for the reception of Mr. Lincoln at the capital of Ohio had already been appointed, its members on the part of the Senate being Messrs. James Monroe, F. P. Cuppy and George W. Holmes, and on the part of the House, Messrs. Samuel Brown, S. W. Andrews, E. Parrott, J. Scott, William J. Flagg, Isaac Welsh and Jesse Baldwin. Overtures from this committee to the City Council of Columbus to cooperate in the arrangements for the reception were cordially responded to, and Messrs. A. B. Buttles, J. A. Riley and S. E. Ogden were appointed committeemen to represent the Council in that behalf. Mayor Lorenzo English and Messrs. Donaldson, Comstock, Butler and Stauring of the Council were appointed to invite the Presidentelect to accept the hospitalities of the city. An official programme for the reception was prepared and announced by State Adjutant-General Carrington. The weather on the day of Mr. Lincoln's arrival (Wednesday, thirteenth) was propitious, and the city was crowded with visitors. The popular eagerness to see the coming President was intense, and when the train bearing him rolled into the station, the great crowd which had gathered there broke into prolonged huzzas, mingling with the deep- toned echoes of an artillery salute. Amid enthusiastic demonstrations Mr. Lincoln descended from the train, and was conducted to a carriage drawn by four bay horses and escorted by a civic and military procession up High Street to the Capitol, where another great crowd was in waiting. Passing, with some difficulty, through the dense throng into the Capitol building, Mr. Lincoln was introduced to the General Assembly, in the Hall of Representatives, by Lieutenant-Governor Kirk, who in the course of his remarks, said :

Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.

History of the city of Columbus, capital of Ohio, Volume II, Part 56

Author: Lee, Alfred Emory, 1838-; W. W. Munsell & Co Publication date: 1892 Publisher: New York and Chicago : Munsell & Co. Number of Pages: 1196

Author: Lee, Alfred Emory, 1838-; W. W. Munsell & Co
Publication date: 1892
Publisher: New York and Chicago : Munsell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1196