USA > Texas > A Twentieth century history of southwest Texas, Volume I > Part 21
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San Antonio in 1846.
The town of San Antonio is supposed to contain about two thousand inhab- itants, mostly Mexicans; the greater part of the males are agriculturists and herdsmen, so far as they have any occupation. It has no manufactures and but few mechanics, such as carpenters, masons, tailors, shoemakers, and blacksmiths.
The town is built on both sides of the river of the same name, and is bounded on the west side by the San Pedro. The principal part of the town, however, lies in a horse-shoe bend on the west bank of the river, and its streets are washed by its waters running rapidly through them. It is about five miles from the source of the river, in latitude 29º 26' and longitude 98° 50' west of Green- wich. The longitude has not yet been precisely determined, as we are waiting, for this purpose, to make further observations on the satellites of Jupiter, which we hope to accomplish to-night.
The buildings belonging to the government in the town might be conven- iently converted into hospitals and barracks for a considerable force. The Alamo, on the left bank of the river, if placed in a suitable state of repair, would accom- modate a regiment, and might at the same time be rendered a strong defensive work, well supplied with water.
As a frontier post, it may be regarded as one of some importance. About one mile east of the Alamo is a strong tower, twenty-one feet square at base, thirty feet high, sixteen feet square at top, three stories high, with a look-out on top. It is built of stone, the walls three feet thick, with three loop-holes on each side. It is not arched. The entrance is from the east. Within a short distance of it stands another building, eighteen feet square at base, twelve feet high, and with a groined arch; the walls are three feet thick, the entrance from the west. It was obviously a magazine. The two buildings are defended on the south- east angle by a bastion of two long curtains, enclosing the buildings on two sides. The advance works are of earth, and consist of a deep ditch and parapet. Between these works and the building was a well, now partially closed with rubbish.
Most of the land in the vicinity of San Antonio was formerly, and much of it still is irrigated from the river and the San Pedro. It may, however, well be questioned whether this operation is not injurious rather than beneficial to the lands; for the soil being highly calcareous and the water being nearly saturated
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with the same substance, too much carbonate of lime must, in the course of years, be deposited in the fields. The remedy for this excess may be found in deep plowing, following in the rotation of crops. The country bears evidence of hav- ing been at one period in a high state of cultivation and fertility, supporting a large and concentrated population, who, in time of danger, sought refuge in the town and in the missions.
Agriculture.
It is stated, on the authority of the surveyor of Bexar county, that within the limits of our map nearly two thousand acres of land are now in corn, yield- ing, on an average of about thirty bushels to the acre, sixty thousand bushels, but this is probably an over-estimate. Corn usually sells at fifty cents per bushel. It is now bringing $1.25, or rather more. For a great distance around San Antonio the grazing is excellent and herds of cattle abundant. In ordinary times a good, well-broken ox is worth $25; for beef, about $9; or a cow and calf. about $13. At present the prices are much higher. The cattle are of the old Spanish breed, the oxen large, with immense horns; rapid walkers, and strong. They are fed exclusively on herbage and fodder. They keep easily and make good beef. The cows are bad milkers, but might easily be improved by a cross on the Durham or Devon.
The county of Bexar contains about four thousand inhabitants, including Castroville. Its territorial limits extend to the Rio Grande. According to the authority before mentioned, there are this year nearly eight hundred acres of corn growing on the Leona creek, averaging about thirty-five bushels per acre- twenty-eight thousand bushels. While the lands are rich in this region, the demand heretofore for agricultural production has been so limited that there has been but little inducement to grow more grain than would suffice for the wants of the permanent population.
The San Antonio river has its source in a large spring five miles north of the town, and, as far as our map extends, flows nearly due south. It becomes almost at once, in gushing from the rocks, a noble river, clear, full, and rapid in its course. For the first ten miles it rarely exceeds one hundred feet in width, and from three to six feet in depth. The principal fords below the infantry camp are at the town of San Antonio and at a short distance below the mission of Conception. The former is good and practicable for artillery; the latter is not so good, the water being not less than four feet deep, with a very rapid cur- rent. There are, however, many points where fords might be made accessible by cutting down the banks. The river in its upper waters varies but little in its level, and is not greatly affected by the heaviest rains. At San Antonio, there is a trestle-bridge over the river, near the Alamo, recently repaired, or rather rebuilt, by the quartermaster's department, for military purposes.
The Medina is a truly lovely stream, with high banks, the ground on the west side rising into abrupt hills, sonte 300 feet in altitude. At the ford, which is over a rocky ledge at the foot of a considerable fall, it is about 100 feet wide and two feet deep. Directly opposite is situated the flourishing village of Castroville, on an extensive and rich plain formed by the receding of highlands. The Ger- man settlement at this place, made under the auspices of Mr. Castro, a French gentleman, who obtained a large and valuable concession of territory from the Republic of Texas, consists of about 700 inhabitants, who have brought with them to this wilderness the habits of industry, sobriety, and economy of their fatherland.
There are two fords above the town-one called the canon, two and a half miles distant, and is pretty good; rocky bottom, somewhat worn into holes, and rather dangerous for horses; the banks precipitous and rather marshy. It was here that the Mexican General Woll, in 1842, in his descent on San Antonio, crossed his artillery and infantry, and in his subsequent rapid retreat passed over his entire army. Woll's ford, where the infantry crossed, is three miles beyond, but it is now impracticable, owing to the mud since deposited several feet deep. There is said to be no other ford for thirty miles above. The ford below the village is passable, but not very good, the bottom being rather muddy.
The second governor of Texas, who took office in December. 1847,
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was George T. Wood, with lieutenant governor John A. Greer. In 1849 P. Hansborough Bell was elected governor, and received re-elec- tion in 1851. In 1853 Elisha M. Pease was chosen governor, with his running mate David C. Dickson, and by re-election Pease served till 1857. The principal matters of historical importance during these administra- tions, besides the general prosperity and progress of the state along all lines of her industrial, commercial, educational and civic affairs, were those relating to the settlement of the western boundaries, to the state debt, and to the Indians.
The Western Boundary.
The boundary dispute and the settlement of the state indebtedness went together in their eventual settlement. As has been made clear on previous pages, the government of Texas claimed a large part of what is now New Mexico, and even went to the extent of sanctioning an expedi- tion to occupy Santa Fe. It seems, however, that these claims were based more on assertion and theoretical construction than on specific grounds that would have weight in international law. By the treaty of 1848 between Mexico and the United States, New Mexico was a part of the vast territory ceded to the latter government. In the same year the Texas legislature passed an act extending its jurisdiction over New Mexco, but when a Texas judge endeavored to hold court in the terri- tory he came into direct conflict with the federal authorities, and for a time it looked as if resort might be had to arms. This deadlock of claims continued into the administration of Governor Bell.
When Texas surrendered her nationality she likewise gave over the customs and revenues which a sovereign nation enjoys. But all the loans of the republic had been based upon these receipts as security, and of course the bondholders at once applied to the United States for satisfaction. The question whether the general government should be responsible for these claims was discussed in both houses of Congress, and in the end became combined with the boundary matter, and the two were pushed toward settlement by compromise.
The other point to be made refers to the Texas-New Mexico bound- ary. The complex nature of this dispute, involving, as it did, before final settlement, many considerations apparently remote, is perhaps best stated in the words of a contemporary writer of the period. After referring to the failure of Texas to determine her western boundary, he observes : "A portion of the disputed ground, the tract lying between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, as it is of little value to either claimant, and can never support a population large enough to support a state by itself, will probably be abandoned to Texas without controversy. Not so with the Santa Fé district and the other portions of New Mexico lying on the east bank of the upper Rio Grande. The native inhabitants of this region cherish sentiments of bitter hostility towards the Texans, who now threaten to extend their disputed dominion over them by force. A border warfare must ensue if Congress does not intervene. Slavery cannot be introduced into this region, which is too elevated, too barren, and situated too far north to recompense any other than free labor; but if the laws of Texas are extended over it, it becomes a portion of a slave state, and
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whatever political power it may subsequently obtain will be lost to the cause of freedom. Both humanity and policy require, therefore, that the north should submit to any reasonable sacrifice for the purpose of severing this region from Texas and adding it to the free Territory of New Mexico. Now, by the terms of the proposed compromise the sac- rifice required is a very trifling one. Texas is willing to sell her claim to the disputed region for what she calls a fair price-a few millions of dollars ; and the United States are bound in equity to cause the creditors of Texas to be paid a sum at least equal to this price, because the revenue from the customs of Texas, which is now paid into our national treasury, was formally and solemnly pledged to these creditors as a security for their debt. Having taken away the security, our government is bound to see that the debt is paid, and it can be paid with the price of the claim to the disputed region. The south makes no objection to this arrange- ment ; Texas, as we have said, consents to it, and the north ought to be satisfied with it, because, first, it will preserve the national faith, and, secondly, it will rescue a large tract of country from the dominion of a slave state, and by joining it to New Mexico add it to the 'area of free- dom.' "
The compromises outlined above were portions of the great com- promise measures, under the authorship of the venerable Henry Clay, which afforded the last breathing spell for the two sections of the nation hurrying on to the inevitable conflict. The great battle had reached its height at Washington early in 1850, and under the leadership of Mr. Clay the opposing elements were brought together on the compromise measures which were enacted into law the following September.
The essential points of the compromise were as follows: The ad- mission of California as a free state. The organization of two new terri- tories-Utah, including Nevada, and New Mexico, including Arizona- without the Wilmot proviso; that is, with no conditions prohibiting slavery. The slave trade was abolished in the District of Columbia, and, in return, a stringent law was passed for the arrest of fugitive slaves in northern states. Involved in the settlement was the provision that Texas should be paid $10,000,000 in return for surrendering her claim to the territory east of the upper Rio Grande.
The measure, known as the Boundary Act, after passing the two houses and being signed by the president, was submitted to the Texas government. Violent opposition was shown to its propositions, but toward the end of November the measure was accepted. The provisions of this act settled-with the recent exception of Greer county-the per- manent boundaries of Texas as we know them today. The eastern and northern boundaries were fixed by the treaty of 1819, as described in an earlier chapter, and now the remaining sides of this great commonwealth assumed the forms seen on the maps. By this act of 1850 the present northernmost limit of the state-the top of the Panhandle-was to run along the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north, from the hundredth to the one hundred and third meridian west. From the latter point of intersection the boundary should run due south to the thirty-second degree of north latitude, and thence should run west on that parallel until it met the course of the Rio Grande, which, thence to
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its mouth, should form the southern and southwestern boundary of the state. These demarcations form the present western contour of the state, and it will be seen that Texas has a long tongue of land extending out along the Rio Grande, which forms, approximately, the base of the large territory claimed from New Mexico.
Outside of these limits, according to the enactment, Texas was to surrender all her claims to territory, and also to relinquish her claims upon the United States for settlement of the outstanding debts of the old republic. The United States, on the other hand and in return for this relinquishment, was to pay Texas ten million dollars in five per cent bonds, but no more than five million dollars of the stock to be issued until the creditors of the state had filed at the United States treasury releases for all claims against the latter nation on account of Texas bonds-a provision for insuring proper use of the money which was not at all willingly accepted by the Texans. This first payment of five million dollars was accordingly made to Texas in February, 1852.
But with the boundary question settled, the settlement of the debt still continued to vex the government for several years. As has been indicated, the bonds of the old Texas republic were by no means realized on at their par value, and therefore action was taken by the various state legislatures to classify the liabilities and to scale down the payment of the same according to the actual amount received from the bond issues by the state. The entire list of claims as calculated in 1851 amounted to more than twelve million dollars, but by the scaling process this amount was reduced to about seven millions. Over the governor's veto, the legislature finally determined to settle the debt on this basis, practically repudiating half the par value of the bonds which had been issued by the republic. This state law, as passed in January, 1852, did not offer terms satisfactory to the bondholders, and few of the claims had been liquidated up to 1855. During the administration of Governor Pease the matter was finally adjusted.
Cost of Indian Protection.
In the meantime Texas had raised another claim against the general government, on the ground that she had expended more than half of the original payment of five million dollars for protection against the in- cursions of Indians from Mexico, which, it was claimed, the federal authorities were under obligation to prevent, and which should no longer be a matter of expense to the state. Also, the bondholders continued their appeals to the United States instead of to the Texas government for satisfaction of their claims. Under these circumstances Congress inter- fered, set aside the scale of reductions as adopted by the legislature, and, adding $2,750,000 to the five millions retained in the treasury, ap- portioned the entire sum, pro rata, among the creditors; refunding, how- ever, to Texas all claims previously paid by the state, and providing that Texas should finally relinquish all claims upon the federal government. Against much opposition this arrangement was accorded to by Texas, and the matter permanently adjusted. The first payment of five million dollars from the United States was a godsend to the young state gov- ernment, and was advantageously employed not only in fulfilling the
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foreign obligations of the state, but by paying the immediate running expenses of the state machinery so that taxes were for several years re- mitted to the respective communities to be used for erection of court- houses and jails, etc.
Indian affairs also thrust themselves into historical prominence dur- ing this period. The Comanches were the main aggressors, as a rule making incursions and depredations upon the Texans while on an ex- tended raid into Mexican territory, which was their favorite field of operations. Some of the tribes across the Red river in Indian Territory were likewise addicted to hostile and predatory attacks upon the settlers.
Indian Reserves.
The Texan Indians were in fact being crowded more and more from their former haunts, and were hardly able to exist except by stealing from their white neighbors. A remedy was applied to this state of af- fairs by colonizing the red men. Two reservations were set apart in Young county near Fort Belknap, and in a short time the colonies were in a highly prosperous condition, agriculture flourishing, the people being marked by good behavior and sobriety, and the plan seemed to be des- tined to a successful outcome. But in two or three years the white set- tlements had reached out and embraced the reservations, and conflicts between the two races-in which white greed played no small part-were inevitable. A number of white ruffians leagued themselves with the renegades among the Indians, and horse-stealing and killing stock be- came so frequent as to be highly exasperating to the whites. The brunt of the blame was of course placed upon the red men, and the innocent and guilty alike were compelled to suffer the expatriation, if not an- nihilation, which has been the doom of their kind. In December, 1858, a massacre of a number of Indians took place on the Brazos, and, al- though this atrocity was denounced by the governor, prejudice and race
hatred were so strong in the affected communities that the removal or extermination of the red men was the only solution. The inhabitants were assembling in armed bands, and agents and United States troops were unable to afford protection to the natives. Accordingly, removal seemed necessary, and in August, without even being allowed to remain long enough to gather their crops or collect their cattle, the Indian exiles, to the number of about fifteen hundred, were conducted, under guard of United States regulars, across the Red river, to a place not yet the object of covet to the white man.
Indian troubles continued unabated after the removal of the tribes from their reservations into Indian territory, and the United States reg- ulars and the rangers had all they could do to protect the wide extent of frontier territory. The attacks were so sudden and unexpected, were made by such small bands and in such widely separated localities that there seemed little likelihood of permanent relief from the scourge until the entire country should be settled up and society become so compact that law could search out offenders against all degrees of justice.
One phase of the political life of early Texas deserves passing men- tion. Strict party lines were not drawn in Texas politics until during Pease's administration. Up to that time personal popularity had as a
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Politics.
rule been the predominating factor in the election of the officers of gov- ernment, and prominent men had polled the votes according to the im- pression they had made upon the popular mind. And it was some time after Texas joined the Union before the party alignment, so closely ob- served in the nation, spread over and became a feature of the political life of the new state. Texas being admitted under Democratic rule, it was natural that her first political sentiments should be in line with that party, but it was some years before these feelings were intensified into convictions and she was called upon to adopt one system of governmental policy in preference to another. About 1854, after the wreck of the Whig party and while the elements of the Republican party were slowly coalescing, a wave of Know-nothingism passed over Texas. It was a
political excrescence. having at its root the old "native" party, whose one definite principle was to keep naturalized foreigners from holding office. This fundamental doctrine was now enlarged into a proscription of Roman Catholics, and the entire movement became a cult rather than a political faction, having manv mysterious rites and promulgating prin- ciples, it was claimed, abhorrent to the Constitution of the United States. Its lodges became numerous and its influence in elections for a time was seriously large. In 1855, this party succeeded in electing a congressman, but failed to elect the governor, and after this defeat their organization and power rapidly waned and they passed from Texas history.
The Cart War.
During this period occurred what is designated in Texas annals as the Cart war. As may be supposed. the feelings of the Americans toward the Mexicans in Texas were not yet freed from the animosity of revolu- tionary davs, although it is characteristic of our people to forgive and forget, and it was inevitable that the Mexican race should suffer discrim- ination if not actual outrage in their competition for the ordinary occu- pations of life. Moreover, the Mexicans in Texas were mainly of the lower orders, many of them peons, who felt no compunctions in asso- ciating on the plane of social equality with the black slaves of the Texans. In 1856 a conspiracy was discovered in Colorado county by which was contemplated a general insurrection of the negroes and a massacre of the whites. This was, of course, put down with great severity, and, on the ground that all the Mexican population were also privy to, if not actually implicated in the affair, the Mexicans were ordered to leave the country on pain of death. This was the first open rupture between the two races, but the antagonism increased.
Mexican Population in the '50S.
Speaking generally of the status and population of the Mexicans, Olmsted wrote, in 1857: "San Antonio, excluding Galveston, is much the largest city of Texas. After the revolution it was half deserted bv its Mexican population, who did not care to come under Anglo-Saxon rule. Since then its growth has been rapid and steady. At the census of 1850 it numbered 3,500; in 1853, its population was 6,000, and in 1856
Vol. I. 11
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it is estimated at 10,500. Of these about 4,000 are Mexicans, 3,000 Ger- mans, and 3,500 Americans. The money capital is in the hands of the Americans, as well as the officers and the government. Most of the mechanics and the smaller shop-keepers are German. The Mexicans ap- pear to have almost no other business than that of carting goods .. Almost the entire transportation of the country is carried on by them, with oxen and two-wheeled carts. Some of them have small shops, for the supply of their own countrymen, and some live upon the produce of farms and cattle-ranches in the neighborhood. Their livelihood is for the most part exceedingly meagre, made up chiefly of corn and beans. The old Mexican wheel of hewn blocks of wood is still constantly in use. though supplanted to some extent by Yankee wheels, sent in pairs from New York. The carts are always hewn of heavy wood, and are covered with white cotton, stretched over hoops. In these they live, on the road, as independently as in their own house. The cattle are yoked by the horns, with raw-hide thongs, of which they make a great use."
After speaking of various movements to drive out the Mexican population from certain communities, even in San Antonio a race war having been narrowly averted, Olmsted estimates the Mexican population of Texas in 1856 as follows :
San Antonio
4,000
Bexar county
2,000
Uvalde county
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