USA > Virginia > Narratives of early Virginia, 1606-1625 > Part 17
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What shall I say ? but thus we lost him that, in all his pro- ceedings, made Justice his first guid, and experience his second ; ever hating basenesse, sloth, pride, and indignitie more then any dangers; that never allowed more for himselfe then his souldiers with him; that upon no danger, would send them where he would not lead them himselfe; that would never see us want what he either had, or could by any meanes get us; that would rather want then borrow, or starve then not pay; that loved actions more than wordes, and hated falshood and cousnage worse then death; whose adven- tures were our lives, and whose losse our deathes. Leaving us 1 thus, with 3 ships, 7 boates, commodities ready to trade, the harvest newly gathered, 10 weekes provision in the store, 490 and odde persons, 24 peeces of ordinances, 300 muskets snaphanches and fire lockes,2 shot powder and match sufficient ; curats, pikes, swords, and moryons more then men; the Sal- vages their language and habitations wel knowne to 100 well trained and expert souldiers, nets for fishing, tooles of all sortes
1 About October 4, 1609.
2 A snaphance was fired by flint and steel, a firelock by means of a match. Curat, below, means a cuirass; a morion was a steel cap.
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to worke, apparell to supply our wants, 6 mares and a horse, 5 or 600 swine, as many hens and chicken, some goates, some sheep. What was brought or bread there remained.1 But they regarded nothing but from hand to mouth, to consume that we had; tooke care for nothing, but to perfit 2 some colour- able complaints aganst Captaine Smith. For effecting whereof, 3 weekes longer they stayed the 6 ships till they could produce them. That time and charge might much better have beene spent; but it suted well with the rest of their discreations.
Now all those Smith had either whipped, punished, or any way disgraced, had free power and liberty to say or sweare any thing; and from a whole armefull of their examinations this was concluded.
The mutiners at the Falles complained he caused the Sal- vages assalt them, for that hee would not revenge their losse (they being but 120, and he 5 men and himselfe): and this they proved by the oath of one hee had oft whipped for per- jurie and pilfering. The dutchmen that he had appointed to bee stabd for their treacheries, swore he sent to poison them with rats baine. The prudent Councel that he would not sub- mit himselfe to their stolne authoritie. Coe and Dyer that should have murdered him, were highly preferred for swearing they heard one say, he heard Powhatan say, that he heard a man say, if the king would not send that corne he had, he should not long enjoy his copper crowne, nor those robes he had sent him: yet those also swore hee might have had corne for tooles but would not. (The truth was, Smith had no such ingins 3 as the King demanded, nor Powhatan any corne. Yet this argued he would starve them.) Others complained hee would not let them rest in the fort (to starve), but force them to the oyster banks, to live or starve (as he lived himselfe). For though hee had of his owne private provisions sent from
' As many of these articles had been brought in by the newcomers, Smith was not entitled to the full credit. According to his own statement the colony was "at its wit's end," by the rats, and quartered all about among the Indians, when the newcomers arrived.
2 Perfect. ' Engines, i.e., tools.
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England, sufficient; yet hee gave it all away to the weake and sicke: causing the most untoward (by doing as he did) to gather their food from the unknowne parts of the rivers and woods, that they lived (though hardly), that otherwaies would have starved ere they would have left their beds, or at most the sight of James Towne, to have got their own victuall. Some propheticall spirit calculated hee had the Salvages in such sub- jection, hee would have made himselfe a king, by marrying Pocahontas, Powhatans daughter. (It is true she was the very Nonparell of his kingdome, and at most not past 13 or 14 yeares of age. Very oft shee came to our fort, with what shee could get for Captaine Smith; that ever loved and used all the Coun- trie well, but her especially he ever much respected : and she so well requited it, that when her father intended to have surprized him, shee by stealth in the darke night came through the wild woods and told him of it. But her marriage could no way have intitled him by any right to the kingdome, nor was it ever suspected hee had ever such a thought; or more regarded her, or any of them, than in honest reason and discreation he might. If he would, he might have married her, or have done what him listed; for there was none that could have hindred his de- termination.) Some that knewe not any thing to say, the Coun- cel instructed and advised what to sweare. So diligent they were in this businesse, that what any could remember hee had ever done or said in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantiall oath it was applied to their fittest use. Yet not past 8 or 9 could say much, and that nothing but circumstances which all men did knowe was most false and untrue. Many got their passes by promising in England to say much against him. I have presumed to say this much in his behalfe, for that I never heard such foule slanders so certainely beleeved and urged for truthes by many a hundred that doe still not spare to spread them, say them, and sweare them; that I thinke doe scarse know him though they meet him : nor have they ether cause or reason but their wills, or zeale to rumor or opinion. For the honorable and better sort of our Virginian adventurers, I think they understand it as I have writ it. For instead of accusing
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him, I have never heard any give him a better report, then many of those witnesses themselves that were sent home only to tes- tifie against him. RICHARD POTS, W. P[HETTIPLACE ].
When the ships departed, Davis arived in a smal Pinnace with some 16 proper men more : to those were added a company from James Towne under the command of Captaine Ratliffe, to inhabit Point comfort.1 Martin and Mr West having lost their boates, and neere halfe their men amongst the Salvages, were returned to James Towne; for the Salvages no sooner understood of Captaine Smiths losse, but they all revolted, and did murder and spoile all they could incounter. Now were we all constrained to live only of that which Smith had only for his owne company, for the rest had consumed their proportions. And now have we 20 Presidents with all their appurtenances; for Mr Persie was so sicke he could not goe nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Mr West and Ratliffe, each with a pinnace, and 30 or 40 men wel appointed, sought abroad to trade : how they carried the businesse I knowe not, but Rat- liffe and his men were most[ly] slaine by Powhatan; those that escaped returned neare starved in the Pinnace. And Mr West finding little better successe, set saile for England. Now wee all found the want of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest maligners could then curse his losse. Now for corne, provision, and contribution from the Salvages ; wee had nothing but mor- tal wounds with clubs and arrowes. As for our hogs, hens, goats, sheep, horse, or what lived; our commanders and officers did daily consume them : some small proportions (sometimes) we tasted, till all was devoured. Then swords, arrowes, peeces, or any thing we traded to the Salvages; whose bloody fingers were so imbrued in our bloods, that what by their crueltie, our Governours indiscreation, and the losse of our ships; of 500, within 6 months after 2 there remained not many more then 60. most miserable and poore creatures. It were
1 Ratcliffe built a fort at Point Comfort after the ships departed in October, 1609, which was called "Algernourne Fort."
2 From October, 1609, to May, 1610.
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to[o] vild to say what we endured : but the occasion was only our owne, for want of providence, industrie, and governement ; and not the barrennesse and defect of the countrie, as is generally supposed. For till then, in 3 yeares (for the numbers were landed us) 1 we had never landed sufficient provision for 6 months : such a glutton is the sea, and such good fellowes the marriners, wee as little tasted of those great proportions for their provisions, as they of our miseries ; that notwithstanding ever swaid and over- ruled the businesse. Though we did live as is said, 3 yeares chiefly of what this good countrie naturally affordeth: yet now had we beene in Paradice it selfe (with those governours) it would not have beene much better with us: yet was there some amongst us, who had they had the governement, would surely have kept us from those extremities of miseries, that in 10 daies more would have supplanted us all by death.
But God that would not it should bee unplanted, sent Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Sommers, with a 150 men, most happily perserved by the Ber[m ]ondoes to preserve us. Strange it is to say how miraculously they were preserved, in a leaking ship, in those extreme stormes and tempests in such overgrowne seas 3 daies and 3 nights by bayling out water. And having given themselvs to death, how happily when least expected, that worthy Captaine Sir George Somers having I[a ]ine all that time cuning 2 the ship before those swalowing waves, discovered those broken Iles :3 where how plentifully they lived with fish and flesh, what a paradice this is to inhabit, what industrie they used to build their 2 ships, how happily they did transport them to James Towne in Virginia,4 I refer you to their owne printed relations.
But when those noble knights did see our miseries (being strangers to the country) and could understand no more of the cause but by their conjecture of our clamors and complaints, of accusing or excusing one another : they imbarked us with them- selves, with the best means they could, and abandoning James Towne, set saile for England.
1 I.e., in consideration of the numbers of new colonists that were landed to us.
2 Directing the steering.
3 The Bermudas.
4 Where they arrived May 23, 1610.
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But yet God would not so have it, for ere wee left the river; we met the Lord de-la-ware, then governour for the countrie, with 3 ships exceeding well furnished with al neces- saries fitting: who againe returned them to the abandoned James Towne, the 9 of June, 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Wainman, and divers other gentlemen of sort.1 Sir George Somers and Captaine Argall he presentlie dispatcheth to require the Bermondas to furnish them with provision: Sir Thomas Gates for England to helpe forward their supplies ; himselfe neglected not the best was in his power for the fur- therance of the busines and regaining what was lost. But even in the beginning of his proceedings, his Lordship had such an incounter with a scurvy sicknesse, that made him unable to weld 2 the state of his bodie, much lesse the affaires of the colonie, so that after 8. monthes sicknesse, he was forced to save his life by his returne for England.
In this time Argall not finding the Bermondas, having lost Sir George Somers at sea, fell on the coast of Sagadahock ; 3 where refreshing himselfe, found a convenient fishing for Cod. With a tast whereof, hee returned to James towne, from whence the Lord De-la-ware sent him to trade in the river of Patawomecke. Where finding an English boy 4 those people had preserved from the furie of Powhatan, by his acquaintance, had such good usage of those kind Salvages, that they fraughted his ship with corne; wherewith he returned to James Towne : and so for England, with the Lord Governour. Yet before his returne, the adventurers had sent Sir Thomas Dale 5 with
1 Quality. 2 Wield, i.e., to manage. 3 Maine.
4 Henry Spelman, son of Sir Henry Spelman, the antiquary; given to Powhatan by Smith in August, 1609. After several years of life among the savages and of service to the colony as interpreter, he was killed by the Anacostan Indians in 1623.
5 Sir Thomas Dale was a soldier in the service of the United Netherlands in the period 1588-1595, an attendant upon Prince Henry in Scotland, 1595- 1603, and again in the Dutch military service, 1603-1611. After his six years of distinguished service to Virginia, 1611-1617, he sailed early in 1618 to the East in command of the East India Company's fleet. After valiant exploits, he died at Masulipatam in August, 1619.
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3 ships, men and cattell, and all other provisions necessarie for a yeare: all which arived the 10 of May, 1611.
Againe, to second him with all possible expedition, there was prepared for Sir Thomas Gates, 6 tall ships with 300 men, and 100 kyne, with other cattell, with munition and all manner of provision could bee thought needfull, and they arived about the 1 of August next after, safely at James towne.
Sir George Somers all this time was supposed lost : but thus it hapned. Missing the Bermondas, hee fell also, as did Argall, with Sagadahock: where being refreshed, would not content himselfe with that repulse, but returned againe in the search ; and there safely arived.1 But overtoiling himselfe, on a sur- feit died. And this Cedar ship built by his owne directions, and partly with his owne hands, that had not in her any iron but only one bolt in her keele, yet well endured thus tossed to and againe in this mightie Ocean, til with his dead bo[die] she arived in England at line : 2 and at Whitchurch in Dorsetshire, his body by his friends was honourably buried, with many volies of shot, and the rights of a souldier. And upon his Tombe was bestowed this Epitaph
Hei mihi Virginia, quod tam cito præterit æstas, Autumnus sequitur, sæviet inde et hyems. At ver perpetuum nascetur, et Anglia læta, Decerpit flores, Floryda terra tuos.
Alas Virginia Somer so soone past, Autume succeeds and stormy winters blast, Yet Englands joyfull spring with Aprill shewres, O Floryda, shall bring thy sweetest flowers.
Since, there was a ship fraughted with provision and 40 men, and another since then, with the like number and pro- vision, to stay in the Countrie 12 months with Captaine Argall.
The Lord governour himselfe doth confidently determine to goe with the next, or as presently as he may, in his owne
1 At the Bermudas.
2 At last.
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person, with sundry other knights and gentlemen, with ships and men so farre as their meanes will extend to furnish. As for all their particular actions since the returne of Captaine Smith; for that they have beene printed from time to time, and published to the world, I cease farther to trouble you with anyrepetition of things so well knowne, more then are necessary. To conclude the historie, leaving this assurance to all posteritie, howe unprosperously things may succeed, by what changes or chances soever; the action is honorable and worthie to bee approved, the defect whereof hath only beene in the managing the businesse: which I hope now experience hath taught them to amend, or those examples may make others to beware, for the land is as good as this booke doth report it.
Captaine Smith I returne you the fruit of my labours, as Mr Croshaw 1 requested me, which I bestowed in reading the discourses, and hearing the relations of such which have walked and observed the land of Virginia with you. The pains I took was great: yet did the nature of the argument, and hopes I conceaved of the expedition, give me exceeding content. I cannot finde there is any thing, but what they all affirme, or cannot contradict : the land is good: as there is no citties, so no sonnes of Anak: al is open for labor of a good and wise inhabitant: and my prayer shall ever be, that so faire a land, may bee inhabited by those that professe and love the Gospell.
Your friend, W. S.
1 Raleigh Croshaw.
THE RELATION OF THE LORD DE-LA-WARE, 1611
INTRODUCTION
THE author of this letter, Thomas West, third Lord Dela- ware, was born July 9, 1577, and was son of Thomas West, second Lord Delaware, and Anne, daughter of Sir Francis Knollys by Katherine Cary, first cousin to Queen Elizabeth and sister of Henry Cary, first Lord Hunsdon. He was a master of arts of the university of Oxford, and was knighted by Essex at Dublin, Ireland, July 12, 1599. He served with distinction in the Low Countries, was implicated in the Essex Rebellion, February 8, 1601, was imprisoned and pardoned. His father, the second lord, died March 24, 1602, and he succeeded as third Lord Delaware and also as member of the privy council of Queen Elizabeth, and on her death became a privy councillor to James I. In 1609 he was a member of the superior council of the Virginia Company, and on February 28, 1610, was ap- pointed governor and captain-general of the Virginia colony for life. He arrived at Jamestown June 10, 1610, and re- established the colony, which he found deserting the settle- ment. After a stay of a year he was compelled to leave on account of his health, and went first to the West Indies and then to England. He remained in the latter country till 1618; in his absence the government in Virginia was administered by deputy-governors - Gates, Dale, Yeardey, and Argall. In the latter year he was sent again to Virginia to rescue the govern- ment from the hands of Samuel Argall, who had incurred the strong censure of the London Company, but on his way over he died, June 7, 1618. He married Cecily, daughter of Sir Thomas Sherley. His son and successor was Henry, fourth Lord Delaware, who married Isabella, daughter of Sir Thomas
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Edmonds, the ambassador. Governor Delaware had three brothers, Francis West, John West and Nathaniel West, who all lived in Virginia, and the first two of whom were deputy- governors at different times; William West, a nephew, was killed by Indians at the Falls of James River, Virginia, in 1611.
The Relation was entered for publication at Stationers' Hall on July 6, 1611. It was again printed by Purchas in his Pil- grimes, IV. 1762-1764, and Captain Smith gives some extracts from it in his Generall Historie (1624), p. 109. It was re- printed (fifty copies) in 1859, and again by Mr. Griswold (twenty copies) in 1868. In 1890 Alexander Brown printed it anew in his Genesis of the United States. At a sale in 1883, an original fetched $133. Originals are now preserved in this country in the Library of Congress, the Lenox and John Carter Brown libraries. Probably the chief value of the narrative proceeds from the strong defenceit unconsciously affords of the character of the Virginia colonists. Here was Delaware given absolute power by a new charter established under the idea that the calamities in Virginia were due to the inveterate disposition of the Virginia colonists to quarrels and shiftlessness - a man toughened in war and given all the advantages of good living and the best medical attention. And yet what a doleful complaint he makes of the ague, the dysentery, and the scurvy, which in short order bombarded him out of the colony. The London Company and-its servants-Smith, Delaware, Gates, Dale, and others - "boomed" the company's management and the natural advantages of Virginia, and very unjustly threw the responsibility on the poor colonists, who suffered untold horrors from starvation and disease.
L. G. T.
THE RELATION OF THE LORD DE-LA-WARE, 1611
The Relation of the Right Honourable the Lord De-La-Warre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of the Colonie, planted in Virginea. London : Printed by William Hall, for William Welbie, dwelling in Pauls Churchyeard at the Signe of the Swan. 1611.1
A Short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre, to the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia, touching his unexpected returne home, and afterwards delivered to the generall Assembly of the said Company, at a Court holden the twenty five of June, 1611. Published by authority of the said Counsell.
My Lords, etc.
BEING now by accident returned from my Charge at Vir- ginea, contrary either to my owne desire, or other men's ex- pectations, who spare not to censure me, in point of duty, and to discourse and question the reason, though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne, I am forced, (out of a willing- nesse to satisfie every man) to deliver unto your Lordships, and the rest of this Assembly, briefely (but truely), in what state I have lived, ever since my arrival to the Colonie; what hath beene the just occasion of my sudden departure thence; and in what termes I have left the same: The rather because I perceive, that since my comming into England, such a cold- nesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Adventurers 2 that
1 This italic heading is copied from the title-page of the original.
2 The adventurers were those in England who subscribed to the stock of the London Company, the face value of whose shares was £12. 6s.
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some of them seeke to withdraw those paiments, which they have subscribed towards the Charge of the Plantation, and by which that Action must bee supported and maintained; mak- ing this my returne the colour of their needlesse backwardnes and unjust protraction. Which, that you may the better understand, I must informe your Lordships, that presently after my arrival in James Towne, I was welcommed by a hote and violent Ague, which held mee a time, till by the advice of my Physition, Doctor Laurence Bohun,1 (by blood letting) I was recovered, as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas Gates I have informed you. That disease had not long left me, til (within three weekes after I had gotten a little strength) I began to be distempered with other greevous sicknesses, which successively and severally assailed me: for besides a relapse into the former disease, which with much more violence held me more than a moneth, and brought me to great weake- nesse, the Flux2 surprised me, and kept me many daies : then the Crampe assaulted my weak body, with strong paines; and afterwards the Gout (with which I had heeretofore beene sometime troubled) afflicted mee in such sort, that making my body through weakenesse unable to stirre, or to use any maner of exercise, drew upon me the disease called the Scurvy; which though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse, yet was in me an effect of weaknesse, which never left me, till I was upon the point to leave the world.
These severall maladies and calamities, I am the more de- sirous to particularise unto Your Lordships (although they were too notorious to the whole Colonie) lest any man should misdeeme that under the general name and common excuse of sicknes, I went about to cloke either sloth, or feare, or anie other base apprehension, unworthy the high and generall charge which you had entrusted to my Fidelitie.
1 He was " brought up among the most learned Surgeons and Physitions in the Netherlands." He was killed in 1621 in a sea-battle with the Span- iards, "wherein Dr. Bohun behaved most gallantly." See an account of the battle in the fourth book of Smith's Generall Historie, post, p. 340. 2 Dysentery.
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In these extremities I resolved to consult my friends, who (finding Nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, my paines likewise daily encreasing) gave me advise to preferre a hopefull recovery, before an assured ruine, which must neces- sarily have ensued, had I lived, but twenty dayes longer, in Virginia: wanting at that instant, both food and Physicke, fit to remedy such extraordinary diseases, and restore that strength so desperately decayed.
Whereupon, after a long consultation held, I resolved by- generall consent and perswasion, to ship my self for Mevis, an Island in the West Indies, famous for wholesome Bathes, there to try what help the Heavenly Providence would afford me, by the benefit of the hot Bathe: But God, who guideth all things, according to his good will and pleasure, so provided, that after wee had sailed an hundred Leagues, we met with Southerly windes which forced me to change my purpose (my body being altogether unable to endure the tediousnesse of a long voyage) and so sterne my course for the Western Islands,1 which I no sooner recovered, then I found help for my health, and my sicknesse asswaged, by meanes of fresh diet, and es- pecially of Orenges and Lemonds, an undoubted remedy and medicine for that disease, which lastly, and so long, had afflicted me: which ease as soone as I found, I resolved (although my body remained still feeble and weake), to returne backe to my charge in Virginia againe, but I was advised not to hazard my selfe before I had perfectly recovered my strength, which by Counsell I was perswaded to seeke in the naturall Ayre of my Countrey, and so I came for England. In which Accident,2 I doubt not but men of reason, and of judgement will imagine, there would more danger and prejudice have hapned by my death there, then I hope can doe by my returne.
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