The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol II, Part 24

Author: Lamb, Wallace E. (Wallace Emerson), 1905-1961
Publication date: 1940
Publisher: New York : The American historical company, inc.
Number of Pages: 470


USA > Vermont > The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol II > Part 24


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43


As we have already indicated, the dairy industry gradually dis- placed sheep raising as the dominant agricultural interest in the twenty years following the Civil War. In addition to the factors that tended


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to undermine the profits of raising sheep there were other reasons for this evolution. With the invention of the mowing machine and the harvester the production of hay and grain became more and more unprofitable in Vermont because machinery was not adapted to rough sidehills, whereas it was admirably suited to the flat plains of the west. The tendency then was for the farmers of this area to convert grain fields and meadows into pastures. At the same time the north- eastern part of the United States was becoming rapidly industrialized, creating a growing market for butter and cheese; and at a later time, milk.


At first some of those breeds intended primarily for beef were used for the production of butter and cheese. Among these there were both Shorthorns and Devons. The first of the dairy breeds was apparently the Ayrshire. It had a fine reputation for hardiness, and was brought into New York State by Scotch immigrants about 1800. Importation of Guernseys began in 1840, yet little headway was made with them until 1882. At first it was feared that Jerseys were too delicate to withstand our cold climate, but they began to drift in around 1850. This breed played an important part in transforming Vermont into a dairy State. The Holstein was probably the first dairy breed introduced into New York State, but did not exercise its present-day dominance in the Champlain Valley until the emphasis changed from butter to milk, the Holstein being noted primarily for the quantity produced. It did not penetrate to Addison County until nearly 1870.


The most astounding development in the butter and cheese indus- try took place in the third quarter of the nineteenth century at St. Albans in Franklin County. Here, butter production increased from 1,149,225 pounds in 1852 to 3,270, 182 pounds in 1871, while cheese manufactured grew from 600,000 pounds to 2,000,000 pounds in the same period before the decline set in.


From early times up to the present there have been great changes in the methods of making and marketing these two products. Originally, of course, cream was skimmed off the milk, setting in earthen milk- pans, and converted into butter by the slow and wearisome dash-churn. All the butter of the whole township, good, bad, or indifferent, went to the village store, where it was bartered for those goods which were foreign to the Champlain Valley. There, with little discrimination or


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sorting, these individual parcels of butter were packed together in one mass in large firkins or wooden tubs. In the winter it went to market by sleighs, while in the summer it was shipped by lumber wagons and boats. On the way it usually traveled with other products covering a wide range, so that by the time it reached its destination it must have had scores of weird smells and odors. During the 1870s the establishment of creameries was extensive. By that time more sani- tary methods were in use, and transportation facilities were, of course, much faster, making it possible for butter to be carried farther and delivered in better condition than before. In the 188os the cen- trifugal separator was introduced into the Champlain Valley, and this further stimulated the growth and importance of creameries. In addition to this, the separator opened up a new dairy horizon, consist- ing of the sweet cream market.


Cheese was not packed in the early days, as it is now, in neat boxes. Four or five cheeses were placed together in a special cheese cask, the manufacture of which generally kept the local cooper busy. At first all cheese was made at the farm homes, but gradually its manufacture was shifted to factories until they dominated the picture almost completely.


Every time the Champlain Valley became absorbed in some phase of agriculture, it soon found itself crowded out of that field, by west- ern competition, into some newer interest. We have already seen Vermont and New York wheat, meat and wool almost vanish in this manner. Now the same thing was about to happen to our butter and cheese industry. As early as 1870 western competition was under way and in time such states as Michigan, Minnesota and Wisconsin flooded the eastern markets. The result was that Vermont and north- eastern New York gradually deserted butter and cheese in favor of milk in the liquid state. Today, most all deliveries at dairy plants are in the form of liquid milk and about two-thirds is reshipped the same way. Whether we think in terms of Vermont, our New York coun- ties as a group, or the Champlain Valley on the whole, the raising of dairy cattle and the production of milk constitute the chief agricul- tural interest. When "Life" stated in 1937 that Vermont's cattle exceeded its people in number, it could have said the same about Wash- ington County and would not have been far wrong in the case of Clinton. The Champlain milk reservoir is entirely located in the


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Boston and New York zones. "Life" is also authority for the esti- mate that Vermont annually ships 1,000,000,000 pounds of milk to the cities of the east, getting in return a $25,000,000 check for its


(Courtesy of the Burlington Chamber of Commerce) CHURCH STREET, BURLINGTON, IN 1860


dairy farmers. At present one of the dominating features of our landscape is the black and white Holstein cow.


Sanitary dairying methods were not practiced until about fifty years ago. Before that time wood containers were almost universally


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used for milk. How they affected not only the purity of the fluid but also the taste, can readily be imagined. In any case, few people real- ized up to fairly recent times the facility with which milk could trans- mit disease. Little thought was given to tubercular cattle, and their milk was mixed with that produced by other cows. Animals fairly reeked with filth at times, while the men engaged in milking were often dirty, careless, or diseased. In most cases, however, all this has changed. Today, as a rule, milk is relatively free from germs and filth, and the bulk of it is pasteurized. If I were called upon to name the greatest improvement that has taken place in the dairying industry in the last fifty years, I would say without hesitation that it was better sanitation. Today it is difficult to adulterate milk with- out detection, but until late in the nineteenth century it was almost universally practiced. Perhaps this fact explains the old-time popu- larity of that interesting hymn, "Shall We Gather at the River," which has often been designated as the milkman's song. Now, how- ever, milk consumers are quite well protected against this variety of fraud.


Poultry raising as a farm industry is a feature of contemporary agriculture. Until recently, fowls were not raised-they merely existed. They certainly were not fed scientifically and sometimes were not fed at all, being forced to live on range and what refuse and gar- bage they could find. Yet today probably more rural people are inter- ested in poultry than in any other livestock or any product of the land. In this field of agriculture investments are proportionately small and the gamble or risk taken is relatively slight. It has been estimated that in 1934 New York State produced eggs worth $22,- 251,350 and fowls worth $13,433,176; while in the same year Ver- mont's eggs were valued at $1,456,990, and her chickens at $906,684. Vermont has in certain areas received a favored position in the turkey markets that was well earned. Restaurant menus proudly advertise "Fresh Vermont Turkey." In January, 1935, however, there were only 8,496 three-months-old turkeys alive in all Vermont, probably fewer in number than the restaurants mentioned.


Statistics are usually dry, but are quite interesting when we com- pare the recent and present agricultural interests of our eleven coun- ties. To be certain that we obtain an accurate picture, however, we must remember that these political sub-divisions vary considerably, not


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only in size but also in the extent of workable farm land. As a rule the New York counties are much larger than those located in Ver- mont, but the proportion of land suitable for agriculture is smaller. Essex County, with 1,175,040 acres, is not only the largest in this area, but also in all of New York State, with the exception of St. Law- rence. Next in order is Clinton County, with 671,360 acres. Then come Rutland, Warren, Washington, Saratoga, Addison, Bennington, Franklin, Chittenden, and finally little Grand Isle, which contains but 53, 120 acres. When we compare the counties as to the percentage of total acreage suitable for agriculture, however, the order is nearly reversed. Here Grand Isle County is on top with 89.5 per cent, while rocky Essex is lowest with 25 per cent. In between, from top to bot- tom, we find Franklin, Chittenden, Washington, Addison, Rutland, Clinton, Saratoga, Bennington and Warren. When we arrange these eleven counties in order of acreage suitable for agriculture, which for certain purposes is the fairest basis of comparison, we find that they range from Washington County with 420,578 acres, to Clinton with 416,453, Rutland with 389,439, Addison with 370,534, Franklin with 363,830, Essex with 294,264 Chittenden with 278,920, Saratoga with 272,763, Bennington with 184,457, Warren with 148,050 and Grand Isle with 47,562 .*


As a rule Vermont farms are larger than those on the New York side of the Champlain Valley. The largest farms, not only in this area but also in all Vermont, are to be found in Addison County, where the average size is 167.9 acres. The only one of our Vermont counties ranking below the highest of our five New York divisions is Grand Isle, with 99.9 acres. When, however, we consider the value of farms per acre we find that little Grand Isle leads with $59.55, fol- lowed by Saratoga County with $42.58, Chittenden with $42.11, Clin- ton with $35.05, Bennington with $33.64, Addison with $32.16, Franklin with $31.92, Washington with $30.23, Essex with $29.24, Rutland with $27.68, and last, by Warren with $23.98, which is less than one-half that of Grand Isle County.


In January, 1935, Franklin County with 48,459 cattle not only led our other ten subdivisions, but all Vermont counties as well. Follow- ing closely behind was Washington with 47,529. Then came Clinton with 42, 140, Rutland with 40,926, Addison with 40,435, Chittenden


*Figures based on 1934 and 1935 statistics.


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with 35,681, followed by Saratoga, Essex, Bennington, Grand Isle and Warren in that order. Washington County led all others in horses with 6,212, followed closely by Clinton with 6,170. Franklin County, with 4,821, had more than any other subdivision in all Ver- mont. Washington also led in number of sheep raised, this time by a wide margin. With a total of 12,338 it possessed more than the combined total of the next two counties (Addison, 5,846; Essex, 4,759). Swine production found New York supreme, Clinton County leading with 3,116, and being followed in order by Saratoga and Washington. Franklin led the six Vermont counties with 2,374. On the other hand, the turkey industry has favored the Green Mountain area. Franklin County led the other ten and all of Vermont's sub- divisions as well with 1,736. Washington County followed with 1,036.


Apple orchards exist in abundance throughout much of this region, from the Canadian border to the southern limits. On the New York side, in 1934, Clinton County in the far north produced 105,016 bushels, while Saratoga County in the extreme south grew 96,938. In Vermont, Franklin and Chittenden counties produce few apples; but there is a broad belt from Grand Isle stretching across Addison and Rutland into Bennington County, which alone produced 74,521 bushels in that year. During 1934, Saratoga County produced 101,769 quarts of strawberries, and Washington grew 85,251. Among our six Vermont counties, Chittenden led all others with 39,461 quarts.


In terms of dollars and cents, hay is the main crop in both Ver- mont and New York. Washington County led in 1934 with 102,967 tons, followed by Franklin with 99,265, Addison with 89,795, and Rutland with 88,909. With reference to oats threshed, Clinton led with 366,704 bushels, followed by Washington with 273,354 and Franklin with 234,680, which exceeds that of any other Vermont county. As for corn acreage, Washington led with 23,232 acres, more than the combined total of any two of the other ten counties. Clinton County led in barley production with 16,112 bushels, followed by Addison, which with 12,067 led all Vermont. Irish potatoes con- stituted an extremely important crop in both States. Washington County produced a total of 768,764 bushels in 1934, followed by Clin- ton with 651,672. Third place was won by Rutland County with 281,964 bushels. When we study the statistics of all farm garden


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vegetables, excluding potatoes, we find that Saratoga led with a crop value of $101,867. Washington followed with $75,943, Clinton with $75,777, and Rutland with $70,495.


We have devoted considerable emphasis to the development of agriculture in the Champlain Valley, and to its present status, with special reference to breeding, farm methods, production statistics and evolution from one phase to another. It is now time to consider the farmer himself, rural conditions and present trends.


One of the most far-reaching changes that have taken place in this area, or elsewhere, has resulted from the transition from farming to industry. Of course I do not mean to imply that industry dominates the Champlain Valley in the sense that factories have sprung up every- where. What I mean is that our nation as a whole has changed from an agricultural to an industrial country, and that this general transition has vastly affected the people of this section.


In the first place, while the number of people living in cities, and therefore dependent on industry, has rapidly increased, the power of the rural districts politically and otherwise has decreased alarmingly. Taking New York State as a whole, as late as 1880, 44 per cent of the people lived on farms with 56 per cent residing in the urban areas. Ten years later the rural population was but 35 per cent; in 1900, 27; in 1910, 21 ; in 1920, 17; and in 1930, 16. The chief interest of the great majority of New Yorkers in agricultural prices is that of consumers, rather than of producers. While Vermont is still primarily a rural area the industrial centers have become increasingly more powerful as the decades have rolled by. As time has passed the farmer has seen his power wane, both in these two States and nationally. Even with equality of numbers there would still be inequality of influence in the councils of government because State or National groups which, like farmers, are spread out over a wide area without cohesion are neces- sarily inferior in power to compact, centralized groups. The farmer is also an easy prey to propaganda, and is easily convinced that while it is constitutional for bounties to be given to manufacturers in the shape of a protective tariff, it is unconstitutional to extend financial benefits to agriculture.


Industrialized centers have also served as sirens to lure men, women and children from the farms. In the city there were definite hours of labor, whereas in the country there was work from dawn to


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dark and, in certain times of the year, some hours in addition to day- light. In the urban area there was also a high-sounding wage, com- pared with which that earned on the farm looked meager indeed. There were the latest improvements; shows, circuses, and something always going on. When hired men began to leave their drab rural surroundings, farm labor became scarce and the owner was forced to increased expenses or to greater personal labor to make ends meet. Then his children began to crave city life, and set out to make their fortune. Sometimes the farmer himself afterward joined them and abandoned his land; sometimes he died at the old homestead; but in either case the farm was frequently abandoned altogether. In cer- tain of the poorer agricultural regions of the Champlain Valley there remains not a single house and it is only by ruined foundations and remnants of fruit orchards that the casual traveler can believe that anyone ever lived there. I know intimately of one of these sections; I know the struggles of the early farmers in carving garden spots out of the wilderness; I know what their achievements were. Yet the only evidences of their existence left today are neglected cemeteries grown up with weeds, and memories almost unrecorded. All else has disappeared-the entire population having gradually moved away to enjoy a more mechanistic civilization. The beautiful valley that they once called "Home" is allowed to sleep in peace, disturbed only by pass- ing motorists and picnickers who scatter papers, bottles and other refuse in all directions. Whether these farmers followed false gods is not so important now. Perhaps they found a more appreciable percentage of the world's wealth; perhaps they found that they were better fitted for other occupations than farming; but perhaps also they found that higher wages did not necessarily mean greater prosperity, that some one else's pasture always looks greener than one's own, and that, in spite of shorter actual hours of labor in the city, they enjoyed less inde- pendence and much less personal liberty than on the farms now that they had become small cogs on a gilded wheel.


In our discussion of farm machinery it was stated that although these improvements make farm work much easier than before, and much more attractive, there are also certain drawbacks. Machinery increases farm expenses, at the same time it results in greater income. If crops are reasonably successful all is well. Farming, however, is a hazardous enterprise due to weather conditions, insects, diseases, etc.


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The greater the investment, therefore, the greater is the gamble. A few bad crops while payments are being made for machinery can plunge a farmer into bankruptcy. Another difficulty of the farmer is in obtaining long-term credit, because the banking fraternity prefers short-term loans. In industry there is a quick turnover, but in agri- culture this is not so. There are few short-cuts in nature, although there may be many inside the factory. The farmer is also at a dis- advantage under our past and present tax structure. It must be admitted that land is easy to tax and that the possession of it is diffi- cult to hide from tax collectors, but the real estate holder serves as a whipping-boy when local taxes are collected; while others may or may not do their share. Increased real estate taxes fall heaviest on the farmer.


The farmer is often at the mercy of middlemen when marketing his produce. The average city resident undoubtedly feels that milk is high enough in price and perhaps he is right; but the farmer that produces it only receives an exceedingly small portion, with which he must meet all the expenses connected with dairying. In this field of agriculture there happens to be overproduction. Milk is a necessity to the human race, particularly children. On the one hand farmers of the Champlain Valley should have a fair price for their product ; yet on the other hand city children should not be allowed to starve. Milk strikes harm everyone concerned. Our governing agencies have recognized the public character of the milk industry and have taken various steps to bring order out of chaos and to control it in the public interest. Some aspects of the milk question are interstate in character, while others are clearly intrastate, and at present the ques- tion of milk control is a matter for constitutional litigation. The legal basis of milk control is at present uncertain.


Farming has been a sick industry nationally ever since the end of the World War. Even during times of prosperity, agriculture was dormant. Yet the farm is clearly the backbone of any civilization, and no nation can continue great for an extended period without pros- perous agriculture. This statement is at least as true of our Cham- plain Valley as of the nation as a whole. The situation at present, particularly in the milk industry, is not too encouraging. In times past when one agricultural pursuit became unprofitable here it was


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more or less abandoned in favor of something else, but it is difficult to see how history can repeat itself today when apparently no agricul- tural occupation is profitable. The residents of this area are not the type, however, to be easily discouraged, and since the time that the Champlain Valley was first opened to the white man, they have suc- cessfully weathered a great variety of crises.


It is of vital importance that both our State and national gov- ernments appreciate the significance of agrarian problems, which are today facing us, not only here but in other states. The history of the world shows us that a nation without farmers is headed for decay. What happened to ancient Rome may, or may not, happen here, depend- ing largely upon whether the industrialized centers realize that the farmer is vital to their well-being.


There were many causes of the downfall of Rome, but none was more important than the plight of agriculture. In some cases farms were sold for debts, being bought up by Roman merchants and aris- tocrats to form large plantations or estates. In other cases farmers found that they could not compete with slave labor on these planta- tions, and they too were forced to sell out. The rural population of the Italian peninsula slowly drifted from farms to the city of Rome, where they, instead of producing food, became dependent upon the government for what they ate. They formed the mob that under- mined the republic, supporting the politicians who promised the most; they deteriorated physically and when Rome was invaded they were no match for the barbarians; and, in any case, not being home owners, they were not vitally concerned with the future. Rome had decayed inside and was like a hollow tree ready to be blown over by a stiff breeze.


There are certain similarities in our American situation, although the Champlain Valley is not typical in all ways of our national agri- culture as a whole. In this section farmers are not compelled to com- pete with human beings held in a state of peonage, as they are in some sections of the south-a situation that is akin to slavery. It is true that here and there we find small farms bought up and converted to huge tracts operated by former captains of industry, whose main con- cern is their own enjoyment rather than profitable agriculture. This tendency has not reached the danger point yet, however, and we even find that the average size of farm in both Vermont and New York has actually decreased since 1930. Yet agriculture here and in the


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nation is in such a demoralized condition that there exists a danger- ous trend from the farm to towns and cities. Farm prices in some instances are below the cost of production, although many people in the world are in danger of starvation. Farms are abandoned while the hordes of unemployed and unemployables in the urban centers are so great as to suggest a permanent situation which may exist even in prosperous times. This is somewhat similar to that condition which forced Rome's downfall, although it happened in a different way. Whether the farm problem existing here will work out in the same manner as it did in ancient Rome only the future knows. It is sufficient here to point out the dangers dormant in a situation where tillers of the soil and keepers of herds are forced to abandon or sell their farms to join the growing urban throng. The farmer, particularly in our day and age, constitutes our nation's first line of defense, whether we speak of our territory or our democracy. The home-owner is the best fighter when invasion threatens; as time passes the outcome of wars depends more and more on food and other resources; and no other section of our population exceeds the farmer in his spirit of independence and antipathy toward political restraint.


What Henry C. Wallace said in 1925 applies perfectly to agri- culture in the Champlain area : "We must build up an ideal of an agricultural civilization. Too many of our most thoughtful people assume that urbanization and civilization are the same thing. They even think that the farm population is a positive drag on the progress of the cities. They see nothing particularly worth while in generation after generation living, striving with nature, and dying on the farm. . . . It is sad but true that we have failed as yet to build up a farm community civilization which offers as many satisfactions as present-day city civilization. . .. The unattractiveness of the farm is largely because of the long hours of hard work, the lack of house- hold conveniences, poor schools and churches, and unsatisfactory amusements. The really important thing . . . . is wide acceptance by farmers of the ideal of a rural civilization which carries as much satis- faction, depth of culture, and economic stability as city civilization. To create an ideal of sufficient compelling power, thousands of well- educated farm people must think with all their heart and soul about how to give farming not only economic equality but also its full meas- ure of human satisfaction. . . . The men of vision must arise soon if




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