USA > Virginia > Narratives of early Virginia, 1606-1625 > Part 4
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JOHN SMITH'S TRUE RELATION
1607]
September there was about 46. of our men dead, at which time Captaine Wingefield having ordred the affaires in such sort that he was generally hated of all, in which respect with one consent he was deposed from his presidencie, and Captaine Ratcliffe 1 according to his course was elected.
Our provision being now within twentie dayes spent, the Indians brought us great store both of Corne and bread ready made: and also there came such aboundance of Fowles into the Rivers, as greatly refreshed our weake estates, whereuppon many of our weake men were presently able to goe abroad. As yet we had no houses to cover us, our Tents were rotten and our Cabbins worse then nought: our best commoditie was Yron which we made into little chissels. The president and Captaine Martins sicknes, constrayned me to be Cape Marchant, and yet to spare no paines in making houses for the company ; who notwithstanding our misery, little ceased their mallice, grudging, and muttering. As at this time were most of our chiefest men either sicke or discontented, the rest being in such dispaire, as they would rather starve and rot with idle- nes, then be perswaded to do any thing for their owne reliefe without constraint: our victualles being now within eighteene dayes spent, and the Indians trade decreasing, I was sent to the mouth of the river, to Kegquouhtan an Indian Towne, to trade for Corne, and try the River for Fish, but our fishing we could not effect by reason of the stormy weather. The Indians thinking us neare famished, with carelesse kindnes, offred us little pieces of bread and small handfulls of beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of copper : In like maner I entertained their kindnes, and in like scorne offered them like commodities, but the Children, or any that shewed extraordinary kindnes,
1 John Ratcliffe's true name appears to have been John Sicklemore, and his alias "Ratcliffe" was probably due to a second marriage of his mother to one Ratcliffe. He made no concealment of his alias, as Smith suggests in another paper. He was president till July, 1608, when he was removed and Matthew Scrivener became president. He went to England in January, 1609, and returned to Virginia in June, 1609, where he was betrayed and slain by the Indians in the winter of 1609-1610.
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I liberally contented with free gifte, such trifles as wel contented them. Finding this colde comfort, I anchored before the Towne, and the next day returned to trade, but God (the absolute disposer of all heartes) altered their conceits, for now they were no lesse desirous of our commodities then we of their Corne : under colour to fetch fresh water, I sent a man to dis- cover the Towne, their Corne, and force, to trie their intent, in that they desired me up to their houses: which well under- standing, with foure shot I visited them. With fish, oysters, bread, and deere, they kindly traded with me and my men, beeing no lesse in doubt of my intent, then I of theirs; for well I might with twentie men have fraighted a Shippe with Corne. The Towne conteineth eighteene houses, pleasantly seated upon three acres of ground, uppon a plaine, halfe invironed with a great Bay of the great River, the other parte with a Baye of the other River falling into the great Baye, with a little Ile fit for a Castle in the mouth thereof,1 the Towne ad- joyning to the maine by a necke of Land of sixtie yardes. With sixteene bushells of Corne I returned towards our Forte : by the way I encountred with two Canowes of Indians, who came aboord me, being the inhabitants of Waroskoyack,2 a kingdome on the south side of the river, which is in breadth 5. miles and 20 mile or neare from the mouth: With these I traded, who having but their hunting provision, requested me to returne to their Towne, where I should load my boat with corne: and with near thirtie bushells I returned to the fort, the very name wherof gave great comfort to our despar- ing company.
Time thus passing away, and having not above 14. daies victuals left, some motions were made about our presidents and Captaine Archers going for England, to procure a supply : in which meane time we had reasonably fitted us with houses. And our President and Captaine Martin being able to walk
1 The island on which Fort Monroe now stands.
2 Warascoyack was an Indian town situated on Pagan River in Isle of Wight County.
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abroad, with much adoe it was concluded, that the pinnace and barge should goe towards Powhatan, to trade for corne : Lotts were cast who should go in her, the chance was mine; and while she was a rigging, I made a voiage to Topohanack,1 where arriving, there was but certain women and children who fled from their houses, yet at last I drew them to draw neere; truck they durst not, corne they had plenty, and to spoile I had no commission: In my returne to Paspahegh, I traded with that churlish and trecherous nation : having loaded 10 or 12 bushels of corne, they offred to take our pieces and swords, yet by stelth, but [we] seeming to dislike it, they were ready to assault us: yet standing upon our guard, in coasting the shore, divers out of the woods would meet with us with corn and trade. But least we should be constrained, either to indure overmuch wrong or directly [to] fal to revenge, seeing them dog us from place to place, it being night, and our neces- sitie not fit for warres, we tooke occasion to returne with 10 bushells of corne: Captaine Martin after made 2 journies to that nation of Paspahegh, but eache time returned with 8. or 10. bushells.
All things being now ready for my journey to Powhatan, for the performance thereof, I had 8. men and my selfe for the barge, as well for discoverie as trading; the Pinnace, 5. Mar- riners, and 2. landmen to take in our ladings at convenient places. The 9 of November I set forward for the discovery of the country of Chikhamania,2 leaving the pinnace the next tide to followe, and stay for my comming at Point weanock, 20 miles from our fort : the mouth of this river falleth into the great river at Paspahegh, 8 miles above our fort : That after- noone I stayed the eb in the bay of Paspahegh with the Indians : towards the evening certaine Indians haled me, one of them being of Chikahamania, offred to conduct me to his country.
1 Quiyoughcohannock in Surry County is intended.
2 According to William Wallace Tooker Chickahominy was not a place- name, but the designation of a people who contributed corn to the colonists, thus saving them from starvation. He gives its etymology as Chick-aham- min-anaugh; "coarse-pounded corn people," or in brief, "hominy people."
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The Paspahegheans grudged therat: along we went by moone- light : at midnight he brought us before his Towne, desiring one of our men to go up with him, whom he kindely intertained, and returned back to the barge : The next morning I went up to the towne, and shewed them what copper and hatchets they shold have for corne, each family seeking to give me most content : so long they caused me to stay that 100 at least was expecting my comming by the river, with corne. What I liked, I bought ; and least they should perceive my too great want, I went higher up the river: This place is called Manosquosick,1 a quarter of a mile from the river, conteining thirtie or fortie houses, uppon an exceeding high land: at the foote of the hill towards the river, is a plaine wood, watered with many springes which fall twentie yardes right downe into the river. Right against the same is a great marsh, of 4. or 5. miles circuit, divided in 2 Ilands, by the parting of the river, abounding with fish and foule of all sorts. A mile from thence is a Towne called Oraniocke. I further discovered the Townes of Mansa, Apanaock, Werawahone, and Mamanahunt, at eche place kindely used : especially at the last, being the hart of the Coun- try; where were assembled 200. people with such aboundance of corne, as having laded our barge, as also I might have laded a ship.
I returned to Paspahhegh, and considering the want of Corne at our Fort, it being night, with the ebb, by midnight I arived at our fort, where I found our Pinnis run aground : The next morning I unladed seaven hogsheds into our store. The next morning I returned againe: the second day I arived at Mamanahunt, wher the people having heard of my comming, were ready with 3 or 400. baskets litle and great, of which having laded my barge, with many signes of great kindnes I returned: At my departure they requested me to hear our pieces, being in the midst of the river; which in regard of the eccho seemed a peale of ordnance. Many birds and fowles
1 This town was probably located at Barret's Ferry on the road to Rich- mond.
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they see us dayly kil that much feared them. So desirous of trade wer they, that they would follow me with their canowes; and for anything, give it me, rather then returne it back. So I unladed again 7 or 8. hogsheads at our fort.
Having thus by Gods assistance gotten good store of corne, notwithstanding some bad spirits not content with Gods providence, still grew mutinous; in so much, that our presi- dent having occasion to chide the smith for his misdeamenour, he not only gave him bad language, but also offred to strike him with some of his tooles. For which rebellious act, the smith was by a Jury condemned to be hanged, but being uppon the ladder, continuing very obstinate as hoping upon a rescue, when he saw no other way but death with him, he became penitent, and declared a dangerous conspiracy: for which, Captaine Kendall, as principal, was by a Jury condemned, and shot to death. This conspiracy appeased, I set forward for the discovery of the River Checka Hamania. This third time I discovered the Townes of Matapamient, Morinogh, Ascacap, moysenock, Righkahauck, Nechanichock, Mattalunt, Attamuspincke, and divers others: their plenty of corne I found decreased, yet lading the barge, I returned to our fort.
Our store being now indifferently wel provided with corne, there was much adoe for to have the pinace goe for England, against which Captain Martin and my selfe stood chiefly against it: and in fine after many debatings pro et contra, it was re- solved to stay a further resolution : This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this discovery, which as yet I had neg- lected in regard of the necessitie we had to take in provision whilst it was to be had. 40. miles I passed up the river, which for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham and a half deep, exceeding osey, many great low marshes, and many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called Moysonicke,1 a Peninsule of 4. miles circuit, betwixt two
1 This description seems to agree with the bend of the Chickahominy at Lanexa on the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad.
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rivers joyned to the main by a neck of 40. or 50. yards, and 40. or 50 yards from the high water marke: On both sides in the very necke of the maine, are high hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the Ile declining in a plaine fertile corne field, the lower end a low marsh. More plentie of swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and mallards, and divers sorts of fowles, none would desire : more plaine fertile planted ground, in such great proportions as there, I had not seene; of a light blacke sandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white, and yellowe coloured sand, and under, red and white clay; fish [in] great plenty, and people aboundance: the most of their inhabitants, in view of the neck of Land, where a better seat for a towne cannot be desired :
At the end of forty miles, this river invironeth many low Ilands at each high water drowned for a mile, where it uniteth it selfe at a place called Apokant, the highest Towne inhabited. 10. miles higher, I discovered with the barge: in the mid way, a greate tree hindered my passage, which I cut in two. Heere the river became narrower, 8. 9 or 10. foote at a high water, and 6. or 7. at a lowe : the streame exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell: the ground, most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This occasioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be far to the head, but rather then I would endanger the barge.1 Yet to have beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the imputation of malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not, for so long delaying: some of the company as desirous as my self, we resolved to hier a Canow, and returne with the barge to Apocant, there to leave the barge secure, and put our selves upon the adventure : the country onely a vast and wilde wilder- nes, and but onely that Towne: Within three or foure mile, we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row us the next day a fowling. Having made such provision for the barge as was
1 The sense here seems incomplete; it should read "but rather then (than) I would endanger the barge by going up further, I resolved to take it back to Apocant and use a canoe for the rest of the trip up the river."
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1607]
needfull, I left her there to ride, with expresse charge not any to go ashore til my returne.
Though some wise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians in conducting me, the desolateness of the coun- try, the probabilitie of some lacke,1 and the malicious judges of my actions at home,2 as also to have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers in england, might well have caused any honest minde to have done the like, as well for his own discharge as for the publike good:
Having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set forward, leaving 7 in the barge: Having discovered 20 miles further in this desart, the river stil kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred with trees: Here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher then the barge had bene) to refresh our selves, during the boyling of our vituals: One of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile, and to crosse the boughts 3 of the river: the other Indian I left with Maister Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their matches light, and order to discharge a peece, for my retreat, at the first sight of any Indian. But within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowing of Indians, but no warning peece. Supposing them surprised, and that the Ind- ians had betraid us, presently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent to be revenged on him: he advised me to fly, and seemed ignorant of what was done. But as we went discoursing, I was struck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without harme : upon this occasion I espied 2. Indians drawing their bowes, which I prevented in discharging a french pistoll: By that I had charged againe, 3 or 4 more did the like: for the first fell downe and fled: At my discharge, they did the like. My hinde 4 I made my barricado, who offered not to strive. 20. or 30. arrowes were shot at me but short. 3 or 4 times I had discharged my pistoll ere the king of Pamaunck called Opec-
1 I.e., lake. 2 I.e., Jamestown. 3 Windings. 4 Indian.
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kankenough with 200 men, invironed me, eache drawing their bowe: which done they laid them upon the ground, yet with- out shot : My hinde treated betwixt them and me of conditions of peace; he discovered me to be1 the Captaine : my request was to retire to the boate: they demaunded my armes, the rest they saide were slaine, onely me they would reserve: The Indian importuned me not to shoot. In retiring being in the midst of a low quagmire, and minding them more then my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire, and also the Indian in drawing me forth : 2
Thus surprised, I resolved to trie their mercies : my armes I caste from me, till which none durst approch me. Being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me to the King. I presented him with a compasse diall, describing by my best meanes the use therof: whereat he so amazedly admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes of the earth, the course of the sunne, moone, starres and plannets. With kinde speeches and bread he requited me, conducting me where the Canow lay and John Robbinson slaine, with 20 or 30. arrowes in him. Emry I saw not.
I perceived by the aboundance of fires all over the woods.3 At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used me with what kindnes they could: Approaching their Towne,4 which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors and covered with mats, which they remove as occasion requires : all the women and children, be- ing advertised of this accident, came foorth to meet them, the King 5 well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck and rear, and each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after him the
1 I.e., explained that I was.
2 Smith's capture seems to have occurred in White Oak Swamp.
3 The sense requires here "that they were a party hunting deer." The method pursued in this occupation was as follows: Two or three hundred Indians would assemble and surround with many fires some spot frequented by the deer. Then several Indians would be placed between every two fires, and the deer being driven by others would in their efforts to avoid the fires run into the greater danger of the hunters, who would fill them with arrows. 4 Rasawrack.
5 Opechancanough.
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like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth amongst the trees in a bishion, eache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his back grimly painted : on eache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaies towards the front, the other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding good order. This being a good time continued, they caste themselves in a ring with a daunce, and so eache man departed to his lodging. The Captain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper: what I left was reserved for me, and sent with me to my lodging: Each morning 3. women presented me three great platters of fine bread, more venison then ten men could devour I had: my gowne, points1 and garters, my compas and my tablet they gave me again. Though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what they could devise to content me : and still our longer acquaint- ance increased our better affection :
Much they threatned to assault our forte, as they were so- licited by the King of Paspahegh : who shewed at our fort great signes of sorrow for this mischance.2 The King 3 tooke great delight in understanding the manner of our ships, and sayling the seas, the earth and skies, and of our God: what he knew of the dominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me: the course of our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles, was a great turning of salt water: I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh,4 with a letter I would write, by which they shold understand how kindly they used me, and that I was well, least they should revenge my death. This he granted and sent three men, in such weather as in reason were unpossible by any naked to be indured. Their cruell mindes towards the fort I had de-
1 Lacings for fastening the clothing.
2 I.e., the mischance of Smith's capture.
3 The king here meant is not Paspahegh, but Opechancanough, chief of the Pamunkey Indians.
4 I.e., to Jamestown, which was situated in the country of the Paspaheghs.
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verted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the fields, as also the revenge Captain Newport would take of them at his returne. Their intent, I incerted the fort, the people of Ocanahonum and the back sea: this report they after found divers Indians that confirmed :
The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodg- ing, with his sword, to have slaine me: but being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and arrow he offred to have effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, till the King understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dying, wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I had slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte: This was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the King presently conducted me to another Kingdome, upon the
top of the next northerly river, called Youghtanan.1
Having
feasted me, he further led me to another branch of the river, called Mattapament; 2 to two other hunting townes they led me: and to each of these Countries, a house of the great Emperour of Pewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to bee at the Fals; to him I tolde him I must goe, and so returne to Pas- pahegh. After this foure or five dayes marsh,3 we returned to Rasawrack, the first towne they brought me too: where binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes journey, and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as broad as Thames: so conducting me to a place called Menapacute in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited.
The next day another King of that nation called Keka- taugh, having received some kindnes of me at the Fort, kindly invited me to feast at his house, the people from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me. By this, the great King hath foure or five houses, each containing foure- score or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an high sandy hill, from whence you may see westerly a goodly
1 Now known as Pamunkey River, which joins the Mattapony River at West Point, forty miles from Chesapeake Bay, to form the York River.
2 Sometimes written Mattapanient, which was contracted to Mattapony, by which name the river still goes- 3 March.
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low Country, the river before the which his crooked course causeth many great Marshes of exceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and many large plaines are here togither inhabited. More abundance of fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined. The King with fortie Bowmen to guard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they there presented me, with a mark at six score 1 to strike ther- with: but to spoil the practise, I broke the cocke, whereat they were much discontented, though a chaunce supposed.
From hence, this kind King conducted mee to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward: 2 The cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly enter- tained by Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence, and discovered the River of Topahanocke: where being received with like kindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were hee. But the people reported him a great 3 man that was Captaine, and using mee kindly, the next day we departed.
This River of Topahanock seemeth in breadth not much lesse then that we dwell upon. At the mouth of the River is a Countrey called Cuttata women: upwards is Mar- raugh tacum, Tapohanock, Appamatuck, and Nantaugs tacum: at top, Manahocks, the head issuing from many Mountaines. The next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatans, and the next day arrived at Waranacomoco 4 upon the river of Pamauncke, where the great king is resident. By the way we passed by the top of another little river, which
1 "Yards" to be supplied.
2 The river "northward" was the Rappahannock, sometimes written Tappahannock, which is still the name of a town on the south side, marking the site of the Indian village. The chief of the tribe at the arrival of the English had been the guest, as we have seen, of the Quiyoughcohannocks and was mistaken by the whites as a resident on the James River.
Tall.
4 The correct spelling is "werowocomoco," meaning "the house of the werowance," or capital of the Powhatan confederacy. It was located on the north side of York River at Portan Bay, about fourteen miles from West Point.
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is betwixt the two, called Payankatank. The most of this Country though Desert, yet exceeding fertil; good timber, most hils and dales, in each valley a cristall spring.
Arriving at Weramocomoco, their Emperour proudly lying uppon a Bedstead a foote high, upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums.1 At heade 2 sat a woman, at his feete another; on each side sitting uppon a Matte uppon the ground, were raunged his chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many yong women, each a great Chaine 3 of white Beades over their shoulders, their heades painted in redde : and with such a grave and Majesticall countenance, as drave me into admiration to see such state in a naked Salvage, hee kindly welcomed me with good wordes, and great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and my libertie within foure days. Hee much delighted in Opechan Conoughs relation of what I had described to him, and oft examined me upon the same. Hee asked mee the cause of our comming. I tolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, beeing overpowred, neare put to retreat, and by extreame weather put to this shore: where landing at Chesipiack, the people shot us, but at Kequoughtan they kindly used us: we by signes demaunded fresh water, they described us up the River was all fresh water: at Paspahegh also they kindly used us: our Pinnasse being leake, we were inforced to stay to mend her, till Captaine Newport my father came to conduct us away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate. I tolde him, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that on the other side the maine, where was salt water. My father 4 had a childe slaine, whiche wee supposed Monocan his enemie :5 whose death we intended to revenge.
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