USA > Rhode Island > The "Old Stone Bank" history of Rhode Island, Vol. III > Part 11
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Thanks were dispatched to the king, to the Earl of Clarendon and to John Clarke who had labored so patiently and successfully in the interests of his fellow- men. It was voted to pay Mr. Clarke's expenses and to present him with a gift of £100. Captain Baxter was also reimbursed for his services and given a purse of £30.
It probably will be interesting to many to learn that this historic document is, at this moment, carefully preserved in a steel cabinet located in one of the offices of the Secretary of State in the State House, Providence. There it can be seen by request of any citizen or visitor from out of state, and in the same secure repository is kept the famous Gaspee Commission that will be discussed in a later chapter. This so-called Charter of 1663 represents the laborious artistry of one or more individuals, since the parch- ment upon which the wording and the embellishments are engrossed measures thirty three inches in width and approxi- mately six feet from top to bottom. Roughly estimating, the complete instru- ment contains a little more than six hundred words. The highly ornamental heading is a complicated composition of heraldic symbols, fancy scroll work and pen flourishes, and this design work extends down the left hand side of the charter face about half way. Within the huge initial letter C of the name Charles appears a portrait of the royal author, and, according to the picture, Charles II sported a luxurious specimen of tonsorial handiwork. Long, wavy tresses of raven locks, parted in the middle, flow down over His Majesty's plump shoulders. The lettering, typical of the times, is rendered in an Old English script, and the pains- taking task was probably performed by the use of a quill pen or a stylus. All of the characters appear to be in an excellent
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state of legibility, and anyone fairly familiar with that style of lettering can read the text with very little difficulty.
The original box that contained this precious document is equally as interest- ing, although this part of the relic is fast deteriorating. The container is nothing more than a wooden, leather-covered receptacle fashioned to hold the charter
in a roll. Attached to this elongated box is a round receptacle made of the same material, and in this was originally enclosed the royal seal. The seal, broken into several pieces, now reposes in a velvet-lined, glass-covered case. Printed Latin words appear upon the scraps of paper that line the splintered box that once protected an immortal document.
AN INTERPRETATION OF THE CHARTER
R HODE ISLAND received, in 1663, the charter that remained in force for one hundred and eighty years. This instru- ment of authority, granted by the then ruling sovereign of England, Charles II, was delivered into the hands of this Colony's representative, Dr. John Clarke, who had accompanied Roger Williams to England on Colony business, especially for the purpose of securing a repeal of the communication that gave William Coddington authority to govern the islands of Rhode Island and Conanicut as a separate and independent colony. The Coddington commission was repealed; the four original towns of Providence, Warwick, Portsmouth and Newport were reunited; Roger Williams returned home, while his associate remained at the seat of power to complete, more fully, the pur- poses of their mission. This famous charter, granting a broad freedom to both the civil and religious government of Rhode Island, is carefully preserved in the State Capitol, and following is a brief abstract of its contents, presented in the form of a general interpretation of the document's original intents and purposes.
First of all, and without reference to the ponderous greetings usually included in the preamble of an official communication of those days, one observes that the king named Benjamin Arnold, William Bren- ton, William Coddington, Nicholas Easton, William Baulston, John Porter, John Smith, Samuel Gorton, John Weeks, Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, Gregory Dexter, John Coggeshall, Joseph Clarke, Randall Holden, John Greene, John Roome, Samuel Wilbore, William Field,
James Barker, Richard Tew, Thomas Harris and William Dyer in this royal grant of governmental power to all the purchasers and free inhabitants of the island called Rhode Island and of Provi- dence Plantations in Narragansett Bay, in New England, in America. John Clarke was also mentioned in the charter's intro- duction as a "trusty and well-beloved subject " who had been entrusted with the important task of presenting his com- patriots' petition to the king.
Study of the charter then reveals that its royal author then indulged in a bit of curious flattery. The English subjects who had finally settled in the Narragan- sett lands because they had found condi- tions unbearable, first in England and later in Massachusetts, were informed in sweet sounding complimentary terms, that they (the Rhode Island petitioners) had "transported themselves out of . . . England into America by the consent and good encouragement of our (the King's) royal progenitors." First the Pilgrims, and later the Puritans, actually left Eng- land to escape religious persecution and to seek liberty of conscience, and the mem- bers of these "freedom-seeking" groups, especially those who finally rested in their wanderings on the shores of Narragansett Bay, would have had difficulty in recalling any great degree of "encouragement" given by any king previous to the historic journeys across the sea to the stern and rock-bound coast of New England. How- ever, King Charles deserves no criticism for his natural attempt to qualify the acts and attitudes of his royal predecessors; whereas others holding supreme royal
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authority before Charles may have "en- couraged" Puritan dissenters to depart from England for lands where they might be less troublesome, the ruling monarch, in 1663, proved his sincerity when he signed the charter that is being discussed. This document proved to be a source of lasting encouragement for its Rhode Island beneficiaries who stand as pioneers in the cause of free, democratic govern- ment.
Then followed a reference to the fact that these Rhode Islanders had left Massachusetts because of religious dif- ferences and difficulties although the name of the Bay Colony was not specified. An early portion of the document men- tioned the Indians in these parts and special reference was made to the lands, islands, rivers, harbors and roads which were "seized and possessed, by purchase and consent of the . . . natives." Very likely, John Clarke presented an accurate picture of the Colony to the author or authors of the charter because therein the Rhode Island and Providence Plantations were described as "very convenient, both for plantations, and also for building of ships, supply of pipe-staves, and other merchandise; and which lie very com- modious, in many respects, for commerce, and accommodate," the English planta- tions in the south, "and may much ad- vance the trade of " the entire realm, "and greatly enlarge the territories thereof."
The most significant feature of this remarkable document came next in order, the section of weighty phrases that gave the citizens of Rhode Island unexpected privileges in respect to the worship of God. The subject was approached somewhat as follows: Since the residents of this Colony had declared that a most flourishing civil state may stand and best be maintained with a full liberty in religious concern- ments, and that true piety rightly grounded upon gospel principles will lay in the hearts of men the strongest obliga- tions to true loyalty, the English author- ities plainly indicated a willingness to encourage such a hopeful undertaking of loyal subjects. Even though these col- onists residing in America were still full- fledged English subjects, their individual rights were recognized since the charter
relieved them of further adherence to the Church of England. No longer were the forms, ceremonies and liturgy of the English church to be forced upon Rhode Islanders, nor were they thereafter to be required to subscribe to the oaths and articles made and established in that be- half. And the qualifications of this startling concession are best explained by quoting the very words of the charter. 'That our royal will and pleasure is, that no person within the said Colony, at any time hereafter shall be any wise molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question, for any differences of opinion in matters of religion, and do not actually disturb the civil peace of our said colony; but that all and every person and persons may, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, freely and fully have his and their own judgments and consciences, in matters of religious concernments, throughout the tract of land hereafter mentioned, they behaving themselves peaceably and quietly, and not using this liberty to licentiousness and profaneness, not to the civil injury and outward disturbances of others, any law, statute, or clause therein contained, or to be contained, usage or custom of this realm,"
Upon such a broad and liberal principle of complete religious freedom, the docu- ment went on to confirm the establish- ment of a political organization that guaranteed to all men, so desiring, full membership in a self-perpetuating body corporate and politic, to be thereafter styled "The Governor and Company of the English Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, in New England, in America." General civil rights, privi- leges and obligations were then specified, and it was declared that the affairs of the Colony should be governed by one Gov- ernor, one Deputy Governor, and ten assistants. Benedict Arnold was ap- pointed as the chief executive and William Brenton, the Deputy. The names of ten assistants followed: William Baulston, John Porter, Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, John Smith, John Greene, John Coggeshall, James Barker, William Field, and Joseph Clarke. The creation of a governing body called the General Assembly was ordered, and authority was
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given this group of legislators to make, ordain, constitute or repeal laws, statutes, orders, and ordinances. This General Assembly was authorized to appoint, direct, erect and settle such places and courts of jurisdiction, for the hearing and determining of all actions, cases, matters and things, happening within the said colony and plantation. Therefore, since the major part of the freemen elected representatives who in turn made the laws and authorized the administration of justice in courts and by appointed officers, a simple form of true American democracy was first established.
It is also interesting to note that the charter provided for the military defense of the commonwealth, and this point is covered in especially descriptive phrases. For example, properly commissioned mili- tary officers could assemble, exercise in arms, military array, and put in warlike posture, the inhabitants of the Colony, for their special defense and safety. These officers could lead and conduct the inhabitants and to encounter, expulse, expel and resist, by force of arms, as well as by sea as by land, and also to kill, slay and destroy, by all fittings, ways, enter- prises and means, whatsoever, all and every such person or persons as shall, at any time hereafter, attempt or enterprise the destruction, invasion or detriment or annoyance of the inhabitants.
His Majesty seemed interested in fish- ing because the taking of whales in Rhode Island waters was encouraged as a profit- able occupation; he spoke of the planting of vineyards and observed that Rhode Island soil and climate seemed "naturally to concur to the production of wines." The boundaries of the Colony were care- fully designated, and here it should be noted that Block Island was included as a part of the Colony. Evidently the vicinity of East Greenwich was regarded
as having a deposit of gold and silver ore since the title to such mineral treasures found in that locality was specified to avoid future controversies. Rhode Island citizens were given the freedom of passing into and through the rest of the English colonies and many other grants of rights and privileges were written into the lines of this all embracing royal document.
The instrument carried the signature "Howard," the same that appeared on the Connecticut charter, issued in 1662. Howard was probably the clerk of the reports in the Privy Seal Office at the time.
In a brief summary, we find that this charter, issued to Rhode Island by King Charles II in 1663, clearly defined the boundaries of the Colony; it confirmed the Indian deeds of lands; likewise it con- firmed the estate of the freemen; it vested civil government in a truly democratic estate; a de facto government was estab- lished; law-making power was vested in an elective body styled the General Assembly; a judiciary was created for the determination of justice; a military force was ordained for defense; martial law was vested in the executive, and most impor- tant of all, freedom of worship and of conscience was made the basis of indi- vidual rights.
The foregoing is far from being a com- plete abstract or interpretation of the document, but since it is likely that very few persons have studied or even read it during the past century, in spite of its importance, this review may attract some to peruse its contents and discover other quaint features. Let it be remembered that the Colony of Rhode Island, with this broad platform of constitutional rights, stood the freest commonwealth in principle and practice on the face of the earth, and it remained in force for one hundred and eighty years.
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MASSASOIT
T THE Colony of Rhode Island, provided with an organized structure of gov- ernment outlined in the charter of 1663, presently found itself embroiled in a long- drawn-out series of controversies. These difficulties arose out of the claims by out- side Colonies, principally Connecticut, to jurisdiction over certain portions of the Rhode Island area specified in the charter. But, Colony and local disputes were temporarily obscured by the preparations for and the general participation in what was termed King Philip's War, and since this important historical event proved to be the turning point in the destiny of white civilization in America, and since Rhode Island played such an important and intimate part in this con- flict, the outcome of these disputes and the facts leading up to their settlements after the war will be touched upon in a subsequent chapter.
In order to present a clear picture of the struggle that determined the supremacy of one race over another in these parts it will now be necessary to go back several years in our review and trace the relation- ships between the white and red men from the time of the very first contacts. And, in doing so, it will be noted with interest that, for the most part, little blame can be attached to Rhode Islanders for the tragic struggle that ended in the extermi- nation of the native and the ascendancy of the stranger.
It is generally believed that friendly contacts were made with the Indians shortly after the arrival of the Pilgrims in 1620. This is not exactly correct, since Captain Myles Standish left the "May- flower " when she lay at anchor in Prov- incetown harbor, and went ashore with a small band of armed men to reconnoiter the country. This expedition took place on November 15, 1620, a date that should be considered as one of historical impor- tance, because then it was that the Pilgrim Fathers saw, for the first time, the strange red men of the forest with whom the strangers were destined to deal, first as friends and later as enemies. About one
mile from the shore, the Standish party caught a fleeting glance of five or six Indians, and a dog. Seeing the strangers with their curious clothes, the little group of natives fled into the woods, and it is probable that the dog was as much terrified and surprised as were his com- panions. Standish followed the trail left by the Indians until nightfall and camped in the woods. The next day the white men continued to explore the country, finally arriving at a place where the ground had been cleared and corn planted; also, they found the remains of a shelter of some kind and a large kettle.
No more Indians were seen although it is quite likely that many pairs of eyes peered through the dense brush at the strange beings who wore shiny metal coats and hats, and who carried long bell- mouthed tubes that belched forth fire and smoke when held up and pointed at objects. A few days later, about thirty of the male "Mayflower" passengers went ashore and discovered two deserted Indian houses covered with mats and filled with various crude stone imple- ments. Some of the corn and beans found were taken away and saved as seed for planting the following Spring.
The first actual contact with the In- dians took place during an attack made on a reconnoitering party in the vicinity of Cape Cod Bay early in the second month of the Pilgrim occupation of New Eng- land. Bows and arrows were no match for muskets and coats-of-mail, so the first encounter ended in a victory for the white invaders. Indians were often seen skulk- ing about in the woods in the vicinity of the Plymouth settlements, but they always took to their heels when anyone attempted to approach them.
On March 16, 1621, an Indian, who was able to speak a little English, appeared in Plymouth and talked at length to an interested group. He gave his name as Samoset and told of another Indian, Squanto by name, who had been in Eng- land and could speak English much bet- ter than any other native in the land.
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Samoset left Plymouth, loaded down with gifts, and he arrived again shortly there- after bringing back several tools which some native had stolen from the Pilgrims a short while previous. On this second visit, Samoset announced that soon, Massasoit, the great chieftain of the Wampanoags, would pay his respects to the white men and bring Squanto with him as an interpreter.
Massasoit's interview with the Pilgrims on March 29, 1621, is one of the highlights of early American history. Samoset and Squanto, with three companions, arrived first carrying a few humble gifts, and announced that Massasoit and his brother with all their men were nearby and would appear shortly. About an hour later, Massasoit arrived and a con- siderable amount of time was consumed in parleying between emissaries of both sides. Finally each group was satisfied with the good intentions of the other; Massasoit approached and was met by Captain Standish and a Mr. Williamson. The chief was conducted to a house where the official interviews and exchanges of greetings were to take place.
After the salutations, all present ate and drank, and then the talk turned to the subject of peace. Then and there the great and kindly Massasoit, father of the patriotic but warlike Philip, pledged him- self to uphold a pact of peace and friend- ship which he faithfully kept until his death. He departed with words of good- will ringing in his ears and he left with the blessings of all of that little band of men and women who had come afar for free- dom to worship God. Squanto remained at Plymouth and there made himself indispensable as an interpreter and as an expert instructor. He taught the Pil- grims how to plant corn, catch fish, hunt the best game and he guided the strangers safely through the forests.
This visit of Massasoit to Plymouth was reciprocated the following July when Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins traveled the forty miles across the country to Sowams. The travelers had two purposes in view, one to explore the country, and, the other, to strengthen the mutual good understanding with the natives and their leaders. This was the
first time that any Pilgrim had set foot outside the little settlement, but they went with the trusted Squanto and had no fear of mishap or of being lost. Accounts disclose that the party passed through what is now Middleboro, where they were treated to an Indian meal con- sisting of corn bread and shad roe. Eight miles farther on they came to the Taunton River, where they exchanged provisions with the natives and spent the night with them in the open. About three miles be- low what is now Taunton Green, they crossed the river and proceeded south and west until they came to what is now Gardner's Neck or Swansea. They ate a meal of oysters there, and, in the after- noon of the same day arrived at the residence of Massasoit in Sowams, now Warren, Rhode Island.
Massasoit again pledged his constant friendship, he expressed sincere thanks for the valuable gifts he had received from the white men, a chain and a fancy coat; he promised to prevent any molestation by his people and he offered to send corn to Plymouth upon request. Because the Indians seemed to be lacking in food supplies of any kind, Winslow and Hop- kins excused themselves and quickly returned to Plymouth, led there by a new guide.
In March 1623, word came to Plymouth that Massasoit was gravely ill and likely to die. When an Indian was sick or in trouble he expected his friends to come to his assistance. Governor Bradford was aware of this commendable human atti- tude so he lost no time in dispatching another party to go to the aid of his stricken contemporary. He sent Winslow again for obvious reasons, and because it was reported that a Dutch vessel was stranded near Massasoit's home, and Winslow knew how to speak Dutch. He also sent John Hampden, later destined to be known as a great English parliamen- tarian, and whose name is today perpetu- ated in the name of the Rhode Island place known as Hampden Meadows, located near the scene of the principal event in this account.
The two emissaries and their guide heard, on the way, that Massasoit had already passed away; however, they con-
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tinued on their journey hoping to meet the new Sachem who might be appointed and to enter into friendly terms with him. On the way they heard the welcome news that the chieftain was still alive, so they hurried on to their destination and arrived there late at night. The chief was sur- rounded by his men who crowded the home to overflowing. Some were attempt- ing to cure their loved chief with charms and incantations, and several women were vigorously massaging the arms, legs and thighs of the patient. Immediately, the two white men took charge of the situation and substituted sensible medical measures for the hopeless shouts and rantings of the natives. They induced the chief to drink a potion made with water and some com- mon remedy which they had with them. This seemed to have a favorable reaction, for Massasoit soon regained his vision which had left him shortly before, and the patient slept a little for the first time in two days.
When the chief was able to converse a little, Winslow offered to send a messenger back home to procure medicine and some chickens for broth and the grateful Massasoit took kindly to this suggestion. Messengers were appointed and Winslow wrote a note to be carried back to the settlement.
The next day Winslow instructed the Indian women how to prepare herbs and corn to make a broth, and according to his own account, he "strained it through his handkerchief and gave him (Massa- soit) at least a pint which he drank and liked it very well." Winslow was then looked upon as a miracle man and was kept busy all day with other sick Indians, washing out mouths and doing for them as he had done for their king. Later on Winslow shot a duck, dressed it, made more broth and gave it to the patient who made a most remarkable recovery from his ailment.
Then came a relapse, bleeding at the nose, sickness of the stomach, and Massa- soit was certain that the end was near. But the bleeding finally ceased, the noble chieftain fell into a sound sleep, and the men and women of the village prayed that he might awake and soon be well again.
The account of this incident that took place on what is now Rhode Island soil may best be concluded with Winslow's own words: "The messengers were re- turned; but finding his stomach had come to him he would not have the chickens killed, but kept them for breed. Many whilst we were there came to see him; some by their report, from a place not less than a hundred miles. To all that came, one of his chief men related the manner of his sickness, how near he was spent, how his friends, the English, came to see him, and how suddenly he recovered to him this strength they saw. Upon his recovery he broke forth into these speeches; 'Now I see the English are my friends, and love me, and whilst I live I will never forget this kindness they have showed me.' Being fitted out for our return, we took leave of him, who returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to ourselves for our labor and love; the like did all that were about him. So we departed."
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