USA > Rhode Island > The "Old Stone Bank" history of Rhode Island, Vol. III > Part 8
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evidence to prove that he later carried on a clothing business in London. His father had been a merchant tailor before him and was a member of one of the merchant guilds; Roger Williams' father was also a merchant tailor and a member of a guild. Samuel appeared to have plenty of ready money, and it is quite possible that he had inherited riches from his immediate family. There were great industrial and commercial opportunities for a young, enterprising business man in London at that period in history; England must have held many precious attractions and associations for him, in spite of his general disagreement with the parties in power, but these conditions did not pre- vent him from having adventurous thoughts regarding the new land across the Atlantic. The decision was soon made; he made up his mind to join the little group of settlers on the rock- bound coast of New England, where he hoped, like many others before him, "to enjoy liberty of conscience in respect to faith toward God and for no other end."
In that same eventful year, 1636, when Roger Williams came out of the wilderness to settle at the place which he called Providence, Samuel Gorton landed in Boston with his family, including his wife, his eldest son, Samuel, and possibly one other child. Mrs. Gorton was a lady of refinement and education, and her bringing up and previous environment little pre- pared her for the experiences which she was destined to encounter in company with her pioneer husband. Her parents were also comfortably well off and later sent their daughter herds of choice breeds of cattle which were raised on the Gortons' New England farm.
Gorton experienced disappointment as did Williams when he arrived in New England to seek liberty of worship and to escape the persecutions of the English government. In fact, it is most interesting to observe the strange parallels in the careers of Williams and Gorton from the time each landed in Boston. In spite of the strict control of spiritual and political activities in Massachusetts, much open discussion existed, and the people in- dulged in warm controversies over the
curt actions that resulted in the banish- ment of popular men. There is no record to prove that Gorton took any active part in these debates, but it is quite likely that he was soon convinced that the liberties he dearly sought were not to be found in Boston. He remained there for a few weeks and then moved to Plymouth, where he found, as did Williams not long before, a much more liberal government. But, things soon changed in Plymouth. Shortly after Gorton's arrival there, an election was held resulting in the selection of Prence as Governor of the Colony. This individual personified extreme hos- tility to everything opposed to church, and demanded submission of everything to its direction. He ruled with an iron hand and naturally directed abuse upon those who refused to support his auto- cratic and blindly narrow administration. Gorton, the liberal, was destined to cross swords with Prence.
Previous to November, 1638, Gorton had retained the services of Ellen Aldridge, a servant of good reputation who had lately come from England to live with the family. It had been whis- pered about that said Ellen had smiled in church on one or more occasions, and presently she was arrested, brought to trial and commanded to answer to this most serious charge. The poor woman was punished and threatened with depor- tation. Gorton claimed that the court proposed to banish her as a vagabond, and, to escape the shame threatened to be put upon her, she fled to the woods, where she remained for several days, returning to his home for shelter. Gorton appeared before the court in defense of the disgraced Ellen and pleaded that her offense was not recognized in English law. He in turn was charged with contempt of court for defending the woman and was instructed to answer for this contempt at the next session. He did defend himself for defend- ing one of his household; he was fined for seditious conduct and given fourteen days to leave Plymouth.
There was no redress, so on December 4, 1638, two years after the famous journey into the wilderness by Roger Williams, Samuel Gorton departed from Plymouth, bidding farewell to his wife, children and
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friends, and plunged hopefully into the frozen forest. His journey was one of extreme hardship and peril, but he survived, and before the expiration of the fourteen-day period allowed him to depart, he arrived in Pocasset, at the northern end of Aquidneck, now the Island of Rhode Island. There he joined the exiles in the Hutchinson group and took sides with them in their controversies with William Coddington, who was at- tempting to set up a government on the island without a charter. Gorton made a mistake in this respect and was soon forced by Coddington and his adherents to leave the island. Then, in 1641, he went to Providence where Roger Williams was having political difficulties with a faction headed by William and Benedict Arnold, Massachusetts agents who had settled in the vicinity of the Pawtuxet River. Because of his reputation as an enemy of unchartered government Gorton was not well-received. And finally, Provi- dence was split into three factions, headed respectively by Roger Williams, the Ar- nolds and Samuel Gorton. The Arnolds seceded from Providence in 1642 and sub- mitted themselves to the authority of the
Massachusetts Colony, and Gorton coun- tered with a quick move by joining with others in purchasing a section of land in the vicinity of present Warwick, and moved there in 1643, calling the section Shawomet.
The Arnolds, not far away, quarreled with the Gortons aplenty, and the former complained to the Massachusetts author- ities. Subsequently, the Gortons were summoned to court in Boston and the Arnolds were sent a warrant to appear in Shawomet. Taking advantage of this humorous political dilemma, the old, relentless enemy of these Plantations, Massachusetts, determined upon what was considered a smart and timely stroke. What transpired and what happened to Samuel Gorton, sometimes called "The Political Saviour of Rhode Island," will be described in the following chapter. Providence and the tiny settlements that were gradually coming into existence here and there along the shores of Narragan- sett Bay were entering upon an era of social and political development - the entire subject contains all the elements necessary for the conception of an enter- taining narrative.
THE FOUNDING OF WARWICK
S AMUEL GORTON held strong admiration for the common law of England and had no respect for a government that was not officially sanctioned by the English crown. Accordingly, he set about winning converts to his theories among the Providence settlers, and he lost no time in making himself very unpopular. Dis- cussions became so heated over this open challenge to the authority of Roger Williams and his associates that a group of local citizens finally registered objec- tions to the unendurable conduct of Gorton by petitioning Massachusetts for assistance in the matter. That, of course, was a hopeless move since the expected answer was received to this petition; it was suggested that the Providence Colony submit to the jurisdiction of either the Massachusetts or Plymouth Colony be-
fore intervention in any matter could be made. One is impressed more and more with the early success of the Rhode Island Colony as these countless instances of bitter enmity and downright meanness on the part of Massachusetts are observed.
At any rate, the troublemaker found it hard going in this peaceable, exceptionally well-satisfied community, and so, with a few enthusiastic disciples, he left Provi- dence and went down across the Paw- tuxet River and settled in the lands which were then known as Shawomet and which later became Warwick, and we shall see how the latter name was acquired. Gorton and his associates purchased these Shawomet lands from the Indian sachem, Miantonomi, and the deed was signed in January 1642. For five years, Gorton carried on what might be termed
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a mutual benefit association with no attempt to exercise any of the powers of legal government. All acts and services were entirely voluntary and all of the Shawomet settlers still considered them- selves under the jurisdiction of the English government. These lonesome pioneers labored diligently to lay the foundation of a settlement that was destined to grow into a thriving township and later into a city of many progressive communities.
It was not long after Gorton and his company settled down the Bay from Providence that difficulties arose with a faction, headed by William and Benedict Arnold, Massachusetts agents, that had already settled in the vicinity of the Pawtuxet River. Gorton petitioned Massachusetts for protection and, as a result, the Boston authorities assumed control of affairs there and appointed a commission to treat with the local Indian chieftains Sacononoco and Pomham. The latter were argued into denying that they had ever assented with others to the sale of the Shawomet lands to Gorton. More trouble from the direction of Massachu- setts, and it ended in that greedy Colony's claim to jurisdiction over the area in question.
Now follows a record of political devel- opment in Rhode Island that is far from being an abstract from the dry chronicles of a town's evolution. Rather, it becomes a far too brief review of a sparkling sequence of human endeavor and human experience. In condensed form we find that, following a lengthy correspondence between Massachusetts and Samuel Gor- ton, an armed force was sent to take him and his companions back to Massachu- setts to stand trial for heresy and sedition. They resisted arrest at first but finally surrendered and agreed to journey to Boston provided that all might go as "freemen and neighbors." On October 17, 1643, the prisoners were brought before the court, found guilty and sentenced. Gorton and his companions were held in prison until the following spring when they were released and banished from both the Massachusetts and Rhode Island Colonies. The released prisoners were allowed fourteen days to
disperse and go beyond the colonial boundaries. Naturally, they first returned to Shawomet in search of the scattered members of their families and to visit their deserted homes. Presently, at the suggestion of Gorton, the exiles paid a visit to the Island of Aquidneck down the Bay and there they received a friendly welcome and an invitation to remain in peace.
Of course, the Shawomet lands were then claimed by Massachusetts and the banished Gortons were warned that if they attempted to return there again, it would be at the peril of their lives. But, when the Indian chieftain, Miantonomi, was treacherously murdered by the Mohegans, Gorton was invited by the saddened tribesmen to come back to Shawomet and there join with them in a discussion concerning the rightful owner- ship of the disputed lands. This council concluded its discussion with the agree- ment by the Indians that they would submit themselves to the rule of the English government, and Samuel Gorton, John Wickes, Randall Holden and John Warner were appointed commissioners to go to England and present "their act and deed" to that government. Upon arrival in England these commissioners reported the fact that the Indians had consented to English rule, and they also presented a full account of how Massachusetts had usurped jurisdiction over the lands in question.
This diplomatic mission to England was successful. Everything sought for was obtained. Massachusetts was instructed to permit the Shawomet settlers to return to their homes and reside without inter- ference, and to withdraw from Shawomet all persons who had taken possession of any lands in the absence of Gorton and his friends. The Governor-in-Chief of Foreign Plantation was then the Earl of Warwick, and he ably espoused the cause of these earnest commissioners. As an expression of their grateful appreciation for his encouragement and indispensable assistance, the name of the Shawomet lands was changed to Warwick in honor of their friend and champion. Later on when Gorton returned to America, the same helpful Earl of Warwick provided a
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letter of protection that saved Gorton from being arrested again when he passed through the forbidden territory of Massa- chusetts.
Randall Holden, one of the four commissioners, brought back the instruc- tions from the English Government to Massachusetts, upon the receipt of which Edward Winslow was sent across the sea to register official objections to the pro- ceedings that certainly must have been very distasteful to the Massachusetts authorities. Gorton remained in England until Winslow arrived and the two argued the case before the Governor-in-Chief of Foreign Affairs. The previous decision in the matter was sustained except the exact title to the Warwick lands was not made quite clear. The final answer by the English official was that Gorton and his associates had "transplanted their families thither and there settled their residences at great charge, we commend it to the government within whose juris- diction they shall appear to be - not only not to remove them from their planta- tions, but also to encourage them with protection and assistance in all fit ways." This revised order was sent to Massachu- setts and Connecticut under date of July 22, 1647. From its wording it is easy to see how the question of Colonial jurisdiction was left open. This point was not cleared until jurisdiction was estab- lished by the Colony of Rhode Island over the Narragansett country. Occupancy of Shawomet, or Warwick, was granted to Gorton and his associates on the condition that they "demean themselves peacefully and not endanger any of the English Colonies by a prejudicial correspondency with the Indians or otherwise."
Shortly after Gorton's return to Rhode Island from England, William Codding- ton, who had tried to usurp the power
in Rhode Island, was deposed and was forced to flee in disgrace. This was but one of the uprisings that prevented orderly government in Rhode Island. While all this was going on in Warwick, Roger Williams had been engaged in procuring a charter for his settlement, but that is a story in itself and will be covered in detail when the stories of the four original towns have been com- pleted.
But to complete, at this point, the story of Warwick and the life account of its founder, Samuel Gorton, we find that Massachusetts was not easily defeated in her desires, for as late as 1676, the ques- tion of the Arnolds and the Pawtuxans arose again. Gorton and some of his adherents were again chosen to go to England to petition the king and argue against the envoys sent by Massachusetts. After a long and anxious interval, the Gortons of Warwick were successful once more. The king declared the Massa- chusetts charter which named the Pawtuxet and Shawomet sections as its property, void. This was the crushing blow for all the Massachusetts aspirations, and the triumph for Gorton and his followers was complete. Rhode Island truly owes them a great debt.
Throughout his life, Gorton, despite his reputation as an independent thinker and a radical, was constantly in public office, serving many years in the General Assembly and in many other capacities. He was a true friend of the Quakers and enjoyed great friendship with the Indians. When he died, in 1677, Rhode Island lost a staunch son, a man of fearless integrity, and an invaluable defender of the rights of men. His final days were passed in the Shawomet lands for which he had fought during the greater part of his active and colorful career.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF THE COLONY
NE would naturally suppose that once Roger Williams and his contem- poraries had purchased their respective slices of Rhode Island territory from the Indians, the questions of title and owner- ship in respect to these areas would have been settled once and for all. At this long range it seems that self-establishment would have determined sovereignty over all internal matters, and created one or more commonwealths strong enough and independent enough to hold prestige among the rest of the young and struggling New England settlements. In Providence, Warwick, Portsmouth and Newport, the four original Rhode Island towns, the pioneer inhabitants were first concerned with the important problem of self-preservation; homes and shelters had to be erected, food and clothing supplies provided, the wilderness transformed into ploughed fields and pasture lands, and protection from beasts and the elements devised. Those were the ground-breaking, digging-in days, but soon came a period of simple organization of community life among these few towns. True it was that they all held dissimilar opinions in regard to government and methods of admin- istering laws, edicts and regulations, but in general these towns experienced the same transitions from disordered pioneer- ing to ordered community working and living. And soon followed a period of internal dissension, only natural in the early stages of social and political evolu- tion; at the same time, outside forces, Massachusetts, in particular, threatened to absorb the handful of struggling settlements on the shores of Narragansett Bay. It was soon apparent that the Indian grants, which awarded these towns not much more than squatters' rights, would be insufficient if the Rhode Island settlements hoped to become the political equals of their neighbors.
Naturally, England, the mother coun- try, was then looked upon as a source of authority ; in fact, it was the only source of recognized authority here in New England at the time. Newport made the first move
to secure royal recognition. On November 25, 1639, the Newport Court commis- sioned two of its citizens to write to England and seek from the king a patent of, or title to, the Island of Aquidneck. This effort availed nothing, and three years later a new committee of the Island's ten principal men was appointed to "consult about the 'procuring' of a patent for this Island and Islands, and the land adjacent, and to draw up peti- tions and to send letters for the same end to Sir Henry Vane who had returned to England." This second committee accomplished no more than the first, so the writing of letters to the English Court was put aside as a waste of time and effort. Before the next move was made in this direction we shall leave Rhode Island for a moment and observe the remaining colonies in the New England picture.
Believing that the Indians in this section of the continent were becoming more and more displeased with the inroads of the white settlers, and convinced that sooner or later the colonies would be forced to take up arms against the natives who were becoming more familiar with the use of arms and ammunition, secured from English and Dutch traders, the principal settlements in New England, outside of the Rhode Island area, decided to unite as a better means of defence. The colonists met and discussed these conditions at length, and finally resolved to form a confederacy, in which each colony should form an integral part, and bear a proportionate share of the burdens arising from such a union. On the 19th of May, 1643, the articles of confederation were signed at Boston by the appointed commissioners of the four colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, Con- necticut and New Haven, bearing the title of the "United Colonies of New England." By the articles of this union it was provided that each colony would choose two commissioners annually and that they would meet successively at Boston, Hartford, Plymouth and New Haven at least once a year to discuss
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questions of peace and war and to consult for the general welfare. Note particularly that the colonies at Providence and elsewhere in the Rhode Island area were not invited to join this confederacy, and when they later applied for admission the applications were promptly refused. The reason for this refusal was at first laid to the fact that the Rhode Island settle- ments had no charter, but after this objection was removed the real cause was revealed. Since in Rhode Island alone church and civil powers formed separate and distinct elements in legislation, the rest of the colonies in the confederation, where church and state were not sep- arated, would not admit a colony or colonies holding to this principle. How strange that the members of the con- federation could have been so short- sighted when it was then a recognized fact that Roger Williams held powerful influence over the Indians and would have been the most influential figure in the confederation. It is believed by some that the long and tragic conflict with the Indians that was destined to plunge New England into years of bloody warfare could have been avoided if the wise counsel and effective diplomacy of Roger Williams had prevailed in the deliberation of this exclusive union of colonies.
And thus we find little Rhode Island facing a hazardous outlook. If any danger existed from threatened Indian attacks, Rhode Island would be forced to fight alone, unaided by its neighbors. Many of those then living on the shores of Narragansett Bay had been banished from Massachusetts and Plymouth be- cause of religious differences, and to cap the climax, Massachusetts persisted in laying claims to jurisdiction over the Rhode Island settlements. Here in these parts population was rapidly increasing, prosperity was growing and it was quite natural for the older, more powerful colonies to experience pangs of jealousy and to attempt to extend their power over the plantations around Providence and the colonies on the Island of Rhode Island. It was maintained that the inhabitants of these colonies had no legal authority for civil government, and hence could be made subject to the jurisdiction of legally
established outsiders. The threatening attitudes and measures taken by the authorities in Massachusetts soon convinced the local citizens that by one method or another a charter must be procured from the mother country.
A convention was held in Newport in the fall of 1642 to discuss this all-impor- tant matter of procuring a charter for the protection and government of the colonies of Rhode Island. A committee was appointed and this important mission was entrusted to Roger Williams, without doubt the ablest man in the Colonies to undertake this momentous endeavor. The selection of Roger Williams proves conclusively that he was held in the highest esteem from Providence to New- port and that those contemporaries regarded him as a man endowed with unusual diplomatic abilities. He accepted this commission on behalf of the Rhode Island colony and his own colony at Providence and at once made preparation for his departure. Still under banishment by the Massachusetts authorities and therefore forbidden to enter that territory, he was compelled to journey by way of New York, where he embarked for Eng- land, taking passage on a small Dutch ship.
This voyage was made in the summer of 1643 and little is known of the details concerning this passage except that Roger Williams occupied most of his time in crossing the Atlantic by preparing the manuscript of his famous publication entitled, "A Key into the Language of America"; or, "A Help to the Language of the Natives in that part of America called New England." It was printed in England following his arrival and it stands today as one of the outstanding accomplishments of his many-sided career. Roger Williams' "Key," con- taining information concerning the
language of the Indian and which the author had spent fourteen years in accumulating, may be considered the "Rosetta Stone" of New England Indian ethnology, for it was the first and only serious attempt to translate the aboriginal tongue and to describe the manners, customs and religion of the Indian.
When Williams arrived in England
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with the handwritten copy of his "Key" ready for printing, he encountered a whirlwind of political upheaval. The mass of people were in revolt against the rule of King Charles, with Parliament, the people's government, holding the balance of power. Henry Vane, recently Governor of Massachusetts, who had previously shared with Williams the confidence of the Indians, was now back in England and established high in authority in the anti-King Charles move- ment. Williams was invited by Sir Henry to be the latter's guest in his palatial home, where many of the influential liberals of the day listened intently to the doctrine of religious liberty as conceived by the traveler from Rhode Island. This important mission to England could not have been timed any better. In order to secure the favor and support of the American colonies, Parliament had passed a resolution exempting their imports and exports from taxation, and after Williams arrived, the Earl of War- wick was appointed Governor-in-Chief and Lord High Admiral of the American Colonies. This commission empowered the Earl, in company with his associates, to look into the state of affairs in the colonies, to remove and appoint governors and other officers as he should deem proper and just. Aided by his good friend and host, Sir Henry Vane, Roger Williams succeeded in obtaining from these com- missioners a charter or patent for the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. It bears the date March 17, 1644, and is entitled "The Incorporation of Providence Plantations in the Nar-
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