USA > Rhode Island > The "Old Stone Bank" history of Rhode Island, Vol. III > Part 9
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ragansett Bay, in New England." This document gave the settlers in the Nar- ragansett area liberty to govern themselves, only requiring that their laws should conform to the laws of England "so far as the nature of the case would admit."
Having completed his mission, Roger Williams then made preparations for the return voyage and he landed in Boston in September 1644. The trip over had to be via New York, but he returned through the "forbidden city" of Boston, since he came back bearing a letter to the Gov- ernor of Massachusetts signed by several English noblemen and by other members of Parliament. This letter requested the safe passage of Williams through Massa- chusetts and the request was granted.
Roger Williams' return to Providence took the form of a triumphal welcome home - a great flotilla of heavily laden canoes crossed the Seekonk when he arrived on the eastern shores of that river on his way home from Boston and he was escorted across the waters to the Provi- dence side amid great shouting and general rejoicing. As one biographer put it, "he was home again and deservedly greeted as a benefactor." Regardless of many of the nonsensical claims in respect to just who was responsible for the first establishment of religious liberty in Rhode Island or elsewhere, the honor belongs alone to Roger Williams. It was this first charter that gave official recognition to a Colony which stood four-square for com- plete separation of church and state and marked the beginning of a new and en- lightened era in human relations.
"THE BLOUDY TENENT" AND TROUBLE AT HOME
W HILE in England, on a mission to se- cure a charter by which he and his associates could claim official title to the lands adjacent to Narragansett Bay, and do whatever other things were required in the legal foundation of a colony, Roger Williams found opportunities to prepare for publication two or three pamphlets
and books dealing with conditions in New England, and especially with the facts of his own troubles and banishment from Massachusetts. First, after his famous "Indian Key," he published a reply to a letter sent him during the first years of banishment. This letter had been written by the Rev. John Cotton, who
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had attempted to justify the proceedings of the Massachusetts' magistrates and to deny that he had had any thing to do with the disgraceful matter. In a straightforward and courteous manner, Williams refuted Cotton's statements, excuses and contentions, and this led to the former's publication of his most celebrated composition, "The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution for Cause of Conscience discussed in a Conference between Truth and Peace." The origin of this book is rather interesting as exemplary of the spirit of the times.
A certain person, confined in Newgate prison, had written an essay condemning persecution of those who believed in free- dom of conscience and this startling expression of private opinion had been published. Soon after this essay had appeared in print, John Cotton wrote a severe reply to it, and the "Bloudy Tenent" of Roger Williams was an ex- amination of Cotton's reply. Following a copy of the Newgate prisoner's essay, and John Cotton's reply, the "Bloudy Tenent" contained a long dialogue be- tween Truth and Peace wherein Roger Williams presented his own private beliefs and principles. This proved to be a fine example of his clear and logical reasoning, and it brought out his main doctrine, the foundation of all his theories of liberty of conscience, that God alone is the supreme ruler, and that in all matters of conscience, God alone is the sole authority.
However, this "Bloudy Tenent" had far greater significance than most people have since realized; it was much more than the expressions of one man in a national controversy; it was without doubt the first straight-from-the-shoulder declara- tion of the individual rights of man ever made in the history of the world. More and more historians and political theorists are becoming convinced that this treatise, written by Roger Williams, the founder of Rhode Island, was the direct or indirect source from which have originated the principles of democratic government in practice today. Certainly, the appearance of the book in England was like the burst- ing of a bombshell. At once it was reviled and praised, with distinguished men tak- ing violent issue over its stirring contents.
John Cotton wrote a reply to the "Bloudy Tenent" which called for a rebuttal from Williams. Soon a whole flood of pam- phlets appeared in which the principles of individual rights were strongly upheld or soundly denounced. The disfavor that Williams found in the eyes of New Eng- land clergymen, particularly in Massa- chusetts, was nothing in comparison to that disfavor which now arose against him on all sides in England. And England was too unsettled at that time, in both politics and religion, for the orthodox among the clergy and Parliament to be very hospi- table to this radical who expressed such strange and disturbing views. Yet, Williams was not without his own prom- inent and influential friends, in the face of considerable opposition and disfavor. Some of these friendships had been long- standing, while other powerful sym- pathizers rallied to his side when they saw in him an apostle of their own innermost beliefs.
Sir Henry Vane was one of these old friends. Sir Henry had been very intimate with Williams when the former was Governor of Massachusetts and it was his influence that proved to be of inestimable value to the envoy from Rhode Island. Besides, Williams' beliefs and principles brought him the firm and valuable friend- ship of two other Englishmen of especial prominence, each in his field, the poet Milton and the great political leader, Oliver Cromwell. Very likely, Oliver Cromwell, who was then already a mili- tant champion of the Puritans in England, found the doctrines of Williams more than interesting. One important biographer offers the supposition that Williams, principally through the publication of his "Bloudy Tenent" was in a good measure responsible for the English Revolution. In the light that painstaking research throws upon the subject, such a supposi- tion may not be groundless. At any rate, what Roger Williams said and wrote during his timely visit to the mother country must have had considerable force in shaping public opinion, even though the very thought of partial toleration, let alone complete sufferance of all religions, was regarded as downright heresy. The greatness and complete independence of
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the man is revealed in a much stronger light when we observe that he went back to England to secure a favor and while there deliberately embroiled himself in one of the most bitter national controversies of all times in English history. But he was successful; he returned with the charter and also with a letter that assured him of safe passage through Massachu- setts.
We have traced his footsteps to England and return and we have learned consider- able about his activities while away from home, but what was going on in New Eng- land during his absence? Certain events had taken place in the meantime and the most serious of these pertained to the unfortunate interference of the whites in an Indian feud.
Roger Williams, shortly after the found- ing of Providence, in 1636, was called upon to prevent the alliance of the Narragansett tribe with the warlike Pequots, a trouble- some tribe that occupied lands in southern and southeastern Connecticut. If this alliance had been brought about and its purposes carried out, not a white person would have been left alive in New Eng- land. Friendship and wise diplomacy enabled Williams, single-handed, to hold the Narragansetts in line and maintain their allegiance to the colonies. But, the Pequots persisted in carrying out their evil designs of exterminating all enemies, red and white, and they continued to cut a bloody path through southern New England until halted in a decisive battle that took place in the vicinity of Mystic, Connecticut. Aided by renegade Indians, the white forces under Captain John Mason put an abrupt end to Pequot ambitions by practically annihilating the tribe, men, women and children.
In this affair, Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, had been a staunch ally of the whites, and to give a complete picture of the subject it must be remembered that the Mohegans also lived in Connecticut, in the northeastern corner, near present Norwich and above. This Uncas has been pictured as an Indian leader of great strength and courage, but grasping, cunning and treacherous, and possessed of little of the magnanimity which distin- guished the Narragansett sachem, Mian-
tonomi, who with his uncle, Canonicus, jointly sold the original lands of Rhode Island to Roger Williams. Long after the Pequots had met their Waterloo at Mystic, Uncas began to assume control of Indian affairs in eastern Connecticut and drew about him members of his own tribe of Mohegans, the few remnants of the Pequots and a lot of stragglers from other tribes. And, two months after the depar- ture of Roger Williams for England, Uncas was engaged in a bitter quarrel with Sequasson, another Connecticut chieftain, who was a relative and ally of Miantonomi, friend of Williams and of all the whites in the New England colonies.
Absolutely consistent in his policies of close cooperation with the whites in all matters, he appealed to the Massachusetts and Connecticut authorities in behalf of his friend and relative, Sequasson, and complained of Uncas and of the latter's attempt to become a sort of dictator among the natives in Connecticut. Fur- thermore, he openly asked the white authorities if they would be offended if he took part in the feud himself. Governor Haynes replied that "the English had no hand in it," and Governor Winthrop said that "if Uncas had done him or his friends wrong and would not give satisfaction, we should leave him to take his own course." Having ascertained the feelings of the whites, Miantonomi lost no time in organizing his braves and in leading an expedition into Connecticut. With a force of about nine hundred warriors the Narra- gansett chieftain suddenly came upon Uncas and his army, but before joining battle, the Mohegan sachem challenged his opponent to single combat, proposing that the vanquished party should, with his men, submit to the victor. Mian- tonomi declined, whereupon Uncas dropped to the ground and his warriors let fly with their arrows, and with a sudden attack routed the Narragansetts and drove them from the field.
Miantonomi was captured and taken to Hartford as a prisoner. Uncas then asked advice of the whites as to what should be done with his captive and the question was referred to the general court of commissioners for New England, which sat at Boston in September 1643. The
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court sidestepped the question and the responsibility, and submitted the matter to the clergy then meeting in high council also in Boston. Strange as it may seem to us now, these Christian worthies came to the conclusion that Miantonomi must pay with his life for his attacks upon Uncas. The unfortunate sachem was therefore redelivered into the hands of the Mohe- gans for execution and two of the English were appointed to attend the proceeding and see that he was put to death without torture. The disgraceful order was carried out somewhere near Norwich and some- what in this manner: Uncas with his brother, Wawequa, and a party of other Indians, accompanied by the two whites, was leading his prisoner along a path, when, at a silent signal from the chief, Wawequa buried his tomahawk in the skull of the captive from behind. It is
said that Uncas cut a portion of flesh from the shoulder of his fallen enemy and ate it, declaring that it was the "sweetest meat he ever ate; it made his heart strong."
The sanctioning of this deed by the action of the united colonies immediately aroused the warlike natures of the Indians throughout New England and war seemed inevitable; danger threatened all of the colonies except those of Providence and Rhode Island. This happened while Roger Williams was away in England and when he returned, of course, his influence was again solicited to stay, if possible, the hostile intentions of the natives. His mediation brought about a treaty of peace between the commissioners at Boston and the chief sachems, and hostilities were thus checked. The settlements of New England were again preserved from the horrors of war.
THE COLONY ORGANIZES
TN the early days of Rhode Island, many persons had sought the protection and friendship of Roger Williams and had come to the colony at the headwaters of Narragansett Bay because they enter- tained mistaken ideas concerning the exact kind of freedom offered here. These persons caused trouble. They believed that Roger Williams' doctrine of soul liberty and freedom of conscience meant absolute license to do as anyone wished in every respect. Such was hardly the belief of the great leader and founder, and a clear denial of such erroneous conceptions of just what he did sponsor and champion is found in his writings. In a certain letter he likened the community, colony or state to a ship on which all of the inhabitants are taking passage. As passengers these individuals may believe whatever they choose in matters that concern them per- sonally and they may act accordingly. In matters that concern the progress of the ship (or community) not only must they bow to the orders of those who under- stand the operation of the ship, but also they must cooperate in the duties and responsibilities which the sailing of a ship involves. Does this not explain in a clear
manner the fundamental principle of a free and practical form of government? The sailing of ship of state in these parts did not become an easy task for the ship- master and his willing crew. Approaching storms and sudden squalls of outside enemies threatened the safety of the small and untried craft, and mutiny on board endangered both discipline and order. So, let us in imaginative retro- spect embark upon this ship, provided as it was then with its official clearance papers, and let us share the experiences of the maiden voyage.
When Roger Williams returned with the charter in September 1644, the knowl- edge that such an instrument had been obtained inspired the neighboring colonies to make fresh attempts to gain jurisdic- tion in this section of New England development. Late that same Fall, Plymouth made half-hearted attempts to gain control over the Island of Aquidneck but these efforts proved nothing and accomplished less. In the following August (1645) the local colonists as- sembled at Newport to take action upon a letter received from Massachusetts, which communication requested that no
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action be taken here to exercise any form of government. The historic answer to this polite demand was a fine example of determination phrased in dignified but forceful language. Needless to say, this attempt at encroachment upon the Rhode Island lands made no impression upon the local citizens, but then Massachusetts tried a new trick. A letter was written to Roger Williams, as chief officer of the colony, wherein it was stated that the Bay authorities had "lately received out of England a charter from the authority of the High Court of Parliament bearing date (of) December 10, 1643, whereby the Narragansett Bay, and a certain tract of land wherein Providence and the Island of Aquidny (Aquidneck) are in- cluded." Furthermore, this communica- tion warned those living in said territory to avoid any attempt at political organ- ization. Williams promptly answered this message knowing full well that it was a plain case of bluffing, and, as might have been expected, he received no answer to his reply. Briefly summing up this situa- tion we find that Rhode Island was in the midst of three large colonies, Plymouth, Massachusetts and Connecticut, all anx- ious to rid themselves of her presence, all disagreeing with her in the matter of religious liberty. Accordingly, they fell upon Rhode Island like three wolves upon the same lamb, even though the shepherd of that lamb had saved these wolves from certain destruction on several occasions. Connecticut repeatedly asserted her claim to the Narragansett country, appointed officers at Wickford and other places, and often resorted to violence for the enforce- ment of her laws. Plymouth claimed the Island of Rhode Island down the Bay although this colony was more quiet and tolerant than the other two. Massa- chusetts did her best to gain control of both Providence and Warwick and re- sorted to many measures to accomplish her designs. On the other hand, William Coddington, a powerful political factor on the island down the Bay, persisted in opposing a union of all the Rhode Island colonies under the charter, and he con- tinued with his plans to have the island allied with Massachusetts.
Thus, these outside influences together
with serious local animosities delayed the establishment of any sort of government under the charter until 1647. In May of that year arrangements were finally made for an assembly of the people at Ports- mouth. Providence appointed ten com- missioners and gave them full power to act in the name of the town. These represen- tatives were instructed to procure a copy of the charter, to secure for the town a complete ordering of its own internal affairs, to make provision for appeal unto General Courts, and in case town charters were granted to obtain one for Providence suited to promote the general peace and union of the colony. The other towns did likewise and on May 19, 1647, this historic assembly met to accept the charter, to elect officers and to draw up a code of laws. John Coggeshall of Newport was elected President of the Colony, and an Assist- ant was chosen for each town - Roger Williams for Providence, John Sanford for Portsmouth, William Coddington for Newport, and Randall Holden for War- wick. William Dyer was elected Gen- eral Recorder, and Jeremy Clarke, Treas- urer.
Speaking in broad terms, the several towns that participated in this assembly thereupon proceeded to organize them- selves into a form of government which if not precisely was, at least, strongly analogous to the organization of these United States under the Constitution. It was provided that thereafter the whole people, forming the General Assembly, would meet annually for the enactment of general laws and for the choice of gen- eral officers. A general code of laws which concerned all men was first approved by the towns (as the States adopted the Constitution and still adopt amendments) but before this code of laws could go into effect, it was ratified by the General Assembly of the whole people. All legis- lative power was ultimately in the whole people, in General Assembly convened. Towns might propose laws (as States amendments to the Constitution) and the approval of a General Court of Com- missioners might give them temporary force, but it was only the action of the General Assembly (the general govern- ment) which could make them general
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and permanent for all persons within the colony.
The towns had their local laws (as States have theirs) which could not be enforced beyond their own limits; and they had their own town courts (as States have State Courts) which had exclusive original jurisdiction over all causes be- tween their own citizens. The Presidents and Assistants of the several towns com- posed the General Court of trials, and this body held jurisdiction over all aggravated offences, and in such matters as should be referred to them by the town courts as too weighty for them to determine; and also this General Court sat upon all disputes between different towns, and between citizens of different towns and strangers. From the foregoing it is apparent that the individual towns gave up no more powers and rights than was necessary in a con- federation of governments, and a deliber- ate attempt was made to avoid a complete consolidation of powers. It has been said that the framers of the Constitution of the United States found their model in the governmental framework originated by the founders of Rhode Island and adopted at that important assembly at Portsmouth in May 1647. This may not exactly be true, but one can readily observe that the original Rhode Island idea of government, with its lack of any direct or indirect provision for a Church and State com- bination, foreshadowed the Constitution of this Union, and also foreshadowed its practicability.
Many things happened in Rhode Island during the period of this first charter that
gave authority to the exercise of the exist- ing form of government until 1663, but one of the most important matters con- cerned the heretofore mentioned opposi- tion of William Coddington of Newport. This prominent and able citizen of the colony on the Island of Rhode Island evidently held positive ambitions to re- main supreme in authority in spite of the fact that all of the town had agreed upon a practical form of confederation. Under his leadership, trouble broke out between Portsmouth and Newport immediately after the charter had been adopted. The latter voted to return to the old form of joint government on the Island, while Portsmouth decided to maintain its independence under the charter. This state of affairs prevailed until the General Assembly met at Providence in May 1648. Scarcely had Coddington been elected President when he was suspended, pend- ing certain bills of complaint held against him. The chief complaint was that Cod- dington refused to side with the whole colony in its controversies with Massa- chusetts. The accused failed to appear before the court when summoned and, as a result of all this, the Colony down the Bay was divided into two factions. Coddington's next move was to gain the sympathy and aid of the colonies outside of Rhode Island and when this failed he prepared to execute a clever and most destructive scheme. Without disclosing his plan to anyone he sailed for England in January 1649, leaving a Captain Partridge in charge of his affairs in New- port.
ROGER WILLIAMS' TRADING POST
W ILLIAM CODDINGTON, whose name has been prominently identified with the founding and the early devel- opment of the two settlements on the Island of Aquidneck, at no time showed much enthusiasm for the attempts to or- ganize the towns of Providence, Ports- mouth, Newport and later Warwick into an organized colony. He had his own ideas, and his own personal ambitions,
and he took no sides with the local groups in their controversies with Massachusetts; in fact, he sided with the outside forces and influences that were taking every means to usurp the settlements that had sprung up on the shores of Narragansett Bay. And to repeat a bit of what has been told heretofore, Mr. Coddington went so far as to return to England and there, under false pretences, secure for himself
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a commission as lifelong governor of the Island of Aquidneck. He sailed for Eng- land, in 1649, and immediately entered a petition with the Council of State in the mother country, claiming both Aquidneck and Conanicut, and stating that he had discovered these islands. Also, he claimed that he had purchased them from the Indians, and was now desirous of being governed by English laws under the pro- tection of the Commonwealth. In April 1651, William Coddington apparently attained the goal of his ambitions. He was commissioned as governor of the two islands; he was to raise forces for defence, and to appoint annually not more than six counsellors, who, however, were to be nominated by the freeholders of Newport and Portsmouth. How it was that the English authorities failed to keep faith with Roger Williams, whose charter had already been put in force even before Coddington left New England to secure his destructive document, is obviously a point to question, but affairs in England at the time were in a high state of con- fusion, and the home country was probably in a frame of mind that led those in power to do most anything that might add to colonial support. On the other hand, the English authorities knew comparatively little of who was who, and what was what, on this side of the ocean; it took news a long time to travel, there- fore, he who spoke latest, and most con- vincingly, would obtain the latest favors, even though the granting of them might be contrary to previous agreements and understandings.
Coddington proudly returned to these parts late in the summer of 1651, and his arrival was the signal for quick action on the part of those who were determined that the infant colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations must not be divided into two separate and distinct political entities. Sixty-five inhabitants of Newport and forty-one of Portsmouth joined in requesting Dr. John Clarke to go to England and there seek a repeal of Cod- dington's commission and a confirmation of Roger Williams' charter. Dr. Clarke was a distinguished and prominent physi- cian of Newport and one of the original leaders of the settlement of Rhode Island.
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