USA > Vermont > The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol II > Part 38
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economic struggle of the farmer has become increasingly bitter from decade to decade much that was fine in our rural life has been lost. Cruel economic necessity has undermined old-fashioned ways of look- ing at things, although I earnestly repeat that this section retains more of those old-fashioned ideas than many parts of the Nation.
The earlier residents were more carefree and unfettered in their social relationships. There was very little feeling of caste or class, and little formality. Sometimes in our present day several people join together to organize a surprise party and call on a neighbor; and usually it does surprise him because it is not a common occurrence. In the early times such parties were an everyday affair and little of the surprise element was present. Dances, appropriately called "kitchen digs," were great fun, the main thought being to enjoy oneself rather than to display one's clothes or to create an impression. A great variety of kissing games were played. Although we have our doubts as to the sanitary phases of this sport, it certainly was carefree and democratic, and possibly communistic, no male or female of decent appearance being immune from pursuit from the opposite sex.
Reference has been made elsewhere to the community spirit of the early pioneer. What Greeley said so long ago is today just as true : "Friendships were warmer and deeper. Relationship by blood or mar- riage was more profoundly regarded. Men were not ashamed to own that they loved their cousins better than their other neighbors and their neighbors better than the rest of mankind." Many of the early social gatherings were for such charitable purposes as house- raisings. Corn-huskings, apple-parings and quilting-parties were the rule. It has been said that the settlers would sleep three in a bed rather than turn away a stranger. Although today there exists in this region more hospitality than one would find in most sections of the Nation, it must be confessed that most of us would not be very cheer- ful about thus accommodating a total stranger, and that the tendency is to look upon a neighbor as a competitor, rather than as a friend. The spirit pervading the corn-husking parties should not be lost. In the semi-darkness of the old barns lighted only by tin lanterns contain- ing tallow candles, the men and women engaged in a common under- taking, topped off by a square dance and vast quantities of refresh- ment, possessed a feeling of brotherhood unknown today. We go through motions at Thanksgiving and Christmas; but gone is the
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spirit that in decades passed by made those events great. This idea has been expressed elsewhere by one of Rutland County's historians : "We can never again have an old-fashioned Thanksgiving. We can make chicken pies, roast turkeys, and call the family together from far and near. But this would now be mechanical-it would be mere imitation."
The people living in this area as a whole have always been, and still remain, predominantly of English stock ; but other racial elements have also played an important part. The Dutch, from earliest times, were highly influential in the development of Saratoga and Washington counties, and the Scotch-Irish were also much in evidence. As a rule this area has been affected little by waves of migration from Europe, although about the middle of the nineteenth century the Irish played an important part in the development of our railroads, mines and industries. In recent times the largest immigrant group has been the French-Canadian. It is today very much in evidence in the counties of Grand Isle, Clinton, Franklin and Chittenden and is certainly one reason why the Democratic party is stronger there than elsewhere in this area. In some towns the French outnumber the Yankee element. Their Roman Catholicism is prevailingly French. They not only have taken up farms in northern New York and Vermont, but also have flocked to such textile centers as Burlington and Winooski. In the quarry towns of Rutland County we find Poles, Austrians, Russians, Swedes. Italians and Czechs; while in the section around Poultney, Castleton, Fair Haven and Granville there are Welsh settlements. All these groups have made important contributions, the Welsh being particu- larly noted for their music.
Here again State comparisons are meaningless, for northeastern New York is similar to Vermont rather than to the metropolitan areas that dominate New York State. On both sides of the Cham- plain Valley the foreign-born white element remains very small. In 1930 Clinton County reported but 3,533 out of 46,687, Essex 2,25 1 out of 33,959 and so forth, Saratoga having the highest proportion on the New York side with 7,219 out of 63,314. In the same year, there were but 43,061 foreign-born whites in the entire State of Ver- mont. Of these, 17,320 were French-Canadian, 9,862 other Cana- dians, 3,082 Italians, 1,929 English, 1,562 Poles, 1,454 Scotch, 1,429 Irish, and 1,089 Swedes. Of Vermont's total population of
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316,500, 288,194 were born in New England, 255,262 in Vermont alone, while 18,817 came from New York (more than any other one State). Of those not classified as whites, Vermont, in 1930, had 568 Negroes, 36 Indians, 34 Chinese, I Japanese, I Filipino, I Mexi- can and 5 others. In the New York counties, Saratoga reported 641 non-whites, Clinton 447, Washington 395, Essex 95 and Warren but 89.
As has been many times inferred, there is little density of popula- tion anywhere in this area. The more thickly populated counties are Chittenden, Rutland, Saratoga, Franklin, Grand Isle, Washington. In the 18 per cent to 45 per cent category, as based on 1920 reports, we find Clinton, Warren, Addison and Bennington, while in the 6 per cent to 18 per cent class is Essex, which is the least thickly settled in this area, while, in all New York State, only Hamilton County reports a smaller figure. Families as a rule are comparatively large, Clinton's 4.5 being exceeded in the State solely by Richmond County.
Much has been written, particularly since the election of 1936, to explain the Vermonter socially and politically. Just why the Green Mountain State and Maine were the only units of the entire Nation not to indorse the objectives of the "New Deal" became suddenly a matter of great interest to the other forty-six. Many articles were obviously attempts to tell good newspaper or magazine stories, rather than to really assist in understanding the Vermont character. None of them, so far as I know, were of much value for interpretive purposes.
In a certain sense it is impossible to adequately describe a Ver- monter, or for that matter a New Yorker, a Zulu or an Eskimo. No two people are entirely alike. They differ as to heritage, ability, relig- ion, politics and a great variety of factors. Of course, we can attempt to create an average or typical Vermonter, but what is typical! The average citizen found in the city of Rutland is quite dissimilar to one living in Mount Holly. What is typical of Burlington is not even descriptive of Winooski just across the river. When we attempt to create a composite Vermonter typical of the entire State our task is not an easy one and our way is beset with possible error. I have always had an antipathy toward the practice of speaking and writing so easily of typical Vermonters, typical Americans, a typical house, or a typical pine tree. On the other hand, since the Vermonter is clearly out of step with the citizens of most other states politically and socially,
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and since this entire phenomenon is so little understood by other sec- tions of the Nation, interpretation is necessary.
My picture will closely resemble that of the northern New Yorker. No one single fact has been so indelibly impressed upon my mind dur- ing these years of research as the community of tradition and evolu- tion possessed by the people on both sides of the Champlain Valley. Their economic development has been very similar, and in race, cul- ture and social conditions they have been very much the same. It was no accident either that, in 1936, northeastern New York was as much opposed to the economic and political objectives of the "New Deal" as was Vermont. Today the problems of those who dwell on the west side of Lake Champlain are very much the same as of those who live on the east. In the solution of these problems those who live in the New York counties have the advantage of being a part of an exceedingly wealthy State, whereas those who dwell in the Vermont counties have the advantage of being able to work out their own destiny, not dominated by populous urban centers on election days.
Very frequently the average Vermonter and, by implication, the northern New Yorker as well, is characterized as a reactionary. Those who have faithfully read these pages realize that this appellation is untrue and unjust. Business men and industrial leaders have ever been progressive, responding easily to the changing needs of a chang- ing economic order. The flexibility of these old firms is almost unbe- lievable. Establishments which at first were engaged wholly in log- ging, later built enormous sawmills, turned suddenly to wood-pulp, and finally swung to making newsprint. So it was with the farmer. If beef raising became unprofitable he turned to wool; when that did not pay he began to make cheese and butter; and still later when com- petition became too strong in this field, he centered his attention on milk production. Of course, in this economic development those who were reactionary, and not progressive, failed and passed from view; so perhaps it may be argued that these changes in industry and agri- culture do not indicate progressiveness so much as a desire to survive, with self-defense as the motive. The great variety of inventions made in this area is more than can be explained on such shallow grounds, however. In the field of medicine, the work of Drs. Pomeroy, Beau- mont and Trudeau was not that of standpatters. In education the contributions of this section have been tremendous, the high standing
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of its institutions being but one symbol of progressiveness. If, in cer- tain areas, fine school buildings do not exist, this is due to lack of wealth and not to the will of the people. In insurance, there has never been any lack of progressiveness in the Glens Falls Group. Certainly, evolution such as that of the Glens Falls Indemnity Company in the last twelve years would be utterly impossible in a community that was not wide-awake and alert. In the field of politics it was no accident that as early as 1852 Vermont embarked on that social reform known as prohibition. In spite of the economic depression the spirit of this section is that of youth and vitality, whether we find ourselves at Plattsburgh or at Bennington. In any case the attitude of Vermont and northern New York concerning the "New Deal" cannot be explained by implying that we are just naturally reactionaries.
The early settlers were radicals in social philosophy. They were bitterly opposed to the status quo in the older communities and sought to create a more suitable society on the fringe of civilization. Ethan Allen was a symbol of this early radicalism. As late as the 1790S, Matthew Lyon was another example. In spite of the fact that there were powerful influences pulling Vermonters toward the Federalist party, the people were predominantly anti-Federalist in spirit and interest. In time, however, this section came to be covered with prosperous farms, while industrial centers also grew up. As a result there developed a new aristocracy more or less satisfied with, and devoted to the perpetuation of, the status quo. The malcontents, or radicals, were now as out of place as had been their ancestors on the Atlantic seaboard in earlier days. They tended to move on toward the setting sun in search of new worlds to conquer. By 1840 the Champlain Valley had undergone a considerable transition from its early radicalism and was becoming more and more conservative. Its consistent support of the more conservative political parties, the Whigs and the Republicans, is a symbol of the changed conditions. Today while the average Vermonter, or average northern New Yorker, cannot be termed a reactionary, neither can he with any more justice be pronounced a radical. He is quite definitely a con- servative, if by that we mean one who is opposed to hasty changes in political and social institutions.
The explanation of the conservatism of Vermonters and up-state New Yorkers is largely economic. In the first place they are home-
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owners. Their homes are their kingdoms in which they find pride and satisfaction. Tied to a farm from birth they are not characterized by the radicalism that marks those who drift from place to place. By experience they know that governmental experiment affects their tax rate. In the second place the industrial labor element is quite small. The factory worker, both by instinct and economic interest, feels little hope in conservatism. The status quo is apt not to please him, and in any case experimentation in government offers a possibility of improv- ing his position. He tends to side with the less conservative parties and factions. Since his group is small in number in this area, the conserva- tive influence is stronger than otherwise. A third and more important reason for the conservatism of this section is the lack of wealth. Some individual communities (Glens Falls for example) possess high per capita wealth, but this area as a whole is not so fortunate. This is particularly true since the decline of agriculture. Money is scarce on the farms and in the small villages even in times of prosperity. Eco- nomic survival here depends on thrift and the wise management of income. Reckless spending means financial ruin to most of our citizens. When government units undertake additional duties, or experiment with the status quo, the incidental effect on the tax rate is keenly felt. The so-called typical Vermonter is not opposed to reform in any sphere ; but he generally questions whether he can afford it. In the referendum on the "New Deal" in 1936, the Vermonter did not express himself as against the efforts of the national government to protect him from the avarice of stock exchange gamblers, or against kindred regulation spon- sored by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The Federal economic and financial policies, characterized by unbalanced budgets and rapid increases in the size of the national debt, were entirely contrary to his way of living and he expressed by his vote his distrust of spending what did not exist, and tinkering with the currency. In addition to his eco- nomic motives for opposing the New Deal, the average Vermonter is also what is known as a "rugged individualist," opposed to much gov- ernmental regulation of his activities, but even this philosophy of gov- ernment is based upon economic factors. In other words, it is his way of life that makes him an individualist.
Whatever may be said against newspaper editorials on the grounds of prejudice or lack of information, they nevertheless may be of value in presenting a point of view. In my judgment the "Gloversville
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Leader-Republican" has recently and most adequately portrayed the philosophy of Vermonters and northern New Yorkers as it pertains to the economic policies of the New Deal:
"Governor Aiken [of Vermont] made a trip to New York City the other day and dedicated the Vermont exhibit at the World's Fair. It is a small exhibit, he said in effect, 'but it is paid for!' Vermont, he added, does not believe in building her world of tomorrow on a foundation of debt and he appealed to his listeners to adopt the Ver- mont custom of living within one's income.
"The Vermont Governor is a real liberal-a progressive when it comes to the advocacy of liberal ideas, but a conservative when it comes to the spending of other people's money. Despite all the New Dealer protestations to the contrary, liberalism is not synonymous with the reckless spending of public funds. Mr. Aiken, for example, is one of the most progressive Republicans in public life today. More than once he has pleaded for the Republican party to strive for objec- tives which would improve the condition of the under-privileged. On several occasions he has lifted his voice against reaction and demanded a new leadership in his own party; one more responsible for the aspirations of the rank and file of the people.
"He does not believe in living beyond one's income, however, and he has demonstrated this by the manner in which he has conducted the government of his state. Vermont's house is in order. Expendi- tures are carefully watched. Economy is the rule, both in private and public life.
"The roots of New York State's North Country civilization go deeply into Vermont. Our ideas are very similar to those of the Governor of our closest neighboring state. It is most gratifying to Northern New Yorkers . . to read Mr. Aiken's speech at the World's Fair. Such speeches are an effective antidote to the false theories of governmental finance which have buried this state and this nation under an avalanche of debt."
This editorial explains the dominant political philosophy of Ver- mont and northern New York in a more or less restrained manner. Fully as scrutinizing but much more partisan is the sarcasm of the editor of the "Glens Falls Times":
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"The people of Burlington, Vermont, have voted down a proposi- tion to accept half a million dollars from the Federal government for the purpose of building 101 dwellings to replace 'substandard' houses. Only 737 citizens of Burlington voted in favor of the proposal. There were 2,92 I contrary-minded persons who voted 'No.' What is the matter with these Vermonters ? Don't the inhabitants of Burlington know that prosperity and contentment come with grants and subsidies from Washington ? Haven't they learned that spending our way out of the depression is the proper remedy for the plight we have been in since 1933? These poor people up in Burlington are uninformed on the subject of the true economy.
"Imagine the inhabitants of any city of the United States turning down half a million dollars of government money. Why, that money is free. Wouldn't cost Burlington a cent. It would pay the wages of a lot of carpenters and other workmen and buy a lot of building material. A hundred and one houses going up in Burlington all at once would diffuse prosperity all around. Are there almost 3,000 men and women in the city of Burlington who are so blind that they cannot see, so deaf to the voice of salvation that they cannot hear ?
"These stiff-necked Vermonters probably are imbued with the idea that even though the money comes from Washington, they have to pay their share of it. They are opposed to the principle of the thing. That is probably their attitude. They have turned down Federal money before. Wouldn't let the United States build a fine new highway through the middle of their State.
"Old-fashioned people, these residents of Burlington and the rest of the Green Mountain State. They are still acting on the ancient theory of debtor and creditor, and not spending more than you earn or what you have. They are content to go on living in IOI ‘sub- standard' houses. Most of them probably reflect that they were born and raised in a house that would be classed as substandard by the experts down in Washington-no bath rooms, flush toilets or central heating. They lived through it and now they are perverse enough to think there are worse things than a substandard house. Worse, for instance, they probably think it, to spend $500,000 foolishly even though under the delusion that it is some one else's money."
The citizens of Yankee ancestry who live on the farms and in the small towns are supposed in some quarters to be cold and unapproach-
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able. This constitutes another delusion. When approached with a spirit of sincerity and frankness they respond quickly and wholeheart- edly. It is true that they possess an innate antipathy toward the crea- tion of false impressions; in their daily life they react unfavorably to flattery and histrionics ; they are not deceived by artificiality, clothes or appearances. They are antagonized by high pressure salesmen and their hostility may be aroused by indirection. On the other hand there is no hospitality any finer than can be found in our rural areas. A stranger at the gate is assured of a hearty welcome, provided he is frank and open.
There has been a tendency since the election of 1936 to consider the Vermonter and, by implication, the northern New Yorker, as a museum piece, a relic of a bygone day at which people should stare. Such a viewpoint is unjust and undeserved. The chief differences between him and his neighbors are due to his views on economics and his habits of finance; he does not differ greatly in essential character- istics. In money matters he is a conservative, but from the purely social point of view he is progressive. He faces, not the setting, but the rising sun.
In the future he will continue to be interested in the new. He will experiment so far as is possible under his strained economic status. He will not clutch at each crack-pot idea as a drowning man is sup- posed to grab at a straw; but if after careful examination the new is better than the old, it will be gratefully accepted. His society will continue to receive nourishment through roots extending far back into the soil of Vermont and New York, but its dead branches will not be retained to mar its features and new life will constanly be grafted onto the old. He will make his way as he sees it, courageously and sim- ply, in accordance with the best traditions of his forebears. If his fel- lowmen choose to go his way he will welcome their company; if he must plod along alone his faith in the fundamentals of life will enable him to remain undisturbed by any lack of approbation; in either case it is the destiny of the citizen of the Champlain Valley that he will always play his part well
INDEX
INDEX
Abandoned Farms, 672, 695. Abbott Chain of Hotels, 687. Abenaki Indians, 51I. "Abercrombie Fiasco, The," 124-38. Abercrombie, James, 30, 124-38, 140, 148, 151, 155, 226, 229, 236, 244, 323, 517, 518, 543, 544, 545, 562, 563.
Abolitionist Movement, 363, 513, 750, 763. (Also see Slaves and Slavery.) Abraham, Heights or Plains of, 142, 149, 239. Academies. (See Schools and Colleges.) Acadia, 58.
Acland, John Dyke, 284.
Acts and Laws : Alien and Sedition, 749, 807 ; Anti-Polygamy, 816; Bank Mora- torium, 730; Banking Act, National, 725, 726; "Blue Laws," 782; Embargo Act, 310, 481, 487, 808, 809; Federal Housing, 826; Kansas-Nebraska Act, 814; Morrill Act, 816; Non-Inter- course Act, 809; Pendleton Act, 815; Public Utility Holding Company Act, 617; Sedition Law, 357; Stamp Act, I73.
Addison County, Vermont, 175, 308, 327, 328, 329, 337, 338, 348, 350, 353, 367, 395-412, 413, 415, 420, 425, 434, 478, 603, 623, 624, 631, 647, 660, 661, 662, 665, 669, 670, 695, 708, 712, 713, 715, 716, 718, 724, 725, 752, 785, 814, 815, 821.
Adams, John, 211, 249, 357, 749, 809. Adams, John Quincy, 81I. Adams, Samuel, 187. Adams, Massachusetts, 63, 72. Addison, Joseph, 397
Addison, Vermont, 180, 396, 398, 400, 406, 407, 412.
"Addison County," Chapter on, 395-412. Addison County Grammar School, 796. Addison County Medical Society, 775. Adgate, Matthew, 500.
Adirondack, New York, 549. Adirondack Mountains, 1, 2, 4, 9, II, 13, 14, 17, 29, 278, 328, 404, 442, 454, 455, 470, 496, 500, 503, 505, 506, 507, 5II, 512, 513, 522, 524, 546, 570, 577, 591, 593, 596, 600, 603, 606, 607, 611, 612, 613, 614, 615, 617, 625, 627, 628, 629, 630, 641, 642, 643, 644, 652, 687, 688, 690, 691-94, 696, 698, 734. Adirondack Railway Company, 591. Adirondack Trust Company, 727. 730.
"Admiral of the Lake," 418, 564, 565. Adventist Church, 785, 787, 788. Advertising, 698, 742, 744, 755. African Methodist Church, 785.
Agriculture (Farming), 146, 157, 310, 336, 340, 342, 344, 346, 361, 380, 402, 412, 417, 423, 424, 425, 429, 431, 435, 440, 441, 444, 445, 447, 449, 458, 459, 461, 463, 466, 467, 468, 469, 470, 471, 475, 477, 480, 483, 489, 499, 502, 505, 509, 519, 522, 523, 528, 532, 533, 549, 552, 556, 565, 648, 651-77, 678, 689, 691, 701, 718, 719, 720, 726, 743, 752, 754, 755, 796, 816, 818, 820, 822, 823, (Also see Alfalfa; Artichoke; Barley ; Beans; Bees; Buckwheat; Canning ; Catt'e ; Clover ; Corn ; Dairying ; Feed ; Fertilizers; Flour ; Fruit; Gristmills ; Hay; Hemp; Horticulture; Maple; Oats; Potash; Potatoes; Poultry; Pumpkins ; Rye : Sawmills ; Seed ; Sheep; Squash; Sunflower; Swine; Thistles ; Tobacco ; Tools ; Wheat.)
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