USA > Pennsylvania > Philadelphia County > Philadelphia > Municipal government history and politics, Vol. V > Part 37
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41
1 See the articles of Mr. Gladstone in "The Nineteenth Century," 1877-78.
2 See Walter Bagehot, " Physics and Politics."
28
European Schools of History and Politics. [498
a short course of recitations from a text-book ; in very few of them is there the slightest instruction, worthy of the name, in history-the very department which, in the European univer- sities, is made to give a basis and a method for studies in political and social science.
The results of this defect in our higher education are con- stantly before us ; among these natural leaders in our country, whether in the public assemblies or the press, there is certainly no lack of talent, and even genius; among the most striking characteristics of the country, as noticed by unprejudiced for- eigners, is the great number of men of ability in every direc- tion, and the power with which they are able to present their ideas to their fellow-citizens. But how is this power exer- cised ? With few exceptions, the presentation of political and social questions at public meetings is even less satisfactory than in our representative bodies ; the speakers generally have ability, but rarely have they studied the main questions in- volved; what they know has been mainly gathered here and there at hap-hazard, from this magazine and that newspaper ; the result is natural ; instead of real argument, too often invective; instead of illustration, buffoonery ; instead of any adequate examination of the history involved, personal defa- mation ; instead of investigation of social questions, appeals to prejudice.
It may be said that the cause of this lies in the natural tendency of democracy from the days of Cleon before the Athenian Assembly, to the gyrations of sundry politicians before certain American assemblies. This theory is easy and convenient, but any one much accustomed to public meetings in our country can see many reasons for disbelieving it; an American assembly enjoys wit and humor keenly; but there is one thing that it enjoys more, and that is the vigorous, thorough discussion of pressing political or social questions. The history of the past few years gives striking examples of this; not long since several statesmen of very different views, but powerful and thoughtful, went before large pub-
29
European Schools of History and Politics.
499]
lic meetings lamenting the fact that the questions discussed were questions of finance-the very dryest in political science ; and yet those large audiences were held firmly from first to last by their interest in vigorous argument.
I am convinced that the difficulty is not in the want of popular appreciation of close argument, but rather in the frequent want among political leaders of adequate training for discussion.
The question now arises what this training in political and social science should be.
I answer first, that there should be close study of the polit- ical and social history of those peoples which have had the most important experience, and especially of our own; thus alone can the experience of the past be brought to bear upon the needs of the present; thus alone can we know the real defeats and triumphs of the past, so that we may avoid such defeats and secure such triumphs in the future.
In the next place, I would urge the teaching of political economy in its largest sense, not the mere dogmas of this or that school, but rather the comparative study of the general principles of the science as laid down by leading thinkers of various schools ; and to this end, I would urge, the historical study of the science in its development, and in its progressive adaptation to the circumstances of various nations. Under this would come questions relating to national and State policy, industrial, commercial, financial, educational, to the relations of capital to labor, and producers to distributors, to taxation, and a multitude of similar objects.
Next, I would name the study of what is generally classed as social science, including what pertains to the causes, pre- vention, alleviation, and cure of pauperism, insanity, crime, and various social difficulties. Nor would I neglect the study of the most noted theories and plans for the amelioration of society, the arguments in their support, the causes of their failure ; and I would also have careful investigation into the relations of various bodies and classes which now apparently
30
European Schools of History and Politics.
[500
threaten each other. I would, for example, have the student examine the reasons why the communistic solution of the labor question has failed, and why the co-operative solution has succeeded.
As another subject of great importance, I would name the general principles of jurisprudence, and especially those prin- ciples which are more and more making their way in modern civilized nations. The advantage of this is evident; apart from the practical uses of such a study, who does not con- stantly feel in our general legislation too much of the attorney and too little of the jurist ?
And in the study of general jurisprudence, I would urge the comparative and historical method. No country in the world affords so fine a field for such a method as our own. In all our States, political experiments are making ; in all our legis- latures, active-minded men are applying their solutions to the problems presented. The study of the comparative legislation of our own States, if supplemented by the study of the general legislation of other countries, could not fail to be of vast use in the improvement of society.
I would also have instruction given in the general princi- ples of international law. In the development of this science lies much of happiness for the future of the world ; but there is an important practical interest. Though the injunction of the Father of his Country to avoid entangling alliances has sunk deep into the American mind, there can be no doubt that before our country shall have attained a hundred millions of inhabitants, our diplomatic relations with other countries will require much more serious thought than now. It is not too soon to have this in view.
Happily, on all these subjects, and especially within the present century, a vast mass of precious experience and thought have been developed ; many of the strongest men of the cen- tury have given their efforts to this; when Buckle says that Adam Smith, in his book, rendered to the world the greatest services that any one man has ever thus rendered, whether we
31
European Schools of History and Politics.
501]
agree with him or not as to the claim of his hero, we can hardly disagree as to the importance of the subject. There is something inspiring in this succession of great thinkers in these departments who have as their object the amelioration of society. Even to take the most recent of them, a line beginning with Adam Smith and continuing in our day with such men as Sismondi, Say, Stuart Mill, Roscher, Lieber, Woolsey, Carey, and Wells, can hardly fail to afford matter for study and thought.
In the thinking of such men, in the practice of the world as influenced by them, there is much to be learned ; and if our country is to move forward with steadiness, or, indeed, if it is to lead in any particular direction, its statesmen must be more and more grounded in this thinking and practice.
Something should also be done in what is known in the European universities as "the science of administration " and " administrative law." The comparative study of statistics would come in here as a most important element. There is probably no legislator in the land-there is certainly no earnest student-who would not be greatly profited by a course of lectures based upon the tabulated statements, the graphic rep- resentations, and the maps of the last census report, so ably superintended by Professor Walker.
The question now arises as to the possibility of establishing a better provision for this advanced instruction. I fully believe that circumstances are most propitious, and for the following reasons :
First. The tendencies of large numbers of active-minded young men favor it. No observing professor in any college has failed to note the love of young Americans for the study and discussion of political questions ; it constantly happens that students who evade ordinary scholastic duties, will labor hard to prepare themselves for such a discussion. So strong is this tendency that college authorities have often taken measures to check it; these measures have to a certain extent succeeded, yet I cannot but think that it is far better to direct
32
European Schools of History and Politics. [502
such discussions than to check them. They seem to be a healthy outgrowth of our political life. Better, it seems to me, to send out one well-trained young man, sturdy in the town meeting, patriotic in the caucus, vigorous in the legisla- ture, than a hundred of the gorgeous and gifted young cynics who lounge about city clubs, talk about " art " and " culture," and wonder why the country persists in going to the bad.
The second thing which augurs well for the promised re- form, is the adaptability to it of our present university methods. Not many years since, it would have been almost impossible to make any adequate provision for these studies. Even in our foremost universities, the old collegiate system was domi- nant ; each college had its single simple course, embracing a little Latin, Greek, and Mathematics, with a smattering of what were known as the physical, intellectual, and moral sciences.
At present the tendency is more and more toward university methods, toward the presentation of various courses, toward giving the student more freedom of choice among these. When carefully carried out, this has been found to yield admirable results ; and the fact is now established that large numbers of young men, who under the old system confined rigidly to a single stereotyped course, would have wasted the greater part of their time, would have injured the quality of their minds by droning over their books, and injured their morals by slighting their duties, have become, when allowed to take courses more fitted to their tastes and aims, energetic students. The same reasons which have caused the creation of courses in our large universities, in which the principal studies are in the direction of philosophy, science, and modern literature, are valid for the creation of a course in which the studies shall relate to that science and literature most directly bearing upon public life.
I come now to the methods of such instruction, and would preface them by saying that, as regards our system of instruc- tion at large in the public schools, it seems to me that more
33
European Schools of History and Politics.
503]
instruction should be given in general history, especially through political biography and in the history of our own country, as well as some training in the outlines of elements of political science; but on this I will not dwell. We are chiefly concerned now with the methods of this reform in advanced instruction in the higher preparation of those who are to instruct and lead in political and social matters.
Of these methods, I would name, first, a post-graduate course. In this there is one considerable advantage : students would come to it at ripe age and with considerable prelimi- nary instruction. This advantage I do not underrate. No better use of funds could be made for our universities, or for the country, than in endowing post-graduate lectureships and fellowships in the main subjects involved. I would urge this method upon every man of wealth who wishes to leave a fame that will not rot with his body.
But valuable as this plan is, it has one great disadvantage- it is insufficient. The number of those who could afford the time and expense for such a course after an extended school and college and university training, and before a course of professional study, is comparatively small; besides this, we must take into account American impatience.
While, then, the plan of post-graduate courses would doubt- less result in great good, it would fall far short of the work required. It would doubtless provide many valuable leaders in thought, but not enough to exercise the wide influence needed in such a nation as ours.
The second method, then, which I propose is the establish- ment in each of our most important colleges and universities of a full undergraduate course, which, while including studies in science and literature for general culture and discipline, shall have as its main subjects history, political and social science, and general jurisprudence.
A great advantage of this plan is the large number of stu- dents who would certainly profit by it.
I am convinced, by observation in four different colleges 3
34
European Schools of History and Politics. [504
and universities with which I have been connected as student and professor in our own country, and in several with which I have had more or less to do in foreign countries, that such a course, in any institution properly equipped, will attract large numbers of our most energetic young men, many of whom would not otherwise enter college at all; and that it would give forth a large body of graduates whose influence would be felt for good in all our States and Territories.
My proposal is that these studies, which are now mainly crowded into a few last months of the usual college course, be made the staple of an entire four years' course ; that they be made a means of discipline, a means of culture, a means for the acquisition of profitable knowledge.
Objections will of course be urged ; there will probably be none from any quarter against a post-graduate course; they will be entirely against the establishment of a full under- graduate course.
The first objection will doubtless be an appeal to conserva- tism. This must be expected from a multitude of excellent men, who generally look backward instead of forward ; who think the past was on the whole good enough ; who dislike change; who, when they have become accustomed to a system and fitted to it, instinctively dislike a new system, to which they may possibly find themselves not so well fitted. Their standing argument will be that the men who have achieved high political knowledge in spite of the present system, have done so by means of it.
A second and more precise objection will be on the score of discipline. Perhaps no word has been so unfortunate in American instruction as this ; it has been made the fortress of every educational absurdity. In this particular case, we may ask why are not studies of political and social questions fully equal to any others in giving discipline ? They call out our intellectual powers in discussing problems of the deepest human import ; they bring into play our higher moral powers in judging between plans of institutions and lines of conduct on the plane of right and duty.
35
European Schools of History and Politics.
505]
I claim for the studies in the course proposed an especial value in discipline. Any worthy discussion in political econ- omy and social science gives valuable discipline for concen- tration and directness of mind; any proper discussion in history gives a discipline for breadth of mind ; and these two sorts of discipline are fully equal to any given in any other courses of instruction.
It may also be objected, by men devoted to the physical sciences, that the powers of observation should be trained. In answer to this, it is sufficient to point out many men who in political studies have gained as great quickness in observa- tion as can be found in any class of scientific men. It is hard to see that the observing powers of Montesquieu and John Stuart Mill and Francis Lieber were not as highly trained as those of Cuvier and Huxley and Agassiz.
The next objection will probably be on the score of culture. In this objection I see no force, because it is perfectly possible to bring studies for culture into the course proposed; nay, it is indispensable to bring in studies of at least one or two lan- guages of the great modern states or their masterpieces in literature and art; while as to that culture which comes from a knowledge of nature it will not be difficult to give good instruction in scientific methods and results.
Again, it may be urged that young men are not mature enough and not sufficiently instructed to take up such studies on entering college. I answer, that it is not proposed to admit young men to these courses without reasonable prepa- ration, nor is it proposed during the first year of such a course to plunge the student into the most difficult parts of it. He will be brought to these gradually by preliminary studies, properly combined with the subjects having as their aim gen- eral discipline and culture. The same objection could be made with equal force against any scientific course or any course in philosophy.
But granting that the objection has some force, the question is not what is ideally the best course, it is simply what is the
36
European Schools of History and Politics. [506
best course possible ; and experience shows that only under- graduate courses of the sort proposed will give any great number of the well-trained men we require. Against these objections should be constantly kept in view the main advan- tage, which is, the large number of students who would cer- tainly take such a course.
But objections will be made on more general grounds.
The first may be called the optimist objection, that the people can be intrusted to enlighten themselves, that they are directly interested, and that self-interest is a most powerful stimulus ; that the world has improved steadily, and will con- tinue to do so. This is partly true. No one can deny that self-interest is a most powerful stimulus ; but the point is to give more of that education which shall enable men to find out where their real self-interest is.
As to the fact that the world has improved steadily, I do not deny it, but simply observe that it is a question of cost ; for few realize what a fearful price has been paid hitherto for the simplest advances in political and social science when achieved by the gradual growth of the popular mind. Take a few examples out of many.
Before England could learn what are to-day the simplest things in the proper adjustment of legislative and executive powers, the nation was dragged through a fearful civil war and through a long period of consequent demoralization : one king losing his head and another his crown. Before France, in the 17th century, could understand the simplest relations between her industrial policy and that of neigh- boring states; before she could realize that workmen on one side of a frontier are not necessarily the enemies of those on the other side, but rather helpers and co-workers, she was dragged through a series of wars which brought her to utter ruin ; before, in the 18th century, she could learn what are now the axioms of political science applied to taxa- tion, she had to go through a period of revolution, a period of anarchy, two periods of bankruptcy, two periods of des-
37
European Schools of History and Politics.
507]
potism, with endless shedding of blood upon scaffolds and battle-fields and street-pavements. Before the world learned to accept the simplest modern axioms of toleration at the treaties of Passau and Westphalia, rivers of blood flowed through every great nation in Europe. Before the Prus- sian State could learn to allow political thinkers like Stein to work out the problem of her adjustment to modern ideas, she had to be crushed in battle, humbled in the dust by diplomacy, and to go through ten years of waste and war. Before the Austrian Empire could learn the principal relations of education to public policy, several generations had to be taught by military humiliations, and, among these Austerlitz, Magenta, and Sadowa. Before Italy could work out the problem of political unity, there came three hundred years of internal suffering ; and possibly the future historian may point to a case hardly less striking on this side the Atlantic. Is it at least not worth an heroic effort to substi- tute a thorough education, reaching many of those who are to lead in public affairs, and so reaching the people themselves- an education in the observation of human experience and in reasoning upon it-in the hope that we may hereafter make progress at something less than the fearful price which the world has heretofore paid ?
I confess that I am sanguine enough to hope that with more complete extension of political and social knowledge, with some training for better discussion of important political and social problems, the world may in the future begin to advance without paying the appalling cost for progress which she has paid and is still paying; but to bring this about, there must be effort ; problems are arising at this moment before us as fearful as any that have ever disappeared behind us; the question between capital and labor alone is enough to exercise our best thought ; it can easily give rise to scenes as fearful as any in human history. The question is whether such problems shall be solved by observant, patient, well- trained men, looking over large fields of human experience,
38
European Schools of History and Politics. [508
applying to them the best human thought, or whether they shall be dealt with by declamation, passion, demagogism, trickery, nay, with the torch, the rifle, and the gallows.
Next comes the pessimist argument ; it will be said "the greatest factor in republican development is personal force ; the people will elect men of will-power, they will not elect your men of study and thought."
My answer is, first, that the effort in our proposed course is to lay hold on some of these men of personal force and will power, to bring them into the harness of real statesman- ship rather than to leave them tethered by crotchets and half-truths.
But suppose all our men of study and thought are not elected, official positions are not the only means of influence ; pen and tongue are often most powerful outside of official positions.
What we want is training for public service among men of various sorts of power ; some in office, some in the press, some in the pulpit, some in the ordinary vocations of life.
In all these, we need men so trained that when a new question comes up, not only law-makers, but citizens in gen- eral, may be put in the way of right reasoning upon it ; espe- cially in times of excitement, or doubt, or distrust, do we need such men to lead the thinking of the community against political zealots or social desperadoes.
The time is surely coming, predicted in Macaulay's letter to Henry Randall-the time when disheartened populations will hear brilliant preaching subversive of the whole system of social order.
How shall this be met ? Shall it be met by force ? How by force where all is decided by majorities ? Shall it be met by denunciation ? Hardly ; two can play at that, and while one side has the disadvantage of property to be destroyed, the other has the advantage of torches with which to destroy it. Shall it be met by revolution ? As Danton said, " The revo- lution, like Saturn, destroys its own offspring." Shall it be
39
European Schools of History and Politics.
509]
met by Cæsarism ? The first thing that Cæsar always does is to distribute bread and pageants to the mob, and rob the people to pay for them.
All these methods history shows to be futile ; the only safe- guard is in thorough provision for a regular, healthful, polit- ical development by the checking of popular unreason, and by the spreading of right reason ; we must provide that when a brilliant lie is put forth, it shall be struck quickly and mortally, and before its venom has pervaded the social organism.
To do this we need men trained to grapple with political questions in every part of society. Shall we flatter ourselves that such gladiators in subversive thought as Proudhon, Carl Marx, Ferdinand Lasalle, and Bradlaugh can be met with platitudes ? In the coming grapple with their apostles we shall find need of our best trained athletes. Can we trust to the subdivision of land in our country and the large number of small proprietors ? So has it been in France for eighty years, and yet she has not escaped.
What we need is not talk, but discussion. Within the past few years we have seen the uses of such discussion ; many of us have seen political and social heresies, some wild, some contemptible, put forth with force, with brilliancy, even at times with sincerity ; in some quarters they have swept all before them ; but wherever they have been met vigorously by men trained to grapple with them, they have been throttled, and the tide running in their favor has generally been turned.
If it be said that this has not constantly been the case, my reply is, that under our present system, we have no right to expect it ; we cannot expect two or three men to breast the tide in a State containing millions of inhabitants, when such mistaken views are spreading like wild-fire; and yet, what has been done in some of our States by two or three men of force and thought, shows that if a small percentage of our college graduates had been as thoroughly instructed as these two or three, these heresies would have been met at the outset, and would never have attained dangerous proportions.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.