USA > Texas > A Twentieth century history of southwest Texas, Volume I > Part 10
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ing more. Then there were the obligations concerning the promulga- tion of the Catholic religion, which, though causing little practical trou- ble, added to the sum total of grievances. Indeed, American principles not only of religion but of law and society were quite at variance with the Mexican ideals. Restrictions on trade, likewise, irritated, as they have always done however necessary to a government. There were many irregularities in the collection of such imposts and taxes as there were, and after the expiration of the limit in which the Texas colonists were to be free from taxes the imposition of a tariff seemed very hard.
On the part of Mexico, jealousy and suspicion, on more or less just grounds, wrought their customary havoc with harmony and hastened the evil dav between the two countries. For one thing, the United States authorities seemed never to get over an itching palm for their flimsy claims to Texas territory which they had relinquished in 1819. During 1825-1827 there were various official propositions emanating from Washington offering large sums for extension of United States territory to the Rio Grande, or to the Colorado, or other boundaries. In a treaty of 1828 the Mexican government got a reaffirmation of the boundary line as settled in 1819, and thus American diplomacy was checked for a time. But the American colonists were continually com- ing up as a bogey to the Mexican authorities, who imagined them to be mere instruments by which the United States would in time annex Texas.
The success and prosperity of the American colonies excited envy among their Mexican neighbors, for Mexican agriculture and industry were indeed sickly and ineffective as compared with American enter- prise. The Indians had caused much trouble during the first two or three years to Austin's and the other colonies, but as soon as the settlers became organized they went against their red enemies with such reck- less courage and resoluteness, as to inspire in the natives thereafter a wholesome regard for American prowess, and henceforth there was little trouble. But the Indian depredations as far as San Antonio still continued, and the Mexicans could only believe the colonists were un- molested because of a league with the red men.
Slavery.
Again, slavery played no small part in Mexico-Texas relations. By the state constitution of Coahuila-Texas, as adopted in 1827, chil- dren of slaves were to be free, and no slaves were to be brought in after six months from the adoption of the constitution. Certain regulations made to enforce this article caused no little discontent, but the colonists soon found a technical way out of this difficulty. The Mexican people in forbidding slavery were only theoretically moved by altruism and love of humanity, for within their own borders they had the peonage sistem, by which the wretched peons sold their life services to masters at an average price of fifty dollars a year, and then, with all the rigors and harshness of slavery, had to support themselves and family and live and die at their own expense. All the Americans had to do in order to nullify tlie state law was to introduce a nominal peonage, and continue to bring in the negroes as indentured servants. Throughout
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the slavery contention Mexican laws and decrees aimed not at securing freedom for a race but to check American aggression and continued im- migration. Without slaves the colonists could have made little headway in agriculture, therefore to prohibit the holding of slaves was equivalent to forbidding Americans to enter the country. In 1829 a more sweeping. decree against slavery, abolishing the institution throughout the republic of Mexico, emanated from the federal government. This of course was directed against the Texans and was prompted by a recent investigation of affairs in Texas which had brought home to the government the danger that that state might be entirely won away from the republic. The colonists with Austin as spokesman remonstrated and set forth in extenso how necessary slaves were to the prosperity of Texas, and finally the operation of the decree in Texas was suspended.
Fredonian War.
The eyes of Mexico had been opened to the waywardness of her Texas child by a series of events on the eastern border, denominated in Texas history as the Fredonian war, and interesting not only for the fact that therein was spilt the first blood in the long conflict be- tween Mexican and American but also because it was the first visible rift in the lute destined to widen and destroy all the harmony between the two races.
Hayden Edwards, under the empresario system of Coahuila-Texas, had obtained a large grant of land about the old town of Nacogdoches, which, it will be remembered, was one of the three vantage points in Texas where Spanish civilization seemed to gain a secure foothold. It was accordingly the one center of a considerable Mexican population north of Goliad and San Antonio. Edwards was to settle on vacant lands and not dispossess any original and valid claimants, and he was to have jurisdiction and direction of affairs conjointly with the estab- lished authorities. But the practical working out of this empresario colony was involved in many difficulties. The Americans settled on land for which other settlers could show valid titles, and then there arose disputes, forcible ejections and a sharp alignment between the empresario colonists and the original inhabitants. The courts and offi- cers under Edwards' authority came into direct conflict with the civil magistrates, and the only resort was the arbitrament of arms. Pe- titions and lists of grievances went from both parties to the political chief at San Antonio. That executive decided against Edwards and revoked his grant and ordered him to leave the country. Benjamin Ed- wards, a brother of the empresario, then sought aid from Austin and likewise formed an alliance with the Cherokee Indians on the north, who also at the time had grievances and were disaffected toward the Mexican government. It was Edwards' plan to form an independent republic, called Fredonia, and he sent out requests for aid and co-opera- tion to the various American colonies and also across the line into Louisi- ana. But his movement was ill-timed, ill-planned and savored too much of a filibuster. Austin denounced the revolution and sent some of his militia along with the government troops to quell the disturbance. His
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colony at that time had no cause to chafe at Mexican harshness and no reason to interfere in the factional fight at Nacogdoches.
December 16, 1826, Benjamin Edwards, with fifteen followers, took possession of the stone fort at Nacogdoches, and from that as his seat of power promulgated his republic, received his few adherents and continued there endeavoring to nourish his waning power for some weeks. Finally when there were only eleven whites remaining in the fort faithful to the cause, the local magistrate, or alcalde, with about seventy men, mostly Mexicans, approached to rout out the revolution- ists. Edwards, however, his band being reinforced by nine Indians, made a fierce charge upon the enemy and scattered them like chaff, killing and wounding several, while only one Fredonian was wounded. The "republic" lasted a little longer, but when the government troops arrived from the south it had already dissolved, and the few prisoners taken were, by the intervention of Austin, released. Throughout all the passages at arms that mark the long conflict between Americans and Mexicans the manifest superiority of the former in skill of maneuver- ing, marksmanship, and personal bravery cannot but excite a feeling of pride in every American reader, without consideration of the worthi- ness or unworthiness of the cause in which it is displayed.
The Fredonian war was but a side issue, and is only important as it caused Mexico to tighten her grip on her province and resort to restrictive measures which hastened the final destiny. But the various seeds of discontent above noted were growing, and the events of the next few years brought about the first general reaction against the cen- tral governinent.
Bustamente.
In 1829 the reins of Mexican government fell into the hands of Bustamente, whose course was marked throughout by harshness to- ward Texas, and he inaugurated a system of restriction that could only provoke antagonism among the colonists. His policy in Texas was but an extension of the one he was carrying out in Mexico-namely, the centralization of the administration which we have seen to have been the ambition of all the political chiefs of the time. Hitherto Texas had been little concerned with these factional struggles, and Austin's colony had retained its thoroughly republican form of government with- out serious interference from Mexico. But now she is to be drawn to the edge of the vortex and play her own part in the contest between federalism and centralism.
On April 6, 1830, was passed a federal law which was pregnant of evil to Texas, and which at once put the colonists on the defensive. This measure, aimed expressly at Texas, prohibited colonization from adjacent foreign countries and the importation of slaves; suspended all unfulfilled empresario contracts; forbade intercourse across the border except as sanctioned by a Mexican passport ; and provided for stricter enforcement of import duties. This was in effect a military despotism, and, indeed, military posts were established throughout Texas.
The federal military soon came into direct conflict with the state and local authorities. A state commissioner sent to locate some settlers
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on lands was thrown into prison as violating the law of April 6, and furthermore all colonists outside of Austin's, De Witt's and De Leon's were ousted. The payment of custom duties, from which the colonists had up to this time been freed, was especially distasteful, and more so when enforced by an insolent soldiery. All the gulf ports were closed except that at Anahuac, and later after much remonstrance, that at Brazoria. Smuggling flourished, often in open defiance of the officials, and settlers entered the country by round-about roads, and once in, could not be deported. In May, 1832, a strip ten leagues wide along the coast was declared under martial law, and thus matters looked serious for the welfare of Texas.
The Custom House at Anahuac.
One Davis Bradburn, a Kentuckian in the service of the Mexican government, was appointed to command the post at Anahuac, and his tyrannous and overbearing conduct provoked the settlers beyond en- clurance. In May, 1832, an outrage by a Mexican soldier caused the colonists to seek redress, and Bradburn arrested and imprisoned several of them, William B. Travis among the number. The colonists sprang to arms at once, collected in sufficient numbers, besieged the garrison and demanded the release of the prisoners. Bradburn agreed to surrender them in return for a few cavalrymen captured a few days previous by the Texans. The latter in good faith restored the Mexicans, and then Bradburn treacherously opened fire on the colonists and retained his prisoners.
The siege was renewed with a vengeance. In order to reduce the fort a company from Brazoria returned home to bring some cannon around by water. But when they had brought their schooner, loaded with the cannon, to Fort Velasco at the mouth of the Brazos they were refused passage by the Mexican commander; the Americans then di- verted their attention to the reduction of this fort. By a combined land and water attack the Americans, against a desperate and brave resist- ance on the part of the garrison headed by the intrepid Colonel Ugar- techea, forced the post to capitulate, after a number were killed on both sides. This was on June 27. In the meantime the commandant at Nacogdoches had marched to relieve Anahuac, but on reaching there found the Texans too strong for him, and he accordingly agreed to remove Bradburn from command and surrender the prisoners, which was done.
While these events were occurring in Texas and the settlers were in a state of open rebellion against the federal government, a turn of the political wheel in. Mexico gave an entirely different complexion to the action of the insurgent colonists and deferred the vengeance which otherwise would surely have been visited upon them for the attacks on two federal posts.
In January. 1832, Santa Anna had "pronounced" against the gov- ernment of Bustamente, and the usual war followed. Santa Anna con- cealed for the time his ulterior motives and championed anti-centralism and pledged his devotion to the constitution of 1824 and to various re- forms. Adherents came flocking to him from all parts of the republic,
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and among them were the majority of the soldiers stationed in Texas, who espoused the cause of Santa Anna and at once withdrew to the army of their chief. Thus by August, 1832, all the Mexican forces had withdrawn and left Texas to itself.
In Mexico this revolt of Texas assumed the serious aspect of a movement for entire separation from the republic, and only by a more or less premeditated shift did the Texans avert the wrath that would have soon descended upon them for their high-handed rebellion. While they were engaged in the siege of Anahuac they drew up what has been known as the Turtle Bayou resolutions, in which they set forth their adherence to the cause of Santa Anna and their devotion to the spirit and letter of the constitution of 1824, and that their revolt was really against the enemies of the republic and the constitution. Soon after the Mexican soldiers had all crossed the Rio Grande, Colonel Mejia, of the Santa Anna party, was sent with a large force to quell the Texans. But he was received with every expression of loyalty, the colonial councils passed resolutions of adherence to Santa Anna, and Mejia, convinced of their allegiance, after a brief stay withdrew into Mexico.
Thus Texas. passed the first crisis with little bloodshed, owing to the state of revolution in Mexico. There was a brief respite before a. second storm should break. In a convention held in San Felipe in Oc- tober, 1832, at which all the colonies except San Antonio were repre- sented, various resolutions and memorials were drawn up to be pre- sented to the state and federal governments, the general tenor of which was to the effect that Texas desired to remain loyal to the general gov- ernment but was outspoken against any further restrictions upon her free and republican forms of administration. Protests were also made against the execution of the decree of April 6, 1830, and also a memorial pre- sented praying for the separation of Texas from Coahuila. The pro- ceedings of this convention were without practical results, and in Mexico its echoes were lost in the hurly burly of revolution.
CHAPTER XIII.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE REVOLUTION-SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF SAN ANTONIO.
By the end of 1832 the Santa Anna party had triumphed over Bustamente, and in the following April Santa Anna assumed the office of president of the republic of Mexico. Henceforth Texas deals not with Mexico but with Santa Anna, who is the government itself. whether he is known as president or director. It was not long before he began disregarding constitutional restrictions and to play the part of the despot, but in the eves of most Texans he wore the sheep's clothing of liber- ator and defender of the constitution for some months after he came into power, and his oilv and conciliatory policy was no inconsiderable factor in the progress of event.
Separation from Coahuila.
With the ascendancy of Santa Anna the Texans believed the time was opportune to air their grievances and procure from their supposed friend an adjustment of difficulties. Agitation more or less revolu- tionary in character had continued unabated after the previous crisis, and in April. 1833, a convention assembled at San Felipe, of which William H. Wharton, the leader of the radical party, was chosen presi- dent over Austin, who had all along identified himself with the party of conservatism and peace. The principal object sought by Texas at this time was not separation from Mexico but formation into a separate state from Coahuila, and in this direction the current of discussion and complaint turned, although it is probable that deep down in the stream of feeling the entire independence of Texas was flowing stronger and faster day by day.
Legallv, Texas could not vet rightly claim a separate state gov- ernment, for her population was still far below the constitutional re- quirement, but there were valid reasons for her claims. The commer- cial and industrial interests of the two provinces were entirely dissimilar, Coahuila being inland and Texas on the gulf, and the minority repre- sentation of the latter in the state congress made it impossible to obtain much needed legislation, although on the whole the state government was generally fair and liberal toward Texas; and then also the great distance from the courts of final jurisdiction made justice in Texas al- most a travestv and only within reach of the rich. So that, when this convention assembled, a committee, whose chairman was Sam Houston -now for the first time a figure in Texan politics-drafted a state con- stitution and appointed a committee to lav it before the central govern- ment for approval, and also present the other matters for adiustment which had previously been ground for complaint on the part of Texas.
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Austin in Mexico.
Stephen Austin was the only one of the appointed commissioners who went to Mexico with the proposed constitution and petitions. He found the capital still in turmoil, and it was some time before he could present his cause. He obtained some vague promises, but after six months of well-nigh fruitless labors he started home. A letter that he had written to San Antonio counselling that municipality to join in the general movement for Texas organization, having fallen into the hands of the Mexican authorities, he was arrested, brought back to the capital and imprisoned on treasonable charges. The matter of his trial was delayed from time to time, and in fact he was never tried, but was detained at Mexico partly as a hostage and not finally released until September, 1835, when it was thought his conservative influence would be worth more to the Mexican cause if he were at home. In the meantime he came into the graces of Santa Anna, who by insinuat- ing offers and gracious treatment brought Austin to believe that Texas had a real friend and ally in the dictator. In October, 1834, a council was held by Santa Anna to determine the policy concerning Texas, Austin being present. The prohibition of immigration from the United States was suspended by Santa Anna, who also made other promises of re- lief, but he decided that the time was not yet mature for the separation of Texas from Coahuila, and, most important of all for Texas, decreed that four thousand soldiers were to be quartered at San Antonio for the ostensible purpose of guarding the frontier and protecting the set- tlers from Indians, but really in order to hold the Texans in check.
When this seeming compliancy on the part of Santa Anna became known in Texas, his duplicity being yet veiled to many, the division was intesified between the extremists who would see nothing but separa- tion, and the conservatives who hoped to continue as a part of the federal government. The latter element still held the balance of power but the sweep of events was rapidly drawing Texas to its second crisis. The state government had in the meantime pursued a liberal policy toward Texas, relieving the tension somewhat, but these acts were later declared irregular by the divided state government, which also in 1835 practically gave away large bodies of Texas lands, a fraud displeas- ing both to Texas and the federal government. A bitter factional fight was being waged in Coahuila for the seat of government between the cities of Monclova and Saltillo, and after being settled once by Santa Anna as arbiter, it broke out again early in 1835. By this time cen- tralism had won a complete triumph, and all the states of the republic were in the process of becoming departments, with executive heads ap- pointed from the central government. In line with this policy, Santa Anna sent General Cos to expel the legislature of Coahuila-Texas, which escaped this punishment only by adjourning sine die, in April, 1835,-the last session of the legislature of Coahuila-Texas. Santa Anna then deposed all the state officers and appointed a governor of his own. An attempt was made to remove the capital to San Antonio, and when this failed many of the disaffected Coahuilans took refuge in Texas and co-operated in the revolutionary movements now so far under way in that province.
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For the Constitution of 1824.
Coahuila-Texas and Zacatecas were the only states to protest against the centralizing designs of Santa Anna, who had now openly declared himself, and to stand firm for the constitution of 1824. Zacatecas rose in armed rebellion, but the revolt was crushed out by Santa Anna in May, 1835. Texas was still held by flattering promises issued through the medium of Austin, who was kept as a prisoner in the capital.
The vital question was, Shall Texas submit to a departmental ad- ministration imposed by Santa Anna, or form her own government? The independents continued to inflame and agitate, despite threats and reassurances from the federal authorities. Peace plans prevailed at first. The majority of the Texans were willing to await the coming crisis, held to the policy of not stinging until tread upon, hoped for a fair solution of difficulties. But the agitators-many of them Mexi- can liberals, foes of centralism and Santa Anna-played on every string of race antipathy, pictured the threatening depotism, the certain dis- possession of settlers from their lands-and thus the leaven of revolu- tion worked until the whole body politic was ripe for war. There were many high-minded patriots, but in this first rebellion against Mexican authority and the immediately following events there are so many taints of radicalism and selfishness that the movement does not have the clear sanction and the plain justification which mark the real revolution of 1836.
Peace and war now hung balanced. How would the scale tip, and what event would add the proper weight. Santa Anna's intention to yoke Texas with the rest of his team, either by force or by policy, was now apparent. A convention, Austin's colony being represented, was held in July, in which the pacific forces still prevailed. As long as the aggressor remained outside the borders, good and well; but introduction of the military would mean fierce resistance and immediate coalescence of the peace and the war factions.
Travis at Anahuac.
But two events had already made war inevitable. In June, 1835, W. B. Travis, at the head of some fifty Texans, attacked the soldiers guarding the custom office at Anahuac, where the collection of duties had been recently resumed under Mexican officials, and drove them off toward San Antonio. This proceeding was at once denounced by the peace party, but at the same time it compromised the entire state, and armed retaliation was certain to be met by a united people. Close fol- lowing this, an armed schooner was sent to Anahuac, and after its com- mander had committed various outrages, the vessel was captured by the Texans and its captain sent to New Orleans on charge of piracy.
This last occurred in September, and in the same month Austin returned to the colony, having been released by Santa Anna, who had primed Austin with fair promises and hoped the latter would serve as a pacificator among the belligerent Texans. Austin, indeed, did counsel patience and judicious planning for the welfare, and proposed a gen- eral consultation of all the colonies to provide therefor. But even to the wisest war now seemed inevitable. Austin as chairman of his col-
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ony's committee of safety issued a circular, insisting that the constitu- tional rights guaranteed in 1824 be maintained, and committees of safety were organized in every municipality, militia companies were being drilled, and every male citizen had his arms ready for instant use. Demands accompanied by threats of forcible execution had been sent ordering the arrest of various political offenders, the deposed state officials and anti- centralists who had taken refuge in Texas, and also of the perpetrators of the Anahuac affair, but these came to nothing, except to add to the heat.
General Consultation.
The call for a general consultation had now gone out. Five mem- bers from each of the municipalities were to convene at San Felipe on October 15. But before that date arrived revolution was rampant, and there was need to provide not for peace but for war, and to construct a provisional form of state administration which would endure the shocks of war until the structure of republican statehood should be firmly es- tablished. Owing to the progress of hostilities the general consultation did not get itself assembled for business until November. Its first im- portant act was the proclamation of a declaration of rights and purposes in this rebellion, and, after much opposition, it was resolved that the object of the Texans was to maintain the constitution of 1824, both at home and as the champion of republicanism in the other states, and that they would govern themselves provisionally until the republic should once more be established on its original lines.
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