USA > Rhode Island > The "Old Stone Bank" history of Rhode Island, Vol. III > Part 26
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Another activity which John Howland crowded into his busy and fruitful life was his membership in the Rhode Island His- torical Society. Although not being a charter member, he was one of its earliest leaders, and due to his unfailing efforts and wholesome influence the society grew rapidly both in size and importance.
When he was thirty-one years of age he married Mary Carlisle and became the father of fourteen children. A sizeable family, no doubt, but not at all uncom- mon to the period in which he lived.
In 1835, this man who, by his own ad- mission, had never seen a grammar book during his boyhood, was honored by the Corporation of Brown University by hav- ing conferred upon him the coveted degree of Master of Arts.
Such were the accomplishments of John Howland, whose honored name has been given to a Providence public school, a sturdy, independent, patriotic New Eng- lander of the finest type, who, starting out in life as a barber's apprentice, and com- pletely lacking in schooling, became one of the most highly successful and best- loved citizens of colonial Providence.
RHODE ISLAND AND THE CONSTITUTION
W E have learned how France came to the aid of the American patriots, sending more than 6000 soldiers who landed, in July 1780, on Rhode Island soil. Here these allies remained for many months, the French fleet sailing from Newport the following March to cooper- ate with the American forces in Virginia, and three months after that, the French Army departed from these shores on the same mission. Before the foreign fleet left Rhode Island waters General Wash- ington visited Count de Rochambeau in
Newport to consult with him concerning the operation of the troops, and that his- toric visit, his third to Rhode Island, took the American commander overland across the State by way of Westerly, Kingston and Old South Ferry located below what is now Saunderstown. Washington ar- rived in Newport on March 6, 1781, where he remained for a week, and after a two- day visit in Providence he departed for a New York destination leaving on the morning of March 15th.
This story of the War is about over since
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the following October, Cornwallis, the English commander, surrendered at York- town, marking the end of England's attempts to suppress these determined Colonies. A provisional treaty was signed, acknowledging the absolute independence of the United States; it was not until September 3, 1783, however, that the definite treaty was made.
Throughout this period and until the adoption of the Constitution in 1789, Rhode Island was under the Congress created in '81 by the Articles of Confeder- ation. During the course of the War with England the thirteen original Colonies, or States, had agreed upon Articles of Confederation, but this mutually agreed skeleton form of government conferred little power on Congress. Congress could recommend but not enforce; it could only advise action, leaving the States to do as they pleased. Bitter jealousy existed among the several States, both with regard to one another and to a general government. Believe it or not, the popu- lar desire in many quarters was to let each State remain independent, and have no mutual authority. A heavy debt had been incurred by the War; Congress had no money and could not levy taxes. It asked the States to pay, but they were too jealous of Congress to heed its re- quests. Washington once said: "We are one nation today and thirteen to- morrow."
Since time heals, and softens memories, the uninformed of the present generation without a doubt have the impression that final victory over a tyrannical mother country was the signal for widespread rejoicing and automatic unity of all the Colonies under the waving Stars and Stripes. The common mental picture of that point in American history is one that sees Washington, the victorious leader of a free country, putting down his sword and swept by unanimous acclamation into the chair of the Presidency. It is difficult to imagine anything but perfect harmony among the patriots who had fought a long-drawn-out war against a powerful, wealthy enemy, a conflict that had called for superhuman exertion and untold sacrifice. But, the situation of the United States at this time was quite unlike such
pretty, such heroic and idealistic pictures. For eight years, war had been the main business of this country - trade, manu- factures and agriculture had all been neglected. Commerce had been de- stroyed; the currency was worthless; villages had been burned, ships sunk, and crops laid waste. The British held Charleston more than a year, and Savan- nah and New York about two years after the surrender at Yorktown. George III, King of England, was obstinate and bitter over his unsuccessful attempt to put down the American Colonies - war might be resumed at any moment. Besides, the American Army was practically in a state of open rebellion. The war-worn veterans of many campaigns, fearing demobiliza- tion of the Army, and that they would be sent home without pay, petitioned Congress, but received no satisfaction, simply because the Treasury was empty. Then it was that Washington was invited to become a king, a proposal which the noble leader spurned indignantly. A paper was circulated advising violent measures, but Washington's influence with both the Army and Congress pre- vailed and the danger from radical sources was averted. A treaty of peace was signed at Paris on September 3, 1783, acknowl- edging the independence of the United States; and soon after, the army was dis- banded. Washington bade his officers farewell and retired to Mount Vernon. What was Rhode Island's attitude at this critical stage of the evolution of a Union of States in America? In what manner did Rhode Island help or hinder the adoption of a Constitution? The follow- ing review will answer those questions, and it should throw some light upon a sub- ject that continues to attract widespread public interest - the general subject of States' rights, particularly in respect to the relative taxing rights of the State and the Federal government.
In February of 1781, eight months before Cornwallis surrendered at York- town, Continental Congress, unable to raise sufficient funds from its depreciated currency and from requisitions on the States, proposed that the States should allow Congress to levy an import duty of five per cent, the funds so raised to be
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used for the payment of the interest on the public debt. In a little over a year twelve states out of the original thirteen either accepted or indicated favorable disposition to this proposal; but Rhode Island did not desire to further all move- ments leading towards a more perfect union of the States, and it was not because Rhode Island was not willing to provide her share in liquidating the national debt. Rhode Island objected to Federal taxation on the grounds that it was not the func- tion of Congress to tell the States how to raise money. In keeping with her anxiety to resist oppression upon her liberty and welfare, the smallest of the States was determined to resist any project whereby her privileges might be curtailed by sister states. Of course, there were several out- standing champions of the Federal pro- posal, some of whom claimed that the honor and independence of America depended upon some universal form of public taxation, and that the right of collecting duties from vessels that sailed on the high seas was a national rather than a local right; and too, there were many notable supporters of the states' rights contention. The fight was waged bitterly at home and in the halls of Congress but Rhode Island persisted to the very end, defeating the Federal taxing proposal temporarily in the Fall of 1782. David Howell, then representing Rhode Island, wrote home requesting that the legislature confirm or override his stubborn opposi- tion to the plan, and the local assembly promptly sustained him (Howell) by defeating the measure in the lower House. Howell was the target for violent abuse in Congress, but he stuck to his guns and no Federal tax was levied, for some time to come.
It's a long story from this point on, but it all led to a change in attitude on the part of Rhode Island in respect to the functions and rights of the Federal gov- ernment, and the cause was commerce. When Rhode Island spokesmen were asked, "How are the United States to meet their debts ?" the reply had generally been, "By the proceeds of the public lands." As time went on, conditions changed. Great Britain put in operation a plan of discrimination against the
extensive trade of New England with the British West Indies, at the same time "Made in New England" goods were flooding the New England market. A tariff of some kind was necessary for self- preservation - it soon appeared reason- able that Congress should have the power to regulate commerce. With many qualms and misgivings little Rhode Island finally came into line in February, 1786, - at least the Federal government had the power to establish a uniform impost.
The next important step in the develop- ment of this nation of United States came when it was proposed that the Articles of Confederation be revised and a new Con- stitution adopted. As we today speak glowingly and reverently of that sacred rock of American governmental structure, we probably have the notion that before the ink had hardly dried on the final draft of this immortal document, the represent- atives of all the United States were rush- ing to report officially, that their respec- tive commonwealths enthusiastically sub- scribed to the several constitutional articles. Some did, figuratively speaking, but Rhode Island did not, in fact, Rhode Island was not even represented at the convention of delegates called by Congress to modify the Articles of Confederation so as to render them "adequate to the exigencies of government and the preser- vation of the Union." Jealous of her inalienable rights as an independent sovereignty, Rhode Island not only opposed ratification of the Constitution, but even remained indifferent to the whole affair. Naturally a storm of criticism descended upon the heads of the tradi- tional separatists who resided on the shores of Narragansett Bay. As might be expected Massachusetts suggested that Rhode Island be sliced up and divided among her neighbor states - Washing- ton referred to local public councils as "scandalous," Madison spoke of the "wickedness and folly that reigned." Before the month of September, 1787, expired, the Constitution was submitted to the several States for ratification, and Rhode Island found itself confronted by the most serious crisis in its history. The new instrument was to go into effect upon ratification by nine States and any State
.
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that chose not to ratify must face the prospect of a questionable existence.
The step first taken was to refer the question of a Constitution to the towns, and this reference naturally set off a barrage of heated discussions. The result of the reference to the towns was rejected by a great majority. In March, 1788, agitation was begun for the holding of a constitutional convention, and three times the General Assembly refused such a step. The following July, New York ratified, placing a Constitution in effect beyond all controversy. Where was Rhode Island ? Still outside, zealously clinging to the inherent principles of states' rights.
To make a long story short, pressure brought by the national government through tariff restrictions finally changed the picture, and again commerce was the
cause of Rhode Island's bending to the will of others. The famous South King- ston convention, though it failed to pro- vide the way to immediate ratification, turned the tide, and finally when Provi- dence, under sanction of Congress, threat- ened to secede from the connection with the agricultural section of Rhode Island and to set up an independent province or commonwealth, our little, liberty-cherish- ing state ratified the Constitution by the sufficient yet significant majority of two votes.
Others may have been the original proponents of states' rights, but certainly no other champions of this principle of American government fought harder or more relentlessly for that principle than did the last state to enter the Union - Rhode Island.
GEORGE WASHINGTON AND RHODE ISLAND
NE of many legends woven around the life of George Washington tells that his father recognized the child's interest in soldiers and military life and that he gave his little son a toy sword, which de- lighted greatly the one who was destined to become "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen." And, like the distinguished Rhode Islander, Nathanael Greene, who later became second in command of the Ameri- can forces, George Washington spent his early days in an atmosphere of military preparation. Young Greene watched with eager eyes the drilling and marching of soldiers near his father's forge in Poto- womut, Rhode Island, and young Wash- ington took a keen interest in the activities prevailing in the Colony of Virginia, where troops were being raised to be sent to the West Indies against the Spaniards.
Lawrence Washington, the elder of George's two half-brothers, and fourteen years his senior, had been commissioned a captain of the forces that sailed in 1740 to join the combined expeditions of Admiral Vernon and General. Wentworth. Therefore, little George, then eight years
old, had all of a small boy's thrilling excitement and big brother admiration when he watched the drilling and prepara- tions of Lawrence and his comrades before they departed for the scene of war. George's enthusiasm for soldiering did not abate with the passing of time but de- veloped into a fixed interest, and was noticeably strengthened when Lawrence returned later to become an Adjutant of his own Virginia district with the rank of Major.
The next ten years of Washington's life found him participating in and enjoy- ing all the unusual opportunities for study and play offered at Mount Vernon, where he liked best to stay with his brother Lawrence, who had married Anne Fairfax. An early intention to join the English Navy was thwarted by the wishes of his mother, and so he continued with his schooling, distinguishing himself in math- ematics and surveying. He wished to prepare himself for either civil or military service, and it was finally decided in family conference that he should become a surveyor, although his mother at first felt that this was not suitable employ-
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ment for a gentleman's son. Among the many notable friends of Lawrence Wash- ington whom George met at Mount Ver- non was Lord Fairfax, who had come to America in 1743 to inspect the vast lands left him by his mother. These lands, embracing more than five million acres between the Potomac and Rappahannock rivers and extending from Chesapeake Bay to the headwaters of the Potomac, were originally held by Lord Culpeper, the grandfather of Lord Fairfax. For several years Lord Fairfax lived with his cousin, William Fairfax, at Belvoir, the estate adjoining Mount Vernon, and it was during this period that the visiting Englishman became well acquainted with and much attached to his young neighbor George Washington, whose dignity and courtesy won for him the high regard of older people.
Lord Fairfax was so favorably im- pressed with the young man's surveying knowledge that he employed him to aid in the surveys of his extensive holdings be- yond the Blue Ridge Mountains. The first expedition started out in the spring of 1748. The following year George Wash- ington was appointed surveyor of the County and was thus inducted into his first public office, a direct result of his painstaking work and his carefully pre- pared surveys of the Fairfax lands. Although he was engaged in surveying exclusively for but five years, 1747 to 1751, all through his career this technical training and life in the open stood him in good stead whenever the occasion de- manded engineering skill and physical stamina.
Both England and France were deter- mined to hold the supremacy of the Mississippi Valley, and the growing indications of strife between them brought about a revival of military spirit in the Virginia Colony. Preparations were made for any part that the Colony might take in the threatening struggle. Probably through the influence of Lawrence Wash- ington and a general recognition of George's natural ability as a leader and as a trustworthy youth, the young surveyor was appointed in 1752 a district adjutant of militia with the rank of Major.
The following year Governor Dinwiddie
asked George Washington to seek the support of certain Indians near what is now the city of Pittsburgh and to deliver a message to the French in northwestern Pennsylvania, demanding that they retire from the Ohio basin. He carried out this commission with his customary dispatch, and he was soon rewarded with higher commands and greater duties during the course of the French and Indian Wars. Although the engagements against the French were generally unsuccessful for the English, Washington and his officers were thanked for their services by the House of Burgesses in Williamsburg.
On February 20, 1755, General Brad- dock arrived in Virginia from England in command of two thousand crack British soldiers. The Englishman soon heard of the intrepid young soldier of Mount Vernon and immediately asked that Washington become "one of his family" in the new campaign against the French and their Indian allies. Washington accepted and reported for duty with Braddock. Throughout the disastrous expedition which ended in defeat for the English and death for Braddock, George Washington fought with gallantry and escaped unhurt despite the fact that four bullets pierced his coat and two horses were shot from under him.
Washington thought that his military career had come to an end, but soon he was asked by Virginia to raise a regiment of sixteen companies, with himself in command. He began to recruit and mobi- lize troops at Alexandria and Fredericks- burg, and he requested that his officers be smartly dressed. At this time there was considerable dissatisfaction among the Colonial officers because of the King's order that royal commissions should at all times outrank those authorized in the colonies. Thus, as Colonel of the Virginia forces, Washington must obey orders from a royal officer of inferior rank. For several months after he took command of his regiment, Washington experienced embarrassment because of this unfair regulation. A certain English captain had been sent to Virginia for service, and although he was actually a provincial officer, he claimed that his former com- mission as a British regular gave him rank
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superior to any Colonial officer. This officer opposed Washington at every turn, claiming that the Virginia colonel was subordinate to him, and asserting that he had full control of all ammunition and supplies.
Washington endured this exasperating state of affairs as long as he could, and finally, at the request of his fellow officers, he made a journey to Boston to lay the case before General William Shirley, then commander-in-chief of His Majesty's forces in America. He set out on this trip on Wednesday, February 4, 1756, arrived in Philadelphia on the following Sunday, and spent several days of sight-seeing in that city. The next stop was at New York, where he also remained for a few more days, all of which were taken up with delightful excursions and viewing the wonders of the metropolis. Two days before his twenty-fourth birthday he con- tinued on his journey to Boston by way of New London and Newport, and in the latter city was entertained at the home of Godfrey Malbone, Senior. Jared Sparks, in a note in his Writings of Washington, says: "In his route he (George Washing- ton) passed through Philadelphia, New York, New London, Newport, and Provi- dence." Among the Washington manu- scripts in the Library of Congress can be found an entry in the cash account of this journey which substantiates the claim that Washington did make a stop-over in Newport and that he was the guest of Mr. Malbone. This entry, among the items for February 1756, appears in the cash account as follows:
"By cash to Mr. Malbones
servants.
£4 Rhode
to a Bowle broke
£4 Island
£8 in Virga. Cury."
The exact route followed by Washing- ton on his journey to Newport from New York has never been determined by historians, although Sparks definitely includes New London in his itinerary. There is no doubt as to his presence in Newport several days later, because of the Malbone incident which is substantiated by record, but there is nothing beyond the Sparks account that contains evidence that Washington went through Provi-
dence when the journey to Boston was continued. Washington may have gone overland from New London and crossed to Newport by way of the Conanicut Ferry, or he may have made this leg of the trip by sailing boat from New London. If he actually departed from New York on February 20th and the broken bowl incident occurred during the festivities enjoyed on the anniversary of his birth, a rapid boat trip must have been included in order for him to have covered that number of miles in two days. A map of the travels of George Washington compiled and drawn in the cartographic section of the National Geographic Society and pub- lished as a supplement to the January 1932 issue of the National Geographic Magazine, clearly traces this first journey of Washington to New England through New London, Stonington, Westerly, East Greenwich and Providence and does not indicate a stop-over at Newport. This section of the map must be incorrect if documentary evidence proving that Wash- ington was in Newport on that trip is to be accepted.
The Godfrey Malbone residence, where the young Colonel was entertained, was pronounced the most splendid private residence in all the Colonies. It was built in 1744 and entirely destroyed by fire in 1766. It was constructed of Connecticut stone, and commanded an extensive view of the ocean and Narragansett Bay. The Malbone farm comprised more than six hundred acres, and the garden which lay in front of the imposing mansion was one of the most beautiful in all the land. There were gravelled walks, fruit trees of the rarest and choicest kinds, flowers, shrubbery of every description, and three artificial ponds with silver fish sporting in the waters, all of which gave the place a most romantic character, according to an old account.
From all descriptions of the Malbone estate and from all records of the type of hospitality dispensed to guests, it is easy to imagine that Washington was royally entertained in Newport and that he thoroughly enjoyed the epicurean and other delights offered by the affluent and generous host. At that time Providence was not an important town, and unless
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Washington had some particular reason for visiting it, he probably would not, on leaving Newport, make the detour to that town. He may have taken a direct route to Boston, crossing at Bristol Ferry and Miles Bridge, avoiding the Ferry at War- ren, and gone on through Swansea and Rehoboth, leaving Providence on the left, and avoiding the ferry over the Seekonk River. Washington stopped at Crom- well's Tavern in Boston; presented his case to General Shirley, who sustained him in his contention regarding the relative ranks of royal and provincial officers. He made many friends among those he met in Boston, including John Adams, and he returned promptly to his command in Virginia. If he returned to New York by the same route, he must have visited some part of Rhode Island again.
On April 19, 1775, Major Pitcairn of the British army fired upon the American militia assembled on Lexington Common, shouting "Disperse, ye rebels !" and the American Revolution started. One of the first steps of the new Congress was to adopt the army gathered in the vicinity of Boston, calling it the Continental Army to distinguish it from that of England which they called the Ministerial Army. It then became necessary to give that army a leader, a commander-in-chief to direct it. Several were ambitious for the post, but opinions varied. The name of George Washington was proposed for the honor, and the nomination was ably sup- ported by John Adams, who spoke in laudatory terms of the skill and experience of the Virginia colonel. On June 15, 1775, Washington was elected Commander-in- Chief of the Continental Army, and the following day he accepted, delivering a brief address from his place in the assembly.
For the next six years he was destined to make momentous history. He set out for Boston immediately and on the way there learned details of the Battle of Bunker Hill. On July 3, 1775, he took command of the Continental Army, relieving Gen- eral Artemas Ward Knox, who tem- porarily directed the forces. He sent Colonel Henry Knox in midwinter to Fort Ticonderoga to procure cannons and supplies, and these were transported to Dorchester Heights near Boston on oxen-
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