USA > Texas > A Twentieth century history of southwest Texas, Volume I > Part 19
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of his wedding was serenaded by its members, who then made him an hon- orary and life member.
On coming here he intended to lead a rural life and purchased a tract of land on the Helotes creek, sixteen miles north of here. This he still owned, and his son and namesake now lives there. The deed to this tract, which he was granted by purchase from the republic of Texas and signed by its then president, is a document he prized almost as highly as the land itself as he considered it a historic document.
Before completing his arrangements to move out to his ranch a family living there were attacked by Indians. The savages slew two of the young girls and an infant then on the ranch and carried off a boy who was kept in captivity by them for many years. This tragedy so frightened Mr. Beckmann's wife that she would not consent then to move out on the ranch and he would not urge her to do so. Immediately after this tragedy he and a considerable number of other San Antonians went out and found the victims of the Indians where they had been murdered. The posse went in pursuit of the savages, but without avail, for the Indians had several hours the start of them.
Mr. Beckmann, however, was induced to purchase the ranch by his wife. She told him that the mountains there reminded her of her Swiss home and Zurich. They both frequently visited this ranch. After Indians had entirely disappeared from this locality and state, they spent many happy days and long summers there.
Speaking of San Antonio he recently said: "When I first came to San Antonio you could not truthfully have called it a big place. At that time its population did not exceed fifteen hundred persons all told. It was nothing but a large village, although it had a mayor and city gov- ernment, as I have been told it had almost ever since the Spaniards es- tablished a government here."
Mr. Beckmann had passed through some great misfortunes. He was here during the visitation of the cholera scourge which decimated San Antonio. Several of his children succumbed to it. He and his wife nursed them and other sufferers from this scourge. He lost one of his sons several years ago. This son was a talented and distinguished man, Albert, an architect who was well known throughout the state. He left but one child living. This is his namesake, John Beckmann, Jr. The latter is an artist who has painted several well known canvases, among them one depicting the convent portion of the Alamo, being that portion now occupied by the Hugo Schmeltzer Company. The senior Beckmann was a widower, his wife having died about two years ago. He leaves several grandchildren, the offspring of his deceased son Albert.
CHAPTER XVII.
HISTORY OF THE ANNEXATION MOVEMENT.
It is a most interesting phase of Texas history to follow out the network of causes which finally effected the juncture of the smaller re- public with the larger. Indeed, this subject presents a field of investiga- tion which might be pursued on such broad lines that its solution would be not only a valuable addition to the historical literature of Texas but also a revelation concerning American history in general. The annexation of Texas came about after a conflict of many antagonizing forces-of civic development, racial affinity, public opinion, national self-interest and international jealousy, and numerous "pros" and "antis" such as a move- ment of the kind is likely to generate, but "manifest destiny" seems to have been the guiding hand throughout and eventually to have aligned Texas properly among her sister states-freely delegating the crown of her sovereign rights to a liberal and enlightened central government.
As has been indicated in the course of this narrative, the interests and natural sympathies of Texas, after American colonization had be- come the predominant factor in her growth, were closely akin to, if not . identical, with those of the United States, and even if the Republic of Texas had existed to the present day, the two countries would have been so united in spirit, if not in fact, that the bonds between them would be hardly less binding than those of today. Therefore, from the present day point of view, it seems that annexation was not only the probable and natural course of events, but also the inevitable outcome. For, in fact, Texas was an outgrowth of the United States, a mere extension of its people upon foreign territory, a colonization just as much as the settle- ment of New England was two centuries previous-then was it not nat- ural that the colony, independence once established, should desire to re- main under and a part of the government and system of society and in- stitutions from which it was an offspring? When emigration from the original Thirteen Colonies spread across the Alleghanies and occupied the eastern valley of the Mississippi, there was hardly a question but that these new communities should integrate with the old. Hence, although existing as a separate nationality, Texas, too, seemed properly to belong with the rest of the American brood, and it would have been almost a historical miracle if consolidation had not, sooner or later, been effected.
Such facts as above indicated seem conclusive as a general cause for the annexation of Texas, and the eventual operation of this cause toward the final consummation could only be delayed, not entirely thwarted. But the more specific and immediate grounds are more numer- ous and not so easy to understand in their working out.
It will be recalled that American sympathy with the cause of the revolutionists was a notable moral as well as material help to the Texans
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during the days of '35 and '26. Large numbers of volunteers came across the border to fight for freedom in behalf of their former fellow citizens. The Texan commissioners aroused interest wherever they went, and the revolution became a topic of more than ephemeral con- sideration among the people of the United States. One of the first acts of the Texas government after the battle of San Jacinto was to send commissioners to Washington to obtain recognition of Texas in- dependence. Nothing in this direction was immediately accomplished, although President Jackson and other officials expressed themselves in favor of such recognition as soon as possible. Although no official countenance was given as yet to Texas, the popular feeling for the in-
Violation of Neutrality.
fant republic was so strong and manifest as to give grounds for Mexi- can protests, and in October, 1836, diplomatic relations were entirely broken off between the United States and Mexico. It seems unques- tionable that the United States violated the strict rules of neutrality during this period, especially by the introduction of United States troops into Texas during the progress of hostilities, The facts as to this point were that General Gaines, of the United States army, had been stationed at the Sabine with instructions to preserve neutrality and to guard against incursions of the Indians or Mexicans into Louisiana. In May, 1836, an attack by Indians on a small place at the headwaters of the Navasota river in Texas, and also news of a renewed invasion from Mexico induced Gaines to send a detachment to occupy Nacogdoches. This invasion was afterwards justified as an exercise of police powers in restraining the Indians and guarding the American borders, but it was strictly an act of hostility toward Mexico and a violation of neutral- itv, and as such was regarded by the latter country. But, also the out- cry raised by Mexico was much ado about nothing, and is evidence that that country was grasping, while in the whirlpool of political ruin, at every straw which seemed to offer an expedient for retaining her loosened hold on the Texas territory and people.
One of the questions submitted to the people at the first general election after the winning of independence and the institution of the republican government, was whether annexation to the United States was desirable. This proposition was carried almost unanimously, and Houston referred to its early execution in his inaugural address. No- vember 16, 1826, William H. Wharton was appointed by the president. under congressional authority, as commissioner to negotiate with the government at Washington for the recognition of the independence of Texas, and also for annexation. In the following December President Jackson sent a message to Congress concerning recognition. in which are the following words: "Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should stand aloof and maintain our present "attitude, if not until Mexico itself or one of the great foreign powers shall recognize the in- dependence of the new government, at least until the lapse of time or the course of events shall have proved, bevond cavil or dispute, the ability of the people of that country to maintain their separate sover- eignty and to uphold the government constituted by them." In the fol-
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lowing March the independence of Texas was formally recognized by the senate, but the negotiations for annexation were not listened to by the government, and Texas, after being thus rejected, did not ardently press her suit again, and awaited for the next offer to come from the United States.
After the independence of Texas was recognized, it was evident that the next step would be annexation, which would follow sooner or later. There were two principles or motives which stand out promi-
Free Trade and Slavery.
nently in the discussions and agitation which preceded the final act of union between Texas and her larger sister republic. One of these in- volved the fundamental doctrines of protection and free trade, and also the American fear and jealousy of foreign aggression which some years before had been formulated in the famous Monroe doctrine. The other struck the issue between the antagonists and protagonists of slavery in the United States. But it should be kept in mind that these questions were vital among the American people only, and only in their ultimate solutions concerned Texans. For, the latter were during these years busied with their own industrial and political problems; the officials were endeavoring to erect a stable structure of government and provide a self-sustaining and self-protecting state; while the citizens, the people themselves, were bending every effort to repairing the wastes caused by war, to make themselves homes in the wilderness, to form a social. industrial and educational community which would afford all the neces- sities of civilization and offer a field for the working out of the best powers and capabilities of the individual. Nearly all desired the security and opportunity and prestige that would come from closer relations with the United States, but beyond this the thought and designs of Texans did not reach. The people as a whole gave no thought to any political or commercial advantage that would result to one or another party in the United States from their annexation. Texas was work- ing out its own destiny as best it could, and when, through a combina- tion of circumstances, the opportunity came for admission to the Union that lot was gladly accepted, with an eye single to its own advantage, not to the part it would play in the other nation's political destiny.
When the annexation question was brought before the people of the United States the lines of difference on the slavery problem were already tightly drawn, and the struggle which culminated in civil war was already being waged in the houses of Congress and by the press and public opinion. The policy was already established of balancing free state against slave state, and thus keeping both sides equally rep- resented in the national government. To do this, each faction kept reaching out for new territory, and of course the appearance of the new republic of Texas knocking for admission to the Union was con- sidered most opportune to the southern party. But the opposition from, the slavery antagonists was decided and bitter, and, while on other grounds Texas might well have been admitted soon after the recognition of independence, the movement was checked until arguments from an-
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other point of view pushed the slavery question to the background and allowed the annexationists in the United States to have their own will.
The other principle which afforded grounds for and against the admission of Texas was in the end the main deciding factor in the matter. The Republic of Texas was committed to the policy of free trade, and in case it remained independent a large market would there be afforded to foreign, and especially English, manufactures, which were kept out of the United States by the protective wall. This of course would be detrimental to the latter country, and formed an argu- ment for annexation ; but, on the contrary, if Texas were admitted, the anti-tariff party would thereby be augmented so that the protective pol- icy would be in danger. Thus the admission of Texas became one of the broad political questions of the United States, and for some years the alignment of forces on each side was so nearly equal that the issue was drawn.
When President Lamar delivered his inaugural address in 1838, he declared himself averse to annexation, which he believed would bring ruin to all of the republic's hopes and greatness. But in the course of his administration many additional reasons for annexation came up,-mainly in the heavy expenses entailed upon the people by the maintenance of a separate government, with all its departments, its army and navy, and foreign ministers, etc. The subject, however, did not assume much importance during this term, for the people were too busy with matters that touched them more nearly. And on the other hand. the United States government held that as long as Mexico re- fused recognition to the new republic and kept up a show of war for its recovery, any interference such as annexation would be a serious breach of international behavior, and dishonorable.
During much of Houston's second term active hostilities were in progress between Mexico and Texas, so that the cause of annexation had little ground to stand on. But in the mediation between Santa Anna and the Texas government which was brought about largely by
England's Influence.
British influence in 1843, as related in the preceding chapter, the vari- ous annexation questions came to a focus, and the movement entered upon its final stage. England saw in Texas a great field for the ex- ploitation of her own manufactured products, for which she would gain an almost unlimited supply of raw material, especially cotton, and there- fore that country hoped for the continued independence of Texas and extended her assistance in gaining recognition from Mexico. This fear lest trans-Atlantic powers should interfere in the affairs of the North American continent, and especially lest a commerce should spring up that would work detriment to the American trade, proved a power- ful slogan in the hands of the annexationists, and it was not long be- fore the American people in the majority became convinced that their highest interests would be conserved by the admission of Texas, slavery cxtension notwithstanding.
President Tyler was avowedly in favor of annexation, and in his message of December, 1843, he declared that it was to the immediate
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interest of the United States that hostilities should cease between Texas and Mexico, and that the United States could not permit foreign inter- ference in Texas or see the sacred principle of the Monroe doctrine in any manner contravened. An additional bugaboo hovered before the visions of the American people; namely, that it was the intention of England to abolish slavery in Texas (a motive that was not present to the British government at all),-an intention that would be resented by both southerners and northerners,-and thus the annexation sentiment gathered force with every day.
In September, 1844, Anson Jones was elected president of Texas, and Kenneth L. Anderson vice president. One of the issues of this election was annexation, and it was inferred that Jones was opposed to incorporation with the United States. It was supposed that the move- ment to make Texas a part of the Union was at least deferred for some years to come. In the previous June the senate of the United States had rejected an annexation treaty by more than two to one, and Hous- ton, in his farewell address, showed himself opposed to the movement.
But in the United States annexation became an issue of the national campaign. James K. Polk was nominated by the Democratic party over Van Buren mainly because the former favored bringing Texas into the Union. and in the campaign which followed the fear of foreign influ- ence in Texas was enlarged upon before the people, and by their bal- lots the people practically decided that Texas should become a part of the Union.
President Tyler was destined, before he left the presidential chair, to sign the document which provided for annexation, and thus one of his most ardent wishes was gratified. In February, 1845, a joint reso- lution was introduced into the two houses. of Congress in favor of the incorporation of Texas and was passed. On March Ist, three days be- fore giving way to Mr. Polk. President Tyler signed this measure, and it thus remained for Texas to decide whether she would bow her sov- ereign head to enter the door of the Union.
On May 5th President Jones issued a call for the election of dele- gates to a general convention to consider the proposition passed by the United States Congress. The convention met at Austin on July 4th, and approved the ordinance of annexation with only one dissenting voice .- that of Richard Bache, a grandson of Benjamin Franklin. This ordinance and a new constitution, adopted by the convention, were sub- mitted to the people and almost unanimously ratified in October. In December following President Polk signed the bill extending the au- thority of the United States over Texas, and on February 19, 1846, the new system went into effect and President Jones surrendered his office to the newly elected state governor, J. Pinckney Henderson. "The lone star of Texas sank below the horizon to rise again amidst a constellation of unapproachable splendor."
Vol. I. 10
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE STATE OF TEXAS FROM 1845 TO 1861.
For fifteen years after annexation Texas remained under the stars and stripes of the United States of America, and these were years of plenty, progress, and broad increase for the commonwealth. Texas gained much by surrendering her sovereignty, for henceforth vexatious foreign affairs form no part of her history, and domestic welfare and prosperity are the highest ideals for which her people strive.
The population of Texas at the time of incorporation into the Union was about one hundred thousand Americans, with a comparatively small number of Mexicans, and exclusive of the Indian tribes. Agri- culture, cotton culture, and the raising of cattle and sheep were the principal industries, and, notwithstanding that the inhabitants were, during the first few years, mainly engaged in providing for their im- mediate necessities, by the time Texas became a state the exports al- most equaled in value the imports, and the country had already as- sumed great importance in the markets of the world. The character of the people presented greatest diversity in manners and customs, in intelligence and tastes, and their freedom from conventionality and bluff frankness and open-heartedness made them, as a people, much misun- derstood and caused their manners to be construed as rough and un- civilized. The people of other states came to regard Texas as a refuge and nursery for criminals, and this reputation, however unjustly as to its grounds, clung to the state for many years. It is a characteristic of the general mind to estimate both persons and communities by their most sensational or attractive actions, especially when distance pre- cludes more intimate knowledge. The reports that crossed to the east of the Mississippi concerning the Lone Star state naturally dealt mainly with the harrowing events of the war with Mexico, or with the raids of the Indians, or the disturbances on the Neutral Ground-a repertory of warlike occurrences, indeed, greater than was the lot of most states, a recital of which would not tend otherwise than to exaggeration by the popular mind and a picturing of Texas as a land of rampant crime and ruffianism where the man of peace had no place. But the truth seems to be that Texas had only the usual quota of frontier desperadoes and criminals, and in this regard would bear comparison with any western state of the period.
Mexican War.
By the new state constitution the governor was elected for a term of two years, and was re-eligible. J. Pinckney Henderson, the first gov- ernor, was inaugurated in February, 1846. It was during his admin- istration that the war between the United States and Mexico was fought.
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gym MG. Edgar
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It will be remembered that Mexico had never ceased to claim Texas, by all the legal and logical devices of which her astute statesmen were capable, although she had never succeeded in putting a sufficient force into the field to carry out her demands. Therefore, when the govern- ment at Washington passed the annexation ordinance, Mexico was forced to show her hand then or never.
Two other causes are stated by Mr. Brady in his "Conquest of the Southwest." One "was the desire on the part of the slave-holding states to add new territory to the Union out of which other slave-holding states could be constituted," a cause attributed by historians to all the territorial expansion of the ante-bellum period.
The other cause for American encroachment in the Southwest is given in a quotation from Roosevelt's "Life of Thomas H. Benton." "The general feeling in the west upon this last subject afterward crystal- ized into what became known as the 'Manifest Destiny' idea, which, reduced to its simplest terms, was: that it was our manifest destiny to swallow up the land of all adjoining nations who were too weak to withstand us; a theory that forthwith obtained immense popularity among all statesmen of easy international morality. Recent historians, for instance, always speak as if our grasping after territory in the Southwest was due solely to the desire of the southerners to ac- quire lands out of which to carve new slave-holding states, and as if it was merely a move in the interests of the slave power. This is true enough so far as the motives of Calhoun. Tyler and other public leaders of the Gulf and southern seaboard states were concerned. But the hearty western support given to the government was due to entirely dif- ferent causes, the chief among them being the fact that the westerners
CAPTAIN WILLIAM M. EDGAR is one of the few surviving veterans of the Mexican war and is now living retired in San Antonio at the age of seventy-seven years. He was born at Little Rock, Arkansas, March 5, 1829, his parents being James and Nancy (McGee) Edgar. The father's birth occurred in Greenville, Pennsylvania, and in 1829 he made his way to Arkansas, joining the Seventh Regiment of United States Infantry at Fort Townsend. Later he was transferred to Fort Gibson in the Indian Territory. whither he went with his family, so that Captain Edgar of this review spent his boyhood days in that place. In the winter of 1838 the Seventh Regiment was ordered to Florida and James Edgar proceeded to that place accompanied by his wife and chil- dren, remaining at Tampa until the spring of 1839.
At Newmansville, Florida, when only twelve years of age, Captain William M. Edgar joined Captain Hindley's company of Florida vol- unteers, with which he served for six months, when he was mustered out. In 1842 the father, starting home from Florida, was stricken with yellow fever at Pensacola and died while on shipboard at Mobile. The son shortly afterward came back to Arkansas, with his mother and other members of the family going to Fort Smith, where they remained for a year. About that time the family moved to St. Louis. Two brothers, James and John, went to St. Louis to join the United
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honestly believed themselves to be created the heirs of the earth, or at least of so much of it as was known by the name of North America, and were prepared to struggle stoutly for the immediate possession of this heritage.'
With these causes as the deep motive forces impelling the nation to expansion and conquest over the southwest, the impetus to war was fur- nished by a more immediate cause or pretext (according to the inter- pretation of historians). Texas, having won independence in i836, at once expanded to the farthest possible or desirable limits, her represen- tatives claiming that the course of the Rio Grande from mouth to source marked the boundary on the west. So far as Mexico allowed herself to discuss boundary questions with a portion of territory which she had not yet acknowledged independent, it was contended that the river Nueces was the utmost limit of extension of Lone Star authority to the west.
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