USA > Tennessee > Davidson County > Nashville > History of Nashville, Tenn. > Part 8
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W E have seen in the previous chapter how the first permanent set- tlement in Nashville, by Robertson and Donelson and those ac- companying them, was made. The Articles of Agreement for their self- government, as adopted by these hardy, law-loving pioneers, have been freely referred to in that chapter.
But why, it may be asked, did these settlers upon the Watauga leave so new and promising a field of adventure, and go hundreds of miles to the westward of all occupation by the whites, to found a new town for themselves upon the banks of the Cumberland? Many reasons, doubt- less, co-operated to produce this movement. Never since the world be- gan were there such hunting-grounds as the blue-grass region of Kentucky and the canebrakes of Middle Tennessee in 1780. From the Tennessee River, in Alabama, on the south, to the Ohio River, on the north, was one unbroken pasture-field, over whose fertile hills and valleys thousands and hundreds of thousands of buffaloes, deer, bears, and wild turkeys roamed at will. All these pioneers were passionately fond of the chase. They perceived, also, that for years their families might be almost wholly sup- ported upon the abundant game everywhere around them on the Cum- berland.
Then these men were good judges of land. They knew, as all the world now knows, that no more desirable region exists upon the globe. Possessing a mild climate; neither too hot in summer nor too cold in win- ter; adapted to the production of every cereal and almost every fruit grown by man; well watered; undulating, not level; hilly, not mount- ainous; picturesque, not monotonous; wholly free of Indian towns and settlements, is it any wonder that these hardy, enterprising men of Caro- lina and Virginia were willing to leave native home and fireside upon the Yadkin and the James, to appropriate for themselves and their posterity the magnificent domain inviting them upon the Cumberland and the Ken- tucky?
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And may it not be that James Robertson, who during the first settle- ment of the Watauga was the great leader and confessedly the first citi- zen of that region, may have seen that John Sevier, possessed of more brilliant talents, more magnetic and attractive qualities, was rapidly com- ing to the front? And, although these two great men ever remained fast friends and allies, may not Robertson, conscious of possessing great, though not so shining, qualities of leadership as Sevier, have determined to seek a new field, found his own town, and leave his own impress upon the vast region west of the mountains? If this were so, it was a worthy ambition, and right nobly did he carry it out; for of all the great lead- ers of the period, save Washington, there is not a nobler figure than that of James Robertson, founder of Nashville.
" But were not these pioneer whites trespassing upon the hunting-grounds of the poor Indians?" it may be asked. Certainly not, consciously; and certainly not, in fact, if ever the whites became honestly possessed of any portion of this continent. Listen to their solemn assertion in the Arti- cles of Agreement, adopted in May, 1780. They say therein: " We mean to send a delegate to the General Assembly of North Carolina, set- ting forth that we are confident that our settlement is not within the boundaries of any nation or tribe of Indians, as some of us know and all of us believe that they have fairly sold and received satisfaction for the land or territories where we reside; and, therefore, we hope we may not be considered as acting against the laws of our country or mandates of government." Certainly this is explicit enough as to the opinion en- tertained by the pioneers themselves.
But were they right in their assumption that the Indians had parted with whatever title they ever possessed to this region? Let us see. In 1768 Sir William Johnson, by far the ablest representative the British crown ever had among the Indians, who had lived long among them and had for years possessed their unlimited confidence, invited the Six Nations to meet him at Fort Stanwix, in New York, to settle the question of boundary between that powerful confederacy of Indians and the British settlements. Never before or since has so large and full a representation of Indians assembled to make a treaty with the whites. Over three thou- sand of these dusky warriors, by actual count (for Sir William had to feed them for weeks), sat in solemn conclave around their camp-fires at Fort Stanwix, upon the question of boundary and sale of land to the whites. The result was that for the consideration of £10,000 and blankets and other merchandise, to them paid, the Six Nations confed- eration of Indians sold and conveyed to the English all that boundary of land lying north of the Cherokee River, as the Tennessee was then
GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF NASHVILLE FROM 1780 TO 1796. 75
called. It has been shown in a previous chapter that the Six Nations had conquered all that country as far south as the Tennessee, or Chero- kee River.
Now, in 1768, under date of November 18, after the treaty of Stanwix had been made, Sir William Johnson wrote to Lord Hillsborough, in the English Cabinet, as follows: "Your Lordship will find that the Six Na- tions insisting on their right to the land as far south as the Cherokee River have ceded the same to his Majesty. And, notwithstanding that the Board of Trade spoke of the Great Kanhawa [Kanawha] River as their southern bound, I find, from what passed at several private meet- ings, that I could not deny them the liberty of asserting their pretensions to the southward without highly disobliging them and preventing the settlement of the West. From many further inquiries and disputes on these subjects, I never could find that the Cherokees claimed to the west- ward of the great mountains or north of the river of their name, but that the Six Nations always did claim thereto."
Now the Indians themselves, in this Fort Stanwix treaty, assert: "We have likewise continued the line south to the Cherokee River, because the same is, and we declare it to be, our true bounds with the Southern In- dians, and that we have an undoubted right to the country as far south as that river, which makes our cession to his Majesty much more advanta- geous than that proposed."
And to show that the Six Nations were claiming only what belonged to them by right of conquest it suffices to say that no Cherokee, Chicka- saw, or Choctaw ever settled north of the Tennessee River. And rep- resentatives from the Cherokee Nation attended at Fort Stanwix, and made no objection to the treaty or its boundaries. Indeed, so far from doing so, these delegates from the Cherokee Nation, having passed through Middle Tennessee and Kentucky on their way to the treaty ground, had killed some game on their route for their support on their journey, but on their.arrival at Fort Stanwix tendered the skins of the game so killed to the Six Nations, saying: "They are yours; we killed them after passing the Big River," the name by which the Cherokees al- ways called the Tennessee.
After the Stanwix treaty had been sent to London for the ratification of the king, by Sir William Johnson, he again called the Six Nations chiefs together, and read to them the letter of Lord Hillsborough, written in behalf of the king, whereupon these chiefs replied: "Brother, we are now met together in full council, to answer you concerning what you last spoke to us about the king's having received our deed and the proceed- ings at Fort Stanwix, with his ratification of the same, with which we are
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highly pleased. When we met you to so great a number, in so public a manner, at Fort Stanwix we should hardly have acted as we did unless we had been possessed of a full right so to do. We now desire that you may assure the king that it was our property we justly disposed of, and . that we had full authority so to do."
Now the king of Great Britain, in the charter of North Carolina, had granted to the proprietors all the land west to the South Sea. But, as Spain owned west of the Mississippi, the ownership of North Carolina stopped at that river. And in the treaty of 1783 King George III. ceded to North Carolina and the United States all lands to the eastward of the Mississippi, together with the right to the free navigation of that stream from its head to its mouth.
So, then, the Indian right having been extinguished by sale and treaty at Fort Stanwix, the title of Robertson's people was not to be questioned, except by North Carolina; and in 1782 the Legislature of that State passed an act to the effect that each head of a family and every single man of the age of twenty-one years who made actual settlement prior to June, 1780, was allowed six hundred and forty acres of land.
Besides this, Robertson had gone to Kaskaskia, and procured from General George Rogers Clarke, who had conquered the British forces in the North-west, " cabin rights," as they were called, to the lands upon which the Cumberland settlements had been made. It may be said that Clark had no valid right to convey; but it shows that Robertson was de- sirous of getting all possible right and title for his people, and it is certain that Clark's title to these lands was quite as good as that of the Chero- kees, who had never lived upon them, and only a few squads of whose hunters had occasionally killed game upon them; but the hunters of North Carolina and Virginia had for many years killed game in the same region.
So we think that we have clearly shown that Robertson had quite as good-nay, the same-title to the Cumberland region as William Penn had to his purchase, or any other settlers in America ever had or can have to theirs. But, while this was so, the Cherokees clearly saw that soon, if not resisted, the whites would possess and occupy all the hunting- grounds north of the Tennessee; and for fifteen years they and the Creeks, instigated by the Spanish authorities, waged a ceaseless and murderous warfare upon the Cumberland settlers. In his "Advance Guard of West- ern Civilization " Mr. Gilmore happily names the period " the rain of fire." During all this bloody time no week passed without the treacher- ous killing and scalping of some settler, by a skulking Indian, shooting from the concealment of the canebrake. This state of bloody warfare
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needs not to be recounted in detail in this short sketch of Nashville. The constant liability to such attacks drove the people, from the earliest settle- ment of the place, to build rude log forts, to which, when endangered, they might flee with their families for refuge and defense. Such block- houses were erected in every neighborhood, and one of the largest stood on the bluff in Nashville, near where the court-house now stands. There was one erected by Mr. Ridley, which was still standing, though in a somewhat dilapidated condition, in 1835, when the distinguished English traveler, Featherstonehaugh, visited Nashville; and in his book he gives a picture of this old fort. As few persons now have any accurate idea of how these rude fortifications of our ancestors looked, we give a copy of the picture of this Ridley fort, taken in 1835.
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Mr. Featherstonehaugh thus describes it: "This fort of Mr. Ridley's, near Buchanan's fort, was about twenty feet square, and was built thus: Next the ground were six round logs, about twenty-one feet long, laid upon each other and well mortised; next came a log about twenty-four feet long, on the west side, and a similar one on the other sides, all well mortised. In this way a projection, even with the floor that divided the upper cham- ber of the block-house from the lower one, is formed beyond the ground tier of logs, upon which an upper wall of round logs is built ; after which the building is roofed in. Upon the roof pieces of wood are fixed for the gar- rison to step upon and extinguish any fire the Indians might succeed in set- ting to it with their arrows. Loop-holes, also, were made in the logs of the upper chamber, to enable them to fire at any Indians who ventured to show themselves ; as well as others in the projecting part of the floor, from whence they could fire perpendicularly down upon their besiegers, if they
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should attempt to run up to the block-house to set fire to it." These block-houses, it must be remembered, were surrounded by a strong pick- et fence, consisting of stout posts set firmly in the ground, the upper ends of the posts being sharpened to prevent scaling.
Mr. Ridley, when Featherstonehaugh visited him, near Nashville, in 1835, was over ninety-five years of age, and he and his old wife were still living at their old fort in a house near by. Mrs. Ridley gave the English traveler the following account of the attack made by the Indians upon the adjoining fort of their son-in-law (Mr. Buchanan) in the year 1792: " The Indians had been gathering for some time, and the white settlers had been informed through their spies that it was their intention first to attack and subdue Buchanan's fort, then Ridley's, and afterward an- other on the Cumberland. Four hundred settlers had assembled, and had waited from day to day at Buchanan's; but, it being rumored that the In- dians had given up their intention, almost the whole of them returned to their own homes, the insecurity of their families keeping them in contin- ued anxiety, so that only nineteen of the whole number remained, all of whom belonged to that immediate vicinity. One Saturday evening a Frenchman and a half-blood Indian arrived in great haste at the fort, to say that the Indians were on their way, and would soon be there. They were not believed, even when the half-blood told them they might cut off his head if the savages did not reach the place in a few hours. Two men, however, were dispatched to reconnoiter; but, proceeding heedlessly, they fell into an ambush, and were both killed and scalped. These mes- sengers not returning, it was concluded that they had extended their re- connaissance, and that therefore the Indians could not be near. The consequence was that the Frenchman and Indian half-blood, who had pro- fessed to have come among them to take white wives, were now looked upon with suspicion. In this state of things all the men of the fort retired to rest, leaving Sally Buchanan to sit up in the kitchen. While she was listening, in the dead of the night, to a noise in the distance, which she at first supposed indicated the approach of the messengers, suddenly she heard the horses and cows struggling and running about in the inclosure in great agitation [for, as Mrs. Ridley said, ' cows is mortal feared, as well as horses, of them parfect devils, the Indians'], and, understanding the signs, she immediately roused the men with the cry of ' Indians, boys, Indians!' Instantly arming themselves, the men flew to the gate, which nine hundred warriors of the Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws were attempting to force. The gate was thoroughly well secured, or it must have given way to their efforts; but the Indians fortunately making no diversion at any other point, the brave men inside had but this to direct
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GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF NASHVILLE FROM 1780 TO 1796.
their attention to, and, animated by a noble determination to defend the place to the last extremity, they made an active and vigorous defense, an- swering to the deafening yells of the savages by a shot at them whenever a chance occurred of its taking effect. In the meantime, it being discov- ered that the absentees had taken almost all the bullets with them, the heroic Sally Buchanan, thinking the men would be more effectually em- ployed at the stockade, undertook the task of supplying them, and at the kitchen fire actually cast almost all the bullets that were fired, whilst a fe- male relative who was staying with her clipped the necks off. As fast as they were ready, Sally would run out with them, and cry aloud: 'Here, boys; here's bullets for you ; but mind you don't serve them out till you are sure of knocking some of them screaming devils over.'"'
" This incident," continues Mr. Featherstonehaugh, "is equal to any thing we read of in history; and so much were the men encouraged by the indomitable spirit of Sally that the Indians, after a fruitless attempt to force their way in, which lasted for several hours, becoming apprehensive that the report of the rifles and uproar, which Mrs. Ridley heard very distinctly two miles off, would bring succor to the garrison, drew off be- fore daylight, after losing several of their number. And thus this garri- son, by its prompt and gallant resistance, not only saved itself, but all the other forts which the Indians had laid their account in capturing."
Perhaps it may be well to give also here, from Putnam's " History of Middle Tennessee," his account of the "Battle of the Bluff," as the attack of the Indians upon Nashville (then Nashborough), in 1781, was called : " During the night of April 1, 1781, a numerous party of Chero- kees came and lay in ambush near the fort. In the morning three of them approached the fort, fired, and ran off; yet not out of sight, for they were seen reloading their guns and occasionally waving their hands to attract notice. This was evidently a banter and defiance, and it was so regarded by the whites. They could not endure to be thus bearded, and, although there was some talk of the danger of an ambush, the men re- solved to go forth to battle. A party of more than twenty mounted their horses, and rode through the gate. They dashed down the descending ground toward Broad Street and the branch, in pursuit of the retreating foe. The few Indians who had kept themselves in sight and tempted the whites to come on made a stand near the bank of the creek. The posi- tion is near the junction of College and Demonbreun Streets. The men dismounted at Broad, to give battle. A considerable body of Indians was concealed in the bed of the creek and among the thick bushes, and sud- denly fired upon the horsemen as they dismounted. The fire was re- turned with alacrity and with some effect. The horses fled up the hill,
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toward the fort. At this moment another party of savages raised the yell and war-whoop, and dashed forth from their hiding-places on the side of the hill, near what is now Cherry Street. They attempted to head and catch the horses, which fled toward the French Lick. Quite a number of Indians pursued the horses. Some of the horses ran by the fort, but, finding the gate closed, continued toward the spring.
"At this juncture, and while the fight was continued in the bottom, the larger body of Indians had arisen from their covert, and commenced a movement toward the fort, not only to cut off the retreat of the small num- ber of whites at the creek, but to attack and enter the fort. The horses passed through their line, and drew after them many who preferred the capture of such a prize to any respect for discipline and command of chiefs. At this moment, also, the dogs in the fort, seeing the confusion and hearing the firing, ran toward the branch, or low grounds, and came upon the yet unbroken line of the enemy. These dogs were trained to hostility to the sav- ages, and they made a most furious onset, and kept the Indians busily em- ployed in self-defense. The pursuit of the horses and contest with the dogs so occupied the Indians, and withdrew them from their position and aim to intercept the party of whites at the branch, or attack the fort, that a way was opened for their escape or retreat to the fort, and for some aid to ad- vance from the fort. Had these Indians maintained their position, or ex- tended their line toward the river, not a white man could have returned to the fort. They were in great peril at all times. The savages with whom they were immediately engaged greatly outnumbered them, and a much larger force of Indians was interposed between them and their friends at the fort. Five of their number had been killed, and two disa- bled by wounds by the Indians. They resolved to attempt an escape to the fort. Taking with them their two wounded companions, they commenced to run, and were pursued by their enemies. There was no time to re- load their guns; to have stopped would have been to encounter an over- whelming force, and it would have been an easy matter for the main body of the enemy to have swept across to the river's bank, and thus have com- pletely inclosed the disabled and now almost disarmed whites. That they did not thus intercept and capture or destroy them can only be ac- counted for as was done in the exclamation of some of the pious mothers : ' Thanks be to God that he gave the Indians a fear of dogs and a love for horses ! '
" In this retreat Isaac Lucas was shot down, his thigh being broken. His comrades could not stop to ascertain whether he was mortally wound- ed or to render him assistance. They had perhaps passed him in the race before he fell. As he fell he turned his face toward the advancing foe.
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determined to make some fight. While he was retreating he, like the others, was hastily reloading his gun, and had succeeded in driving home the charge at the instant he was shot down. He did not lose his presence of mind, but quickly primed his gun, took deliberate aim at the stout In- dian who was in the lead of the pursuers, and shot him dead in his tracks.
" The people in the fort saw Lucas fall, and that he was alive, but in danger of being killed and scalped. He lay within the range of the guns of the men at the fort, as was evident by an Indian being wounded by a shot from that distance. The foe, seeing the danger and manifestation of relief to the retreating party, made a halt, and did not reach Lucas, who moved himself a short distance to escape their aim. He was after- ward brought into the fort, lay upon his back a few weeks, and then got up with little suffering or lameness. It is due to him to state that, after he had killed his nearest foe and crawled to a more secure place, he was prompt to reload his rifle and look to the position of his hatchet and butcher-knife. He was anxious to secure the warlike instruments of the warrior he had killed, for he thought he was not removed; but in this he was disappointed; this and other warriors were buried along the creek banks.
" There was one contest almost under the walls of the fort. Edward Swanson was one of the retreating party. He was pursued and overtaken by a big Indian within twenty yards of the fort. The Indian gained upon Swanson, and struck him with his gun on the shoulder, causing Swanson to drop his gun. Swanson turned upon his pursuer, and seized hold of the Indian's gun. Then commenced a life and death struggle for its pos- session. From the effects of the blow he had received, the want of a firm hold upon the gun, or the superior strength of the Indian, he wrest- ed it from Swanson, and knocked him down on all fours. The gun men at the fort could not venture to fire at the Indian, lest they should shoot their friend. At this critical moment John Buchanan, the elder, rushed out of the gate to Swanson's relief. He killed the big Indian on the spot where they had contended, and he preserved the Indian's gun as long as he lived.
" This terminated the day's work on the part of the whites; thus ended the 'Battle of the Bluff.' The Indians, however, continued their ef- forts to secure the frightened horses, but with little success. The animals were so much frightened by the yelling of the Indians, the firing of guns, and the barking of dogs, that few suffered themselves to be caught; most of them came to the entrance of the fort, and were gladly admitted.
" The Indians stripped and scalped such whites as they had slain, and 6
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slightly covered up their own dead. They gained five good guns also. At night, seeming to have some accessions to their numbers, they ap- peared before the station and fired repeatedly at it, but doing no harm, however. The stationers discovered quite a lot of Indians a few hun- dred yards distant, west of the station, and they determined to load and fire the swivel at them. To this there was some remonstrance, those ob- jecting saying: 'There are too many trees in the way, and we have not the powder to waste.' Of cannon-balls they had none. The gun was loaded, several of the men contributing powder, pieces of lead, pieces of horseshoes, and other bits of iron. The little cannon was placed in posi- tion and fired. Being in the stillness of evening, the report was indeed like the booming of a cannon. It seemed like a signal gun, and was soon answered by another from Eaton's station. It unquestionably startled the savages, for they fired not another gun, but departed.
"A party soon arrived from Eaton's upon the bank opposite the bluff station, and made the signal call for boats to be sent over for them. The boats were fastened at the bluff bank, under the protection of the watch in the station. Two men quietly passed the boat to the other shore, and ferried over their friends, who were admitted into the station and kept watch till break of day.
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