USA > Virginia > Narratives of early Virginia, 1606-1625 > Part 6
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Captaine Nuport came a shore, with many kind discourses wee passed that forenoone : and after dinner, Captaine Nuport went about with the Pinnis to Menapacant, which is twenty miles by water, and not one by land.4 Opechankanough conducted me and Maister Scrivener by land: where having built a feasting house a purpose to entertaine us, with a kind Oration, after their manner, and his best provision, kindly welcomed us. That day he would not trucke, but did his best
1 After "returned " supply "answer."
2 I.e., "Opechancanough's."
3 Town. Cinquoateck was situated about where West Point now is.
4 After leaving West Point, the Pamunkey River makes a great bend, though the distance is overestimated by Smith.
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to delight us with content: Captaine Nuport arrived towards evening; whom the King presented with sixe great platters of fine bread, and Pansarowmana. The next day till noone wee traded: the King feasted all the company; and the after- noone was spent in playing, dauncing, and delight. By no meanes hee would have us depart till, the next day, he had feasted us with venizon ; for which he had sent, having spent his first and second provision in expecting our comming: The next day, he performed his promise, giving more to us three, then would have sufficed 30. and in that we carried not away what we left, hee sent it after us to the Pinnis. With what words or signes of love he could expresse, we departed.
Captaine Nuport in the Pinnis, leaving mee in the Barge to digge a rocke, where wee supposed a Mine, at Cinquaoteck : which done, ere midnight, I arrived at Weracomoco, where our Pinnis anchored, being 20. miles 1 from Cinquaotecke. The next day, we tooke leave of Powhatan: who, in regard of his kindness, gave him an Indian. He well affected to goe with him for England in steed of his Sonne :2 the cause, I assure me, was to know our strength and Countries condition: The next day we arrived at Kiskiack. The people so scornefully entertained us, as with what signes of scorne and discontent we could, we departed: and returned to our Fort with 250. bushells of Corne.3 Our president, being not wholy recovered of his sicknes, in discharging his Piece, brake and split his hand off, which he is not yet 4 well recovered. At Captaine Nuports arrivall,5 wee were victualled for twelve weeks: and having furnished him of what hee thought good, hee set saile for Eng- land the tenth of April. Master Scrivener and my selfe, with our shallop, accompanied him to Cape Hendrick : 6 Powhatan having for a farrewell, sent him five or sixe mens loadings, with Turkeys for [the] swords which hee sent him. In our return to the fort, we discovered the river of Nausamd,7 a proud
1 About fourteen miles.
I.e., Thomas Savage, whom Newport gave to Powhatan, calling him his 3 March 9, 1608. + June 2, 1608.
son.
5 At Jamestown, March 9, 1608. 6 Henry
7 Nansemond.
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warlike Nation, as well we may testifie, at our first arrivall at Chesiapiack : but that injury Captaine Nuport well revenged at his returne. Where some of them intising him to their Ambuscadoes by a daunce, hee perceiving their intent, with a volly of musket shot, slew one, and shot one or two more, as themselves confesse.
The King at our arivall sent for me to come unto him. I sent him word what commodities I had to exchange for wheat,1 and if he would, as had the rest of his Neighbours, conclude a Peace, we were contented. At last he came downe before the Boate which rid at anchor some fortie yards from the shore. He signified to me to come a shore, and sent a Canow with foure or five of his men: two whereof I desired to come aboard and to stay, and I would send two to talke with their King a shore. To this hee agreed. The King wee pre- sented with a piece of Copper, which he kindly excepted,2 and sent for victualls to entertaine the messengers. Maister Scrivener and my selfe also, after that, went a shore. The King kindly feasted us, requesting us to stay to trade till the next day. Which having done, we returned to the Fort.
This river3 is a musket shot broad, each side being should4 bayes; a narrow channel, but three fadom :5 his course for eighteene miles, almost directly South, and by West where . beginneth the first inhabitants : for a mile it turneth directly East; towards the West, a great bay, and a white chaukie Iland convenient for a Fort: his next course South, where within a quarter of a mile, the river divideth in two, the neck a plaine high Corne field, the wester bought 6 a highe plaine likewise, the Northeast answerable in all respects. In these plaines are planted aboundance of houses and people; they may containe 1000. Acres of most excellent fertill ground : so sweete, so pleasant, so beautifull, and so strong a prospect,
1 Indian corn.
2 Accepted.
3 The Nansemond River opens into the south side of Hampton Roads and is navigable for vessels of 100 tons as far as Suffolk, about twenty miles from the mouth. William Wallace Tooker states the meaning of the word to be " a good fishing place." 4 Shoal. 5 Deep. 6 Bend.
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for an invincible strong City, with so many commodities, that I know as yet I have not seene. This is within one daies journey of Chawwonocke, the river falleth into the Kings 1 river, within twelve miles of Cape-hendicke.2
At our Fort, the tooles we had, were so ordinarily stolen by the Indians, as necessity inforced us to correct their braving theeverie : for he that stole to day, durst come againe the next day. One amongst the rest, having stolen two swords, I got the Counsels consent to set in the bilboes.3 The next day, with three more, he came, with their woodden swordes, in the midst of our men to steale. Their custome is to take any thing they can ceaze off : onely the people of Pamaunke wee have not found stealing, but what others can steale, their King receiveth. I bad them depart, but flourishing their swords, they seemed to defend what they could catch but out of our hands : his pride urged me to turne him from amongst us, whereat he offred to strike me with his sword; which I prevented, striking him first. The rest offring to revenge the blow, received such an incounter, and fled. The better to affright them, I pursued them with five or sixe shot, and so chased them out of the Iland.4
The beginner of this broyle, litle expecting by his carriage, we durst have resisted, having, even till that present, not beene contradicted, especially them of Paspahegh: these Indians within one houre, having by other Salvages then in the Fort, understood that I threatened to be revenged, came presently of themselves, and fell to working upon our wears which were then in hand by other Salvages: who seeing their pride so incountred, were so submissive, and willing to doe any thing as might be. And with trembling feare desired to be friends, within three daies after. From Nawsamond, which is 30. miles from us, the King sent us a Hatchet which they had stollen from us at our being there: the messenger, as is the custome, also wee well rewarded and contented.
1 I.e., Powhatan's river. 2 Cape Henry.
3 The stocks. 4 Or rather the peninsula on which Jamestown stood.
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The twenty of Aprill, being at worke, in hewing downe Trees, and setting Corne, an alarum caused us with all speede to take our armes, each expecting a new assault of the Salvages : but understanding it a Boate under saile, our doubts were presently satisfied with the happy sight of Maister Nelson, his many perrills of extreame stormes and tempests,1 his ship well as his company could testifie, his care in sparing our provision was well: but the providence 2 thereof, as also of our stones, Hatchets and other tooles (onely ours excepted) which of all the rest was most necessary: which might inforce us to thinke either a seditious traitor to our action, or a most unconscionable deceiver of our treasurs.
This happy arrivall of Maister Nelson in the Phenix, having beene then about three monethes missing after Captaine Nuports arrivall, being to all our expectations lost: albeit that now at the last, having beene long crossed with tempestuous weather and contrary winds, his so unexpected comming did so ravish us with exceeding joy, that now we thought our selves as well fitted as our harts could wish, both with a competent number of men, as also for all other needfull provisions, till a further supply should come unto us.3 Whereupon the first thing that was concluded was that my selfe and Maister Scrivener, should with 70. men goe with the best meanes we could provide, to discover beyond the Falls, as in our judgements con- veniently we might. Six or seaven daies we spent only in trayning our men to march, fight, and scirmish in the woods. Their willing minds to this action so quickned their under- standing in this exercise as, in all judgements, wee were better able to fight with Powhatans whole force, in our order of battle amongst the Trees (for Thicks there is few) 4 then the Fort
1 Passed.
2 The providing.
3 The Phoenix set out with Newport as a partof the First Supply, but was separated from him by winds, which delayed her arrival three months. 4 The frequent fires made by the Indians in hunting had cleared away the underbrush in Virginia so that it is said a coach with four horses could be driven through the thickest group of trees. Behind the stockade at Jamestown, however, there was a branch of a swamp which was covered with high grasses, affording a secure hiding-place to the stealthy savages.
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was to repulse 400. at the first assault, with some tenne or twenty shot not knowing what to doe, nor how to use a Piece.
Our warrant being sealed, Maister Nelson refused to assiste us with the voluntary Marriners and himself, as he promised, unlesse we would stand bound to pay the hire for shippe and Marriners, for the time they stayed. And further there was some controversie, through the diversitie of Contrary opinions : some alleadging that how profitable, and to what good purpose soever our journey should portend, yet our commission com- manding no certaine designe, we should be taxed for the most indiscreete men in the world, besides the wrong we should doe to Captaine Nuport, to whom only all discoveries did belong, and to no other:
The meanes for guides, besides the uncertaine 1 courses of the river from which we could not erre much, each night would fortifie us in two houres better then that they first called the Fort. Their Townes upon the river each within one dayes journey of other, besides our ordinary provision, might well be supposed to adde reliefe: for truck and dealing only, but in love and peace, as with the rest. If they assalted us, their Townes they cannot defend, nor their luggage so convey that we should not share: but admit the worst, 16. daies provision we had of Cheese Oatmeale and bisket; besides our randevous we could, and might, have hid in the ground. With sixe men, Captaine Martin would have undertaken it 2 himselfe, leaving the rest to defend the Fort and plant our Corne. Yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward, though we were going aboard to set saile. These discontents caused so many doubts to some, and discouragement to others, as our journey ended. Yet some of us procured petitions to set us forward, only with hope of our owne confusions.
Our next course was to turne husbandmen, to fell Trees and set Corne. Fiftie of our men we imployed in this service ; the rest kept the Fort, to doe the command of the president
1 Smith refers to the necks of land made by the windings of the river, which were easily defended.
2 I.e., the expedition.
F
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and Captaine Martin. 30. dayes1 the ship 2 lay expecting the triall of certain matters which for some cause I keepe private.3
The next exploit was an Indian having stolen an Axe, was so pursued by Maister Scrivener and them next him, as he threw it downe: and flying, drew his bow at any that durst incounter him. Within foure or five dayes after, Maister Scrivener and I, being a litle from the Fort, among the Corne, two Indians, each with a cudgell, and all newly painted with Terrasigillata, came circling about me as though they would have clubed me like a hare. I knew their faining love is towards me not without a deadly hatred: but to prevent the worst, I calling maister Scrivener retired to the Fort. The Indians seeing me suspect them, with good tearmes, asked me for some of their men whom they would beate; and went with me into our Fort. Finding one that lay ordinarily with us, only for a spie; they offered to beat him. I in perswading them to forbeare, they offered to beginne with me; being now foure : for two other arrayed in like manner, came in on the other side the Fort. Whereupon I caused to shut the Ports, 4 and apprehend them. The president and Counsell, being presently acquainted, remembring at the first assault, they came in like manner, and never else but against 5 some villanie, concluded to commit them to prison, and expect the event. Eight more we ceazed ® at that present. An houre after came three or foure other strangers extraordinarily fitted with arrowes, skinnes, and shooting gloves : their jealousie and feare bewrayed their bad intent, as also their suspitious departure.
1 I.e., from May 4 to June 2, 1608. 2 I.e., the Phoenix.
3 There was a quarrel between Smith and Martin as to the character of the return cargo. Martin wished to fill the ship with an ore resembling gold, but Smith, who favored a cargo of cedar, finally prevailed. Martin returned in the ship. There is a broad hint in this paragraph that matters merely of a personal nature were to be suppressed for fear of further dissensions.
4 The fort, which was triangular in shape, had three gates in the centre of each side. It enclosed a little more than an acre of land, and was de- fended by palisades made of large poles about eight feet high and stuck three or four feet into the ground. I.e., for. 6 Seized.
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The next day, came first an Indian, then another, as Em- bassadors for their men. They desired to speake with me. Our discourse was, that what Spades, Shovells, swords, or tooles they had stolne to bring home: if not, the next day, they should hang. The next newes was, they had taken two of our men ranging in the woods (which mischiefe 1 no punish- ment will prevent but hanging) : and these they would, should - redeeme 2 their owne 16. or 18 .; thus braving us to our doores.
We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, that after- noone to sally upon them, that they might but know what we durst do: and at night, mand our Barge, and burnt their Townes, and spoiled and destroyed what we could. But they brought our men, and freely delivered them. The president released one. The rest we brought well guarded, to Morning and Evening prayers. Our men all in armes, their trembling feare then caused them to[o] much sorrow, which till then scoffed and scorned at what we durst doe. The Counsell con- cluded, that I should terrifie them with some torture, to know if I could know their intent. The next day, I bound one in hold to the maine Mast: 3 and presenting sixe Muskets with match in the cockes, forced him to desire life. To answere my demaunds he could not : but one of his Comovodos 4 was of the counsell of Paspahegh, that could satisfie me: I releasing him out of sight, I affrighted the other, first with the rack, then with Muskets; which seeing, he desired me to stay, and hee would confesse. To this execution Maister Scrivener came, his discourse was to this effect. That Paspehegh, the Chickahamaniar, Youghtanum, Pamaunka, Mattapanient, and Kiskiack : these Nations were al together a hunting that tooke me. Paspahegh and Chicahamanya had entended to surprise us at worke, to have had our tools.' Powhatan and al his would seeme friends, till Captaine Nuports returne, that he had againe his man, which he called Namontack: where, with
1 I.e., ranging. 2 I.e., they held them as ransoms for their own men.
$ I.e., of the Phoenix.
" Perhaps a misprint for camaradas, Spanish for " comrades."
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a great feast, hee would so enamor Captain Nuport and his men, as they should ceaze on him. And the like traps would be laied for the rest.
This trap for our tooles we suspected. The chiefe occasion was [that] foure daies before, Powhatan had sent the boy 1 he had to us, with many Turkies to Maister Scrivener and me: understanding I would go up unto his Countries to destroy them; and he doubted 2 it the more, in that I so ofte prac- tised my men, whose shooting he heard to his owne lodging, that much feared his wives and children. We sent him word, we entended no such thing, but only to goe to Powhatan, to seeke stones to make Hatchets; except his men shot at us, as Paspahegh had told us they would : which if they did shoote but one arrowe, we would destroy them. And, least this mischiefe might happen, sent the boy 3 to acquaint him thus much; and request him to send us Weanock, one of his subjects for a guide.
The boy he returned backe with his Chest and apparell, which then we had given him: desiring another for him. The cause was, he was practising with the Chikahamanias, as the boy suspected some villanie, by their extraordinary resort and secret conference, from whence they would send him. The boy we keepe. Now we would send him many messengers and presents, the guide we desired he sent us: and withall requested us to returne him, either the boy or some other. But none he could have. And that day these Indians were apprehended, his sonne with others that had loaded at our Fort, returned, and being out of the Fort, rayled on me, to divers of our men, to be enemies to him, and to the Chikamanias. Not long after, Weanock that had bin with us for our guide, whom wee kept to have' conducted us in another journy, with a false excuse returned: and secretly after him, Amocis the Paspaheyan, who alwaies they kept amongst us for a spie, whom, the better to avoide suspition, presently after they came to beate away: These presumptions induced me to take any
1 Thomas Savage. 2 Suspected.
3 Thomas Savage.
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occasion, not onely to try the honesty of Amocis the spie, but also the meaning of these cunning trickes of their Emperour of Powhatan; whose true meaning Captaine Martin most con- fidently pleaded.
The confession of Macanoe, which was the counseller of Paspahegh, first I, then Maister Scrivener, upon their severall examinations, found by them all confirmed, that Paspahegh - and Chickahammania did hate us, and intended some mischiefe : and who they were that tooke me, the names of them that stole our tooles and swords, and that Powhatan received them they all agreed. Certaine vollies of shot we caused to be dis- charged, which caused each other to think that their fellowes had beene slaine.
Powhatan understanding we detained certaine Salvages, sent his Daughter, a child of tenne yeares old: which, not only for feature, countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his people: but for wit and spirit, the only Nonpariel of his Country.1 This hee sent by his most trustie messenger, called Rawhunt, as much exceeding in deformitie of person; but of a subtill wit and crafty understanding. He, with a long circumstance, told mee, how well Powhatan loved and respected mee; and in that I should not doubt any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most esteemed, to see me; a Deare and bread besides, for a present : desiring me that the Boy 2 might come againe, which he loved exceedingly. His litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also, not taking notice at all of the Indeans that had beene prisoners three daies, till that morning that she saw their fathers and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes to en- treate their libertie.
Opechankanough sent also unto us, that for his sake, we would release two that were his friends: and for a token, sent me his shooting Glove and Bracer,3 which 4 the day our men
1 Smith was mistaken as to the age of Pocahontas, as she was about thirteen years old at this time.
2 Thomas Savage.
3 A bracer was a covering to the arm protecting it from the vibrations of the string of the bow.
" After "which " supply "he used."
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was taken upon, separating himselfe from the rest a long time,1 intreated to speake with me, where in token of peace, he had preferred me the same. Now all of them having found their peremptorie conditions but to increase our malice ; which they seeing us begin to threaten to destroy them, as familiarly as before, without suspition or feare, came amongst us, to begge libertie for their men. In the afternoone, they being gone, we guarded them as before to the Church; and after prayer, gave them to Pocahuntas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of her fathers kindnesse in sending her. After having well fed them, as all the time of their imprisonment, we gave them their bowes, arrowes, or what else they had; and with 2 much content, sent them packing. Pocahuntas also we requited with such trifles as contented her, to tel that we had used the Paspaheyans very kindly in so releasing them.
The next day, we had suspition of some other practise for an Ambuscado; but perfectly wee could not discover it. Two daies after, a Paspaheyan came to shew us a glistering Minerall stone, and with signes demonstrating it to be in great aboundance like unto Rockes: with some dozen more, I was sent to seeke to digge some quantitie, and the Indean to con- duct me. But suspecting this some trick to delude us, for to get some Copper of us; or with some ambuscado to betray us, seeing him falter in his tale, being two miles on our way, led3 him ashore : where abusing us from place to place, and so seek- ing either to have drawne us with him into the woods, or to have given us the slippe, I shewed him Copper, which I prom- ised to have given him, if he had performed his promise. But for his scoffing and abusing us, I gave him twentie lashes with a Rope; and his bowes and arrowes, bidding him shoote if he durst : and so let him goe.
In all this time, our men being all or the most part well recovered, and we not willing to trifle away more time then necessitie enforced us unto: we thought good, for the better
1 After "time " supply "the messenger."
2 With their much content.
3 Before "led " supply "we."
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content of the adventurers, in some reasonable sort to fraight home Maister Nelson, with Cedar wood. About which, our men going with willing minds, was1 in very good time effected, and the ship sent for England. Wee now remaining being in good health, all our men wel contented, free from mutinies,2 in love one with another, and as we hope in a continuall peace with the Indians: where we doubt not but by Gods gracious . assistance, and the adventurers willing minds and speedie furtherance to so honorable an action, in after times to see our Nation to enjoy a Country, not onely exceeding pleasant for habitation, but also very profitable for comerce in generall; no doubt pleasing to almightie God, honourable to our gracious Soveraigne, and commodious generally to the whole Kingdome.
1 Before "was" supply "it."
2 Of the original council Wingfield and Archer left the colony with New- port in the John and Francis; Martin in the Phoenix. Gosnold had died in the first summer and Kendall was shot. President Ratcliffe and Smith were the only two remaining, though Matthew Scrivener, who arrived in the First Supply, shared the authority with them. The condition of peace described by Smith did not long prevail.
DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE COLONIE BY CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH, 1612
INTRODUCTION
THE first part of this work is evidently an expanded and revised text of that "Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed Relation of the countries and Nations that inhabit them," which President John Smith sent home about Novem- ber, 1608, to the council in London, as the result of his explora- tions in Chesapeake Bay in the previous summer. Smith doubtless furnished the manuscript to Dr. William Simmonds, who revised it, and it was published at the expense of T. Abbay, who went with Smith to Virginia. It is a remarkably faithful account of the topography of Virginia, and of the Indian in- habitants. The second part was the result of the combined pens of at least six gentlemen and soldiers, who were friends of Smith. It was compiled and added to by Richard Pots, one of the expedition, tested and revised by William Simmonds, D. D., and published by T. Abbay. Whenever prejudice has no occasion to exist, the narrative may be accepted as correct and faithful; but the acts and motives of Wingfield, Archer, and the leading men not of Smith's party, receive but scant justice or consideration. Men were good haters in Smith's day, and there was no such thing as moderation of expression when an enemy was aimed at.
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