USA > Virginia > Narratives of early Virginia, 1606-1625 > Part 32
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James towne being burnt, wee rebuilt it and three Forts more: besides the Church and Store-house, we had about fortie or fiftie severall houses to keepe us warme and dry, invironed with a palizado of fourteene or fifteene foot, and each as much as three or foure men could carrie. We digged a faire Well of fresh water in the Fort, where wee had three Bulwarks, foure and twentie peece of Ordnance (of Culvering, Demicul- vering, Sacar and Falcon), and most well mounted upon con- venient plat-formes: planted one hundred acres of Corne.3 We had but six ships to transport and supply us, and but two hundred seventy seven men, boies, and women: by whose labours Virginia being brought to this kinde of perfection, the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by this small meanes; yet because we had done no more, they called in our Commission, tooke a new in their owne names, and appointed us neere as many offices and Officers as I had
1 1609.
2 In May, 1609, Smith divided the settlers into small parties, but it was to escape starvation rather than to establish settlements.
3 In the earlier narratives the area of cultivation was put at forty acres.
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[1609
Souldiers, that neither knew us nor wee them, without our consents or knowledge. Since,1 there have gone more then one hundred ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thou- sand people. Now if you please to compare what hath beene spent, sent, discovered, and done this fifteene yeares, by that we did in the three first yeares : and every Governor that hath beene there since, give you but such an account as this, you may easily finde what hath beene the cause of those disasters in Virginia.
Then came in Captaine Argall, and Mr Sedan, in a ship of Mr Cornelius, to fish for Sturgion; who had such good provision, we contracted with them for it, whereby we were better furnished then ever.
Not long after came in seven ships,with about three hun- dred people; but rather to supplant us then supply us : their Admirall with their authoritie being cast away in the Ber- mudas, very angry they were we had made no better provision for them. Seven or eight weekes we withstood the inunda- tions of these disorderly humors, till I was neere blowne to death with Gun-powder, which occasioned me to returne for England.
In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas, I left the Countrey, as is formerly related, with three ships, seven Boats, Com- modities to trade, harvest newly gathered, eight weeks pro- vision of Corne and Meale, about five hundred persons, three hundred Muskets, shot powder and match with armes for more men then we had. The Salvages their language and habitation well knowne to two hundred expert Souldiers ; Nets for fishing, tooles of all sorts, apparell to supply their wants: six Mares and a Horse, five or six hundred Swine, many more Powltry, what was brought or bred, but victuall, there remained.
Having spent some five yeares, and more then five hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and neere as much more about New England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares I have here and there not spared any thing
1 I.e., by 1624.
399
1624]
SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV.
according to my abilitie, nor the best advice I could, to per- swade how those strange miracles of misery might have beene prevented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must insue, but few would beleeve me till now too deerely they have paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I have rather left all then undertake impossibilities, or any more" such costly taskes at such chargeable rates: for in neither of those two Countries have I one foot of Land, nor the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor ever any content or satisfaction at all. And though I see ordinarily those two Countries shared before me by them that neither have them nor knowes them, but by my descrip- tions : Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to heare and see those contentions and divisions which will hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not found, as they have hindred many hundreds, who would have beene there ere now, and makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre.
For the Books and Maps I have made, I will thanke him that will shew me so much for so little recompence; and beare with their errors till I have done better. For the materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to affirme them both there and here, upon such grounds as I have pro- pounded : which is to have but fifteene hundred men to sub- due againe the Salvages, fortifie the Countrey, discover that yet unknowne, and both defend and feed their Colony, which I most humbly refer to his Majesties most judiciall judgement, and the most honourable Lords of his Privy Councill, you his trusty and well-beloved Commissioners, and the Honourable company of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England and Sommer-Ilands.
Out of these Observations it pleased his Majesties Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, to desire my answer to these seven Questions.
Quest. 1. What conceive you is the cause the Plantation hath prospered no better since you left it in so good a forwardnesse ?
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[1624
Answ. Idlenesse and carelesnesse brought all I did in three yeeres, in six moneths to nothing; and of five hundred I left, scarce threescore remained; and had Sir Thomas Gates not got from the Bermudas, I thinke they had beene all dead before they could be supplied.
Quest. 2. What conceive you should be the cause, though the Country be good, there comes nothing but Tobacco ?
Answ. The oft altering of Governours it seemes causes every man make use of his time, and because Corne was stinted at two shillings six pence the bushell, and Tobacco at three shillings the pound; and they value a mans labour a yeere worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not worth ten pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with all things: now make a mans labour in Corne worth threescore pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound a man, then shall they have Corne sufficient to entertaine all commers, and keepe their people in health to doe any thing; but till then, there will be little or nothing to any purpose.
Quest. 3. What conceive you to have beene the cause of the Massacre, and had the Salvages had the use of any peeces in your time, or when, or by whom they were taught ?
Answ. The cause of the Massacre was the want of marshall discipline; and because they would have all the English had by destroying those they found so carelesly secure, that they were not provided to defend themselves against any enemy; being so dispersed as they were. In my time, though Captaine Nuport furnished them with swords by truck, and many fugi- tives did the like, and some Peeces they got accidentally : yet I got the most of them againe; and it was death to him that should shew a Salvage the use of a Peece. Since, I under- stand, they became so good shot, they were imployed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by the English.
Quest. 4. What charge thinke you would have setled the government both for defence and planting when you left it ?
Answ. Twenty thousand pound would have hyred good labourers and mechanicall men, and have furnished them with cattle and all necessaries; and 100. of them would have
401
SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV.
1624]
done more then a thousand of those that went: though the Lord Laware, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary; but when they had tried, they confessed their error.
Quest. 5. What conceive you would be the remedy and the charge ?
Answ. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of labourers and necessaries for them, that they may be there by next Michaelmas,1 the which to doe well will stand you in five thousand pound : but if his Majesty would please to lend two of his Ships to transport them, lesse would serve; besides the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage all men.
Quest. 6. What thinke you are the defects of the government both here and there ?
Answ. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers there, makes such delaies by questions and formalitie, that as much time is spent in complement as in action; besides, some are so desirous to imploy their ships, having six pounds for every Passenger, and three pounds for every tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may now better be procured then one at the first, when the common stocke defrayed all fraughts, wages, provisions and Magazines, whereby the Ships are so pestred, as occasions much sicknesse, diseases and mortality : for though all the Passengers die they are sure of their fraught; and then all must be satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses and hopes. As for the letters of advice from hence, and their answers thence, they are so well written, men would beleeve there were no great doubt of the perform- ance, and that all things were wel, to which error here they have beene ever much subject; and there not to beleeve, or not to releeve the true and poore estate of that Colony, whose fruits were commonly spent before they were ripe, and this losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are not sensible of the losse of their adventures, and so they thinke, or will not take notice; but it is so with all men. But how- soever they thinke or dispose of all things at their pleasure, I
1 1624.
2 D
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NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA
[1624
am sure not my selfe onely, but a thousand others have not onely spent the most of their estates, but the most part have lost their lives and all, onely but to make way for the triall of more new conclusions: and he that now will adventure but twelve pounds ten shillings, shall have better respect and as much favour then he that sixteene yeere agoe adventured as much, except he have money as the other hath; but though he have adventured five hundred pound, and spent there never so much time, if hee have no more and not able to begin a family of himselfe, all is lost by order of Court.
But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of one purse, till those new devices have consumed both mony and purse; for at first there were but six Patentees, now more then a thousand; then but thirteene Counsailors, now not lesse then an hundred: I speake not of all, for there are some both honourable and honest, but of those Officers which did they manage their owne estates no better then the affaires of Virginia, they would quickly fall to decay so well as it. But this is most evident, few Officers in England it hath caused to turne Banquerupts, nor for all their complaints would leave their places; neither yet any of their Officers there, nor few of the rest but they would be at home. But fewer Adventurers here will adventure any more till they see the businesse better established, although there be some so wilfully improvident they care for nothing but to get thither, and then if their friends be dead, or want themselves, they die or live but poorely for want of necessaries, and to thinke the old Planters can releeve them were too much simplicity; for who here in England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers, have they never so much; much lesse in Virginia where they want for themselves. Now the generall complaint saith, that pride, covetousnesse, extortion and oppression in a few that ingrosses all, then sell all againe to the comminalty at what rate they please (yea even men, women and children for who will give most), occasions no small mischiefe amongst the Planters.
As for the Company, or those that doe transport them, provided of necessaries, God forbid but they should receive
403
SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV.
1624]
their charges againe with advantage,1 or that masters there should not have the same privilege over their servants as here : but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or threescore pounds, whom the Company hath sent over for eight or ten pounds at the most, without regard how they shall be maintained with apparell, meat, drinke and lodging, is odious, and their fruits sutable : therefore such merchants it were better they were made such merchandize themselves, then suffered any longer to use that trade, and those are defects sufficient to bring a well setled Common-wealth to misery, much more Virginia. Quest. 7. How thinke you it may be rectified ?
Answ. If his Majestie would please to intitle it to his Crowne,2 and yearely that both the Governours here and there may give their accounts to you, or some that are not ingaged in the businesse, that the common stocke bee not spent in maintaining one hundred men for the Governour, one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the Treasurer, five and twenty for the Secretary, and more for the Marshall and other Officers who were never there nor adventured any thing; but onely preferred by favour to be Lords over them that broke the ice and beat the path, and must teach them what to doe. If any thing happen well, it is their glory; if ill, the fault of the old directors, that in all dangers must endure the worst, yet not five hundred of them have so much as one of the others. Also that there bee some present course taken to maintaine a Gar- rison to suppresse the Salvages, till they be able to subsist, and that his Majesty would please to remit his custome; or it is to be feared they will lose custome and all, for this cannot be done by promises, hopes, counsels and countenances, but with sufficient workmen and meanes to maintaine them: not such delinquents as here cannot be ruled by all the lawes in England. Yet when the foundation is laid, as I have said, and a common-wealth established, then such there may better be constrained to labour then here; but to rectifie a common- wealth with debaushed people is impossible, and no wise man would throw himselfe into such a society, that intends honestly
1 Profit. 2 Resume Virginia to himself.
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NARRATIVES OF EARLY VIRGINIA
[1624
and knowes what he undertakes. For there is no Country to pillage as the Romans found : all you expect from thence must be by labour.
For the government I thinke there is as much adoe about it as the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, men here con- ceiting Virginia as they are, erecting as many stately Offices as Officers with their attendants, as there are labourers in the Countrey: where a Constable were as good as twenty of their Captaines; and three hundred good Souldiers and labourers better then all the rest, that goe onely to get the fruits of other mens labours by the title of an office. Thus they spend Michaelmas rent in Mid-summer Moone, and would gather their Harvest before they have planted their Corne.
As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that went never demanded any, but adventured good summes: and it seemes strange to me, the fruits of all their labours, besides the expence of an hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and such multitudes of people, those collaterall Officers could not main- taine themselves so well as the old did; and having now such liberty to doe to the Salvages what they will, the others had not.1 I more then wonder they have not five hundred Salvages to worke for them towards their generall maintenance; and as many more to returne some content and satisfaction to the Adventurers, that for all their care, charge and diligence, can heare nor see nothing but miserable complaints: therefore under your correction to rectifie all, is with all expedition to passe the authority to them who will releeve them, lest all bee consumed ere the differences be determined. And except his Majestie undertake it, or by Act of Parlament some small tax may be granted throughout his Dominions, as a Penny upon every Poll, called a head-penny ; two pence upon every Chim- ney, or some such collection might be raised, and that would be sufficient to give a good stocke, and many servants to sufficient men of any facultie, and transport them freely for paying onely homage to the Crowne of England, and such
1 Which the others had not.
405
SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV.
1624]
duties to the publike good as, their estates increased, reason should require. Were this put in practice, how many people of what quality you please, for all those disasters would yet gladly goe to spend their lives there, and by this meanes more good might be done in one yeere, then all those pety particular undertakings will effect in twenty.
For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take it from them that have it, then from us who had it first; pre- tending to his Majesty what great matters they would doe, and how little we did: and for any thing I can conceive had we remained still as at first, it is not likely we could have done much worse; but those oft altering of governments are not without much charge, hazard and losse. If I be too plaine, I humbly crave your pardon; but you requested me, therefore I doe but my duty. For the Nobility, who knowes not how freely both in their Purses and assistances many of them have beene to advance it, committing the managing of the businesse to inferiour persons : amongst whom questionlesse also many have done their utmost best, sincerely and truly according to their conceit, opinion and understanding; yet grosse errors have beene committed, but no man lives without his fault. For my owne part, I have so much adoe to amend my owne, I have no leisure to looke into any mans particular,1 but those in generall I conceive to be true. And so I humbly rest
Yours to command, J. S.
Thus those discords, not being to be compounded among themselves; nor yet by the extraordinary diligences, care and paines of the noble and right worthy Commissioners, Sir William Jones, Sir Nicholas Fortescue, Sir Francis Goston, Sir Richard Sutton, Sir Henry Bourgchier and Sir William Pit: a Corante 2 was granted against Master Deputy Farrar,
1 Particular fault.
2 A quo warranto. For the events attending the dissolution of the Virginia Company, see Miss Kingsbury's introduction to the Records, and Neill's Virginia Company of London.
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[1624
and 20. or 30. others of that party, to plead their causes before the right Honourable the Lords of His Majesties Privy Coun- cell. Now notwithstanding all the Relations, Examinations, and intercepting of all Letters whatsoever came from thence, yet it seemes they were so farre unsatisfied and desired to know the truth, as well for the preservation of the Colony, as to give content and doe all men right, they sent two Commissioners strictly to examine the true estate of the Colony. Upon whose returne after mature deliberation, it pleased his royall Majesty to suppresse the course of the Court at Deputy Farrars: and that for the present ordering the affaires of Virginia, untill he should make a more full settlement thereof, the Lord Viscount Mandevile, Lord President of his Majesties Privie Councell, and also other Privy Councellors, with many understanding Knights and Gentlemen, should every Thursday in the after- noone meet at Sir Thomas Smiths in Philpot lane: where all men whom it should concerne may repaire, to receive such directions and warrant for their better security; as more at large you may see in the Proclamation to that effect, under the great Seale of England, dated the 15. of July, 1624.1 But as for the relations last returned, what numbers they are, how many Cities, Corporations, townes, and houses, cattle and horse they have; what fortifications or discoveries they have made, or revenge upon the Salvages; who are their friends or foes; or what commodities they have more then Tobacco ; and their present estate or what is presently to be put in execu- tion : in that the Commissioners are not yet fully satisfied in the one, nor resolved in the other, at this present time when this went to the Presse, I must intreat you pardon me till I be better assured.
Thus far I have travelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia, not being ignorant for all my paines this discourse will be wrested, tossed and turned as many waies as there is leaves; that I have writ too much of some, too little of others, and many
1 In Hazard's Historical Collections, I. 183, or Rymer's Fodera, XVII. 609.
1624]
SMITH'S GENERALL HISTORIE, BOOK IV.
407
such like objections .. To such I must answer, in the Companies name I was requested to doe it, if any have concealed their approved experiences from my knowledge, they must excuse me : as for every fatherles or stolne relation, or whole volumes of sofisticated rehearsals, I leave them to the charge of them that desire them. I thanke God I never undertooke any thing yet any 1 could tax me of carelesnesse or dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or troublesome ? Ah! were these my accusers but to change cases and places with me but 2. yeeres, or till they had done but so much as I, it may be they would judge more charitably of my imperfec- tions. But here I must leave all to the triall of time, both my selfe, Virginia's preparations, proceedings and good events ; praying to that great God the protector of all goodnesse to send them as good successe as the goodnesse of the action and Country deserveth, and my heart desireth.
1 Wherein any.
THE VIRGINIA PLANTERS' ANSWER TO CAPTAIN BUTLER, 1623
INTRODUCTION
CAPTAIN NATHANIEL BUTLER served as governor of the Ber- muda Islands from the spring of 1619 to October, 1622, during which time he got into trouble by extorting money from some Spaniards who had been shipwrecked there. He spent the winter of 1622-1623 in Virginia, and on his return to England in the spring presented to the king a document called "The Un- masked face of our Colony in Virginia as it was in the Winter of the yeare 1622." After this no more was heard of the com- plaint which the Spanish minister had lodged against him for his conduct in the Bermudas. The company, deeming it necessary to reply to Butler at once, drew up the paper below and sent out and secured the affidavits of each of the persons in London best acquainted with Virginia affairs. As far as Butler's attack proved anything, it showed how much credit the managers of the company deserved for having rescued the colony from the depths of despair to which it had been brought by the evils of the old government of martial law.
The text of this document is taken from the "court books" of the Virginia Company preserved in the Library of Congress. It occurs in The Records of the Virginia Company of London (Washington, 1906), II. 381-385. It was first printed by Neill in his Virginia Company of London, pp. 395-404. Butler's paper is embodied in it.
L. G. T.
411
THE VIRGINIA PLANTERS' ANSWER TO CAPTAIN BUTLER, 1623
The Answers of divers Planters that have long lived in Virginia, as alsoe of sundry Marriners and other persons that have bene often at Virginia unto a paper intituled: The Unmasked face of our Colony in Virginia, as it was in the Winter of the yeare 1622.
1. I FOUNDE the Plantacions generally seated uppon meere Salt marishes full of infectious Boggs and muddy Creekes and Lakes, and therby subjected to all those inconveniences and diseases which are soe commonly found in the moste Unsounde and most Unhealthy parts of England wherof everie Country and Clymate hath some.
Answere 1. Wee say that there is no place inhabited but is conveniently habitable. And for the first 1 plantacion weh is Kiccoutan against weh (if any be) most exception may be made, itt is every way soe well disposed that in that place well governed men may enjoy their healthes and live as plentifully as in any parte of England or other his Maties Dominions, yett that there are Marishes in some places wee acknowledge; Butt soe as they are more Comodious for divers good respects and uses then if they were wantinge.2 As for Boggs wee knowe of none in all the Country and for the rest of the Plantacions as Newports News, Blunt poynt, Wariscoyake, Martins Hun- dred, Paspahey, and all the Plantacions right over against James Citty, and all the Plantacions above these weh are many,
1 I.e., the plantation nearest the mouth of the river.
2 Eastern Virginia is intersected with great numbers of creeks and rivers, lined with marshes, the favorite resorts of sora, ducks, and other toothsome birds.
412
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THE ANSWER TO CAPTAIN BUTLER
1623]
they are verie fruitfull and pleasant Seates, free from Salt Marishes being all on the fresh River, and they are all verie healthfull and high land except James Citty weh is yett as high as Debtforde or Radclyffe.1
2. I founde the shores and sides of those partes of the Mayne River where our Plantacions are setled every wher soe shallow as noe Boates can approach the shores, soe that besides the difficulty daunger and spoile of goods in the Landinge of them the people are forced to a Continuall wadinge and wettinge of themselves and that in the prime 2 of winter when the Shipps commonly arrive, and therby gett such vyolent surfetts of colde uppon colde as seldom leave them until they leave to live.
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