USA > Texas > A Twentieth century history of southwest Texas, Volume I > Part 6
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to arrest Nolan on his return as a person who from the knowledge he had acquired of the interior parts of New Mexico might one day be of injury to the Spanish monarchy. The thing would have been effected according to his wish, and Nolan might probably have been confined for life on mere suspicion, but fortunately the governor of Texas died a few days before the letter reached San Antonio, the capital of his gov- ernment. The person exercising the office of governor pro tem., know- ing that another had been appointed by the viceroy, refrained from open-
ing the letters and during this interval Nolan, who was un- conscious of the machinations of his enemies, passed through the prov- ince, was treated as usual with the utmost attention, and only learned the circumstances from me a few days ago."
The fate of Nolan is told in a letter to Jefferson, the president, written from Natchez, in August, 1801, by another friend who was in- terested in scientific research. This excerpt is of interest: "Mr. Nolan has formerly given me some intimation of fossil bones being found in various parts of New Mexico, but we have lately been cut off from our usual communication with that country by the imprudence of Mr. Nolan, who persisted in hunting wild horses without a regular permission; the consequence of which has been that, a party being sent against him, he was the only man of his company who was killed by a random shot. I am much concerned for the loss of this man. Although his eccen- tricities were many and great, yet he was not destitute of romantic principles of honor united to the highest personal courage, with energy of mind not sufficiently cultivated by education, but which under the guidance of a little more prudence might have conducted him to enterprises of the first magnitude."
Despite the warning concerning the governor's instructions, Nolan had organized his party and advanced into Spanish territory. Intimidat- ing by their strength one party of Spanish horsemen sent to intercept them they went on as far as the Brazos, where they placed their camp and set about accomplishing the object of their expedition. Here on March 21, 1801, they were attacked, eighteen in number against 150 Spaniards led by Lieut. Musquiz. Nolan was killed early in the fight. Ellis P. Bean, who was historian of the expedition, then directed the fight. Driven from the log defences to a ravine, they kept up a stubborn resistance nearly all day, but ammunition failing they finally consented to accompany Musquiz to Nacogdoches .. Here they were detained a month, awaiting Salcedo's orders for their return to the United States. But instead they were brought, in irons, to San Antonio and thence to San Luis Potosi, where they experienced sixteen months' imprisonment. Removed to Chihuahua. they were tried, and their sentence being re- ferred to the king, it was five long years before the decision arrived from Madrid. By this time there were nine left in the company. By the royal order every fifth man was to be hanged, which meant that one of the number must be taken. Blindfolded, the unforunate pris- oners, probably little dreading the chance of death after six years of imprisonment, threw dice on a drum-head to decide who should die, death to go with the lowest number. Bean, the narrator of the circum- stances, threw the lowest number but one, which is said to have fallen
₱
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on a man named Blackburn. He was hanged in the presence of his comrades the following day, Nov. 11, 1807. The others continued in captivity for varying lengths of time, some of them finally returning to the United States.
The Nolan expedition is usually recognized as the first noteworthy attempt of Americans to enter Texas. It was without large significance, however, except that it aroused definite interest in the regions west of the Mississippi. Its incidents were very likely magnified and added to the score which Americans believed they must soon settle with the Spanish.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE REVOLT AGAINST SPANISH DESPOTISM-THE BURR CONSPIRACY.
That the Texas struggle for independence in 1836 was a product of the causes that led to the American revolution of 1776, is a proposition supported by a very fascinating logic. Historians agree that the rebel- lion of the Thirteen Colonies was one phase of the greater struggle of the entire English people for civic liberty and constitutional rights against the waning power of monarchy and the "divine right of kings." The ideas and principles thus fought for and established did not remain solely the proud possession of English peoples. The French revolu- tionists found inspiration and example in the successful accomplishment of the Americans and similar ideals of liberty bound the two nations in bonds of active sympathy. Nor did the movement stop there. The first shots fired for liberty were in truth heard "round the world," and the strongholds of despotism were shaken as never before. Even in Spain, the home of the inquisition and its terrorizing power, the current ideals of liberty found lodgment. Though these doctrines were sternly sup- pressed at home. this once powerful nation found a dire menace in the progress of republican sentiments in the foreign colonies, where the most rigorous measures soon became unavailing to check disruption and revo- lution. Spanish America, by its position as a neighbor to the United States, was peculiarly open to the influence of the new political ideas. Suffering under greater wrongs than the Thirteen Colonies ever had to endure, the colonies of Mexico and South America had every reason to be dissatisfied with their lot. Of their internal conditions and rela- tions with the home government, a contemporary writer1 said "that the Spanish colonies supported the parent as Anchises of old was supported by his children ; but that they had become tired of the weight and cared not how soon the burden was shuffled off." A crisis had been reached in the long period of absolutism and oppression which had characterized Spain's authority in the new world.
Coming back to the first link in this chain of argument, it is evident that the people of the United States would watch with sympathy and interest any movement to establish the civic ideals for which their own revolution had been fought. And at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the achievements for independence were still fresh in the minds of the people, and the sentimentalism of patriotism was an influence not to be estimated by the practical standards of a century later. The basic principles of democracy were very dear to the people, and their sym- pathy was readily excited by efforts in other parts of the world to gain
1 Quoted in "The Aaron Burr Conspiracy" by W. F. McCaleb.
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its benefits. If, during the French revolution, Americans lent some- thing more than sympathy to their fellow patriots across the water, what more natural than they should be ready to champion the cause of op- pressed Mexico when its people showed themselves ripe for disunion with the mother country ?
Though a proper understanding of this attitude of America to Mexico is an essential point of view for regarding the events to be de- scribed in the following pages, there was more than disinterested sym- pathy that impelled the American advance into the southwest. Desire to assist the revolutionists was strongly alloyed with the selfishness that has furnished the sinews of war to most of the revolutions that have oc- curred on American soil during the' past century. Only seldom in the history of the world has one nation gone to the assistance of another without a quid pro quo-a material reward that lends a practical, if not mean, aspect to many a glorious campaign. At the beginning, the move- ment of the Americans against Spain had two impulses-the sentimental- ism for freedom and sympathy for those oppressed by monarchical despotism ; and a longing for the material fruits of conquest.
Condition of the Spanish Colonies.
It is a fact of great historical moment that American civilization came in conflict with Spain in Louisiana just at the time when the Span- ish-American provinces were ripe for revolution. There can be no doubt that the American invasion was accelerated by the political unrest and disorder in the royal provinces. And had Spain been able and wise enough to maintain her American possessions in loyal unity, or had Mexican independence been conclusively established and an effective central government attained, it is possible that American aggression be- vond the Sabine would have been beaten back, or at least the transfer of Texas to the Union would have been long delayed.
As in Cuba in the closing years of the century, so in Mexico at its beginning, Spain outraged and humiliated beyond tolerance a people whose natural attitude was almost servile loyalty. Hardly a pretense of home government was granted the people. The American born, though of pure Spanish parentage, were excluded from the rights of citizen- ship in favor of the "gachupines," or natives of Spain, who were granted the highest offices of church and state and the most discriminating com- mercial monopolies. Such nepotism was productive of the bitterest jealousy on the part of the native aristocracy, and hastened the consol- idation of all grades of Mexican races in opposition to the privileged Spaniards from over the sea. These unjust distinctions had long borne heavily on the Spanish-Americans and were gradually neutralizing their inherent reverence for his Most Catholic Majesty and his institutions. But in addition to the tyrannical system that arrayed the laity against the crown, a long period of exactions from the church institutions had alienated the great mass of the clergy, who became the most eager agitators for revolution. In 1767 the Jesuits, who had endeared them- selves to the people, were expelled, and this act still caused ranklings against the Spanish court. Impoverished by costly European wars, Spain now resorted to measures that resulted in the complete alignment
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of the clergy with the forces of revolt. In December, 1804, by royal order, all real estate and funds accumulated from loans on real estate belonging to the benevolent institutions were sequestered for the benefit of the royal revenues. Moreover, a little later, the deposits of corporations, the domestic revenues, and all available moneys wherever vested were demanded to reinforce the failing royal exchequer. These forced levies brought ruin to thousands of all classes, but from the clergy in par- ticular the protest was bitter and unanimous.
Such were the principal influences in operation during the early years of the nineteenth century to provoke revolt among the Spanish- American colonies. That revolutionary agitators and liberators were prompt to take up the cause of their oppressed people needs no com- ment, since even now, with much less real justification, revolutionary movements in the Spanish-American republics are of such frequency as to be regarded common defects of the national character. And that many revolutionary conspiracies were fostered by sympathy and material support in the United States, while needing no further proof than the following narrative, is the important text that explains the "true in- wardness" of many of the movements directed under American auspices toward Texas and other Mexican provinces during the first half of the century.
Louisiana in 1805.
Turning from Mexico to the United States, we find by 1805 many developments which were soon to affect the status of Texas. December 17, 1803, William C. C. Claiborne had received possession of Louisiana from the Frence agent, Laussat, and in the autumn of 1804 a territorial government was organized with Claiborne as first governor. Already American frontiersmen and settlers were pouring into the region, estab- lishing homes, opening up new avenues of trade, and all the while ex- tending their occupation to the west. Eager to prove the value and ex- tent of the purchased territory, Jefferson had authorized the Lewis and Clark expedition, and those bold explorers were now pushing their way up the Missouri, where white man had never set foot before. About the same time Lieutenant Zebulon M. Pike was exploring the head- waters of the Mississippi, and was soon to start on his journey of dis- covery along the southwestern limits of Louisiana.
Boundary Questions.
Hardly had the treaty for the Louisiana purchase been completed, when the question of western boundaries came up. Before 1763 the line of demarkation between New Spain and French Louisiana had never been definitely determined, and it was not a question of vital importance anyhow. The French made intangible claims to the Rio Grande, which Spain in turn disputed. With the transfer of all the Louisiana country to Spain, the boundaries ceased to be matter of controversy until 1800. The limits of Louisiana as defined in the treaty of San Ildefonso were in- dicated by this sentence: "The colony or province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, and that it had when
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France possessed it." This was reaffirmed in the treaty negotiated by the American ministers and Napoleon in 1803. As can be seen, this was a very indefinite description of limits, and, the geographical knowledge of that day considered, it was the best that could be done by ministers negotiating on the other side of the Atlantic. Jefferson and his cabinet asserted that the, Rio Grande was the southwestern boundary, although it is clear from their subsequent instructions to the Louisiana army of occupation that they did not feel justified or consider it expedient to enforce this expansive claim. Certain it is that the shadow of the claim is thrown over a long series of events from this time until the close of the Mexican war in 1848.
Aaron Burr.
With revolution threatening in Mexico and with the spirit of ex- pansion dominating government and people in the United States, there comes upon the scene a new character-the first, and from many points of view the most interesting, of the political and commercial adventurers whose enterprises, however unique and interesting as separate chapters of adventure, are really intimate and connected features of the contest between the Spanish and American civilizations.
Aaron Burr had served brilliantly in the Revolutionary war, winning distinction in the futile campaign against Quebec and during the first four years of the war rising from the ranks to command of a regiment. Then turning his attention to the law, he was soon gaining honors and rank among the notable advocates and political leaders of New York. As the political opponent of Hamilton's faction, he advanced from the attorney-generalship of the state to a seat in the United States senate in 1791, and in 1800, he and Jefferson receiving an equal number of votes for president, after a long contest in the house of representatives, he was given second place, while Jefferson became president. As vice presi- dent his career was a stormy one. The object of bitterest hostility from Hamilton and the Federalists, he soon alienated himself from the favor of his own party, and at the close of his term was a political outcast, all his versatile talents and experience being unavailing to reinstate him in power in the east.
With intimate knowledge of international politics in general and of conditions in Mexico and the Spanish-American relations in the south- west in particular, Burr directed his energies to schemes of imperial aggrandizement in the west. It has never been conclusively proved that he did not contemplate carrying out a plan for a western confederacy, along similar lines to that projected by Wilkinson in the preceding cen- tury. With some such thoughts in mind he made a tour of the west in 1805. and with the prestige accorded him by his previous position and reputation he found abundant opportunities to sound and influence the opinions of all classes. In Wilkinson he found, at first, a ready co- adjutor in his deepest designs. Wilkinson, the arch plotter in the Span- ish conspiracy, was now in command of the army in the Mississippi valley. That he readily gave ear to Burr's intrigues shows the duplicity of his character, he was the same man who had sworn allegiance to
1 Channing : The American Nation, Vol. 12, p. 78.
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Spain in 1787 and had been given a pension and military rank by the crown. In Andrew Jackson, major general of the Tennessee militia and the popular idol of the Cumberland, Burr found an honest, patriotic and enthusiastic soul, in whom no hint of disaffection to the Union could harbor, but who became fired with ardor at the thought of leading a crusade into Mexico. Whatever may have been Burr's original plans, this visit to the west convinced him of the almost absolute loyalty of the west to the federal government. But against Spain he found the people openly hostile and awaiting only an opportunity to join an army of in- vasion against Mexico. The ultimate extent and object of Burr's schem- ings may perhaps never be known. But his practicable enterprise soon reduced itself to an invasion of Spanish territory, partaking largely of the character of a filibuster.
A Trans-Mississippi Empire.
Understanding the discontent of Spanish-America, and relying on the impulsive hatred of western Americans for all Spanish institutions, he allowed his imagination to conjure up a vast empire beyond the Miss- issippi river, where he might become the central figure of government and power in recompense for his previous disappointments and failures.
In the net of his conspiracy Burr enmeshed a large number of in- fluential men, both in the east and in the west. At Harman Blenner- hassett's island in the Ohio river the building of boats and other prac- tical preparations for the expedition were completed. Many persons throughout the Louisiana territory, as also east of the Mississippi, were cognizant of the plot and in more or less active sympathy with the move- ment. President Jefferson long refused to be disturbed by continued reports of the conspiracy, and it was not until the latter part of Novem- ber, 1806, that he issued a proclamation warning all good citizens to desist from taking part in the military enterprise which he understood was being directed against the Spanish dominions. This proclamation did not reach the authorities along the Mississippi until the first of the year, by which time the expedition was already verging to collapse.
In the meantime Burr's little fleet of boats had left Blennerhassett's island and with only about one-tenth of the force that had been expected were coming down the river to the rendezvous at Natchez. In New Orleans the French and Spanish population, dissatisfied with the new government, were causing Governor Claiborne no end of anxiety, which was magnified by the knowledge that the Burr conspirators were en- listing support in the city. The Spanish authorities were hardly less well informed than the Americans of Burr's purposes and movements. From disputing the American claim to the Rio Grande by diplomatic means, they now seemed confronted with the necessity of repelling actual
Spanish Troops on the Texas Frontier.
armed invasion whose object was less that of territorial conquest than that of revolutionizing the entire Spanish-American provinces. Thus a hurried movement of troops and colonists was made into Texas, so that by June, 1806, over a thousand soldiers were in that province, nearly seven hundred of them being stationed on the frontier. Crossing the
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Sabine they advanced into territory clearly included in Louisiana, and from which by instructions of the war department they were to be rigidly excluded. The situation was such that hostilities seemed unavoidable, and the prospect of war with Spain gave the Burr expedition the strong- est ground for success. Thousands of settlers would have volunteered eagerly to annihilate Spanish power in America, and it seemed the gen- eral opinion that the war would not cease with the driving of the enemy behind the Sabine.
Wilkinson reached Natchitoches and took command of the American forces on September 22, 1806. Up to this time there is much proof at hand that Wilkinson and Burr were acting in concert and that Wilkin- son's attack on the Spanish forces at the frontier was meant to be the opening engagement in the general campaign against Mexico. With the first battle, the Burr forces should be resolved into a great army of invasion, whose progress would not stop short of complete subversion of Spanish authority in Mexico.
But Wilkinson failed to carry out his part of the program, and thus became the chief instrument in effecting the ruin of Burr's hopes. Though Wilkinson's actions accorded with political wisdom and expediency, his proved character for double-dealing and selfish intrigue only convinceș us, in this instance, of his skill as an opportunist and political trimmer. He was uncertain of the success of a campaign against the Spanish forces. Reliable information showed him the essential weakness of Burr's adherency. While by quieting the discontent in Louisiana and throwing the weight of his authority to crush the Burr conspiracy, he saw an op- portunity to figure as the savior of the west to the Union. His policy decided on, he proceeded to carry it out in a manner that history can find little fault with, whatever the motives behind his actions.
The Spanish forces under Governor Cordero were at Nacogdoches, while Governor Herrera, with about four hundred men, was encamped at Bayou Pierre, east of the Sabine. Immediately on his arrival at Natch- itoches, Wilkinson opened negotiations with Cordero, calling attention to the presence of Spanish troops on American soil and. threatening to expel them by force if not withdrawn at once. Cordero refused to act without instructions from Captain-General Salcedo, but Herrera, in com- mand of the forces actually intruding on American territory, broke camp on September 27th and three days later took position on the west bank of the Sabine. Thus the honor of American arms and the integrity of United States territory was preserved, and, Herrera's retreat having been approved by Salcedo, all pretexts for war were for the time removed.
Neutral Ground Treaty.
November 5, 1806, while their respective armies were encamped on both sides of the Sabine, Wilkinson and Herrera concluded what was known as the Neutral Ground treaty, which in reality was only an agree- ment between two unaccredited agents of the two governments; but its provisions were sanctioned by practical observance for a period of thir- teen years. This boundary compromise, though in the main indefinite and unsatisfactory in its provisions, arrested for some time American organized aggression, and is also in other ways an important event in
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Texas annals. The agreement reached by the American and the Spanish leaders was to the effect that the country lying between the Arroyo Hondo on the east and the Sabine on the west should be considered a neutral ground between the two governments until a final settlement should be effected. This neutral ground was for some fifteen years a no-man's land, and neither the United States nor Mexico exercised di- rect jurisdiction over it. It accordingly became a desperadoes' paradise, and a community of thieves grew up and perfected an organization so systematic and efficient that it dared cope even with the soldiery and was in the end put down only after a severe war of extermination. These buccaneers throve by robbing the traders who passed through their de- mesne, and even armed guards could not always protect these caravans. Such conditions continued, with occasional attempts by the authorities on both sides to suppress them, until 1819. In this year Spain was prac- tically forced to cede Florida to the United States, receiving five million dollars therefor, and in the treaty confirming this transaction final settle- ment was made of the long-standing Texas-Louisiana boundary dispute.
Failure of Burr's Expedition.
This neutral ground agreement was a death-blow to Burr's hopes. Wilkinson having withdrawn his support from the cause by coming to an agreement with the Spaniards, and also having turned state's evidence of the conspiracy in its broadest conceivable proportions, Burr, far from leading a great army of invasion, was marked for arrest by the authorities and shortly after was captured in the wilderness about Fort Stoddert and taken to Richmond, Virginia, to answer the charge of treason. Though acquitted of an overt act of treason, Burr did not establish his innocence and the favor of his countrymen, and for nearly a century his name has been stained with the blot of treason until a deeper and more judicious estimate of his character has placed his actions in a more favorable per- spective, where the word treason hardly finds a place.
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