USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois : being a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits : from the earliest settlement to the present time, volume I > Part 39
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On October 10, 1807, the citizens of Clark County, Indiana Ter- ritory, assembled at Springville agreeably to previous notice "for the purpose of taking into consideration the resolutions passed at the last session of the Legislature of the Indiana Territory, praying Congress to suspend for a certain time the sixth article of compact contained in the Ordinance of 1787." Abraham Little, John Owens, Charles Beggs, Robert Robertson and James Beggs, were appointed a committee to draft a memorial to Congress in opposition to the pro- posed suspension of the sixth article. This memorial contained two important points : That the resolution of the Indiana territorial Assembly asking for a suspension of the Sixth ordinance had in all probability been unfairly passed, and that it was better, before ad- mitting slavery into the territory, to wait until the people could decide the time the territory should be admitted as a State. As Congress was divided on the question-the House favoring the sus- pension and the Senate opposing it-the measure failed to become a law, and so slavery was for all time excluded from Cook county, Illinois.
As early as August, 1834, the Democrat, which had been started the previous November, published a notice from a St. Louis owner offering a reward of $200 for the recovery of a run-away slave and the horse which he took with him. In August of 1835 the Democrat published another similar notice from a St. Louis slave owner. Some time after this date the Chicago Anti-Slavery Society was organized, the precise date not being accessible. The Democratic- Republican party of Cook county from the start deprecated any inter- ference whatever with the institution of slavery. At a large meeting
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of that party held at the courthouse on October 7, 1835, the following resolution was passed: "Resolved, That we view with the deepest disgust and abhorrence the course of the fanatical Abolitionists of the North in circulating their incendiary publications among the slaves of the South; and that some measures ought to be taken to compel these fanatics to answer in those states whose laws are set at defiance, and the feelings of whose citizens they have outraged by their reckless course." Among those present at this meeting were James Curtiss, S. G. Trobridge, E. B. Williams, William Jones, Hiram Hugunin, Luther C. Chamberlain, B. F. Knapp, G. H. Ker- cheval and Peter Pruyne. In June, 1839, Rev. R. R. Gurley on be- half of the American Colonization society lectured at the City Saloon on the subject of transferring colored people to Liberia in Africa. A few weeks later he formed the Chicago Colonization society, among the early members of which were R. J. Hamilton, Rev. Isaac T. Hunter, William B. Ogden, Harry Brown, Thomas Hoyne, George M. Merrill, William H. Brown, William H. Clark, John S. Wright, Nathan H. Bolles and William Stuart. At this date there was an elaborate discussion in the newspapers of Chicago concern- ing the relative merits of colonization and Abolitionism.
In August, 1841, Frederick Collins, Abolitionist candidate for Congress in this district, received a total of thirty-five votes. In October, 1841, an Abolitionist who had subscribed for the American ordered the paper stopped bacause it continued to publish runaway slave notices. He particularly objected to a notice offering $100 reward for the recovery of a slave woman named Henrietta and her husband Nicholas, together with three children which they had taken with them. The owner was John Finney of St. Louis. In March, 1842, the quarterly meeting of the Chicago Anti-Slavery society was held at Chapman's rooms; A. Johnson was secretary. In May, 1842, the fifth anniversary of the Illinois State Anti-Slavery society was celebrated in this city. In the fall of 1842 a total of thirty-seven votes were polled in Cook county for the Abolitionist candidate for governor. In October, 1839, a Mr. Magehan, of St. Louis came here to recover his runaway slave Polly. While here he discovered another runaway named Henry, owned by John Kerr of St. Louis. Mr. Magehan caused the arrest of both Polly and Henry, but "the Abolitionists, aided by some Abolition officers, succeeded in prevent- ing his bringing them away." The St. Louis Republican of Octo- ber, 1839, said: "Mr. Magehan requests us to tender his thanks to the business and especially the mercantile portion of the citizens of Chicago for the kindness and assistance they showed him in the at- tempt to regain his property, and in releasing him from the impris- onment which the Abolitionists inflicted upon him, but for which he is likely to make them suffer. We are glad to find that the sub- stantial and respectable portion of the community at Chicago dis- countenance and reprobate the nefarious attempts of the Abolition-
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ists to conceal and protect runaway slaves. Mr. Magehan saw and recognized some three or four runaway slaves from this city during the time he was in Chicago. The citizens of the latter place owe it to themselves to put down the attempts of these fanatics to inter- fere with the property of their neighbors. Already the travel from the South to the East is fast setting toward Chicago, but should the South become alarmed for the safety of their slave property in that city, it will do much to divert it. Chicago will be avoided as Cin- cinnati now is by a majority of Southern men." During the cam- paign of 1841 the Abolitionists endeavored to make the strongest showing possible. A petition calling for a public meeting of Aboli- tionists was signed by thirty-eight of that party residing in Chicago and vicinity. The American, which was bitterly opposed to the proceedings of the Abolitionists, gave the following notice on Au- gust 5 :
"The result shows the small potato nature of political Abolition- ism-only thirty-four Liberty tickets were polled, notwithstanding the most desperate electioneering. Never did we see more zealous and devoted canvassers than the few Whig Abolitionists who at- tended the polls as a committee of special vigilance. They offered their tickets to strangers with the most brazen assurance. They even submitted with a good grace to the jeers of the bystanders.
But where were those cunning dogs-the Locofoco Abolitionists ? Some few of them voted the Abolition ticket to keep up appearances and get théir Whig brethren into a trap. The red hot political Abolitionists in this city are said to be about sixty. They are, we understood, about equally divided in politics, viz. : goats or Locofoco Abolitionists, and sheep or Whig Abolitionists. About election day the goats always scramble away and the silly sheep are left to their fate. There are many in this community who entertain opinions adverse to slavery, but there are very few who join in the treasonable practice of voting for a ticket opposed to the Constitution of the United States."
The growth of Abolitionism in Cook county was very rapid from 1840 to 1846. Late in 1845 a petition was circulated and signed by over 1,000 persons asking the Legislature to repeal the "black laws of Illinois." Instead of complying with the petition the Legislature, in the language of the Chicago Democrat, "not only left those laws as they were but added another chapter to the catalogue more out- rageous and revolting than any which had preceded it." During 1845 the colored population of Chicago nearly doubled. This led the Democrat to observe that the Abolitionists must be doing a good business about these days." In October, 1846, two runaway slaves were pursued to this city, arrested by the agent of the owner and taken before Justice Kercheval to be dealt with according to law. While there they were rescued by negroes and Abolitionists to the number of several hundred. The officers were overpowered and
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the fugitives were freed. At a large Democratic mass meeting in April, 1848, resolutions declaring the Democracy of Chicago opposed to the extension of slavery were passed. The resolutions were severe in their restrictions upon the idea of extending slavery to the new territories. In February, 1848, a negro who had lately arrived in Chicago was seized by the colored people, conveyed to the lake shore and publicly whipped. He was suspected of coming to Chicago for the purpose of revealing here the presence of runaway slaves. The offenders were arrested and fined. Rev. James Mitchell, who kept in his family as servants two colored girls, was prosecuted for har- boring runaway slaves, but was promptly exonerated. His attorney was Isaac N. Arnold; Grant Goodrich appeared for the prosecutor. Late in May, 1848, a free colored man of this city was kidnapped by several slave catchers and spirited out of the city. A posse was sent in pursuit, but the colored man succeeded in effecting his escape and returned to the city. The kidnappers, Field and Thurston, were committed by Justice Rucker on the charge of kidnapping. They were released by a writ of habeas corpus. At this time the Yancy house was the aristocratic hotel of the colored people of Chicago; there they held their consultations and formulated their plans to pre- vent all rescues of fugitive slaves. It should be said that the Demo- crat edited by John Wentworth helped more than any other power in Northern Illinois to restrict the extension of slavery, render odi- ous the fugitive slave law and assist by every means in its power the escape of fugitive slaves. Wentworth, himself, opposed any inter- ference with slavery as it then existed, but used as a motto in his paper, "no more slave territory." That was the cry of the Whigs in 1847-48 and in that respect Wentworth although a staunch Democrat stood with the Whigs of the North. An article which appeared in a St. Louis paper and spoke of a drove of negroes and described them in detail like a herd of black cattle kindled the wrath of the Abolitionists and opponents of Chicago. The following resolutions were adopted at the Industrial convention, which assembled here on June 6, 1850:
"Resolved, That as a moral, social and political evil slavery cannot exist without inevitably producing the destruction of the nation which permits it. It is therefore an absurd and impious mockery of Jehovah and of his inevitable decrees to flatter ourselves that we can perpetuate the joint existence of slavery and freedom.
"Resolved, That we are opposed to the further extension of slav- ery and view with abhorrence the idea that to satisfy the South and to secure the perpetuation of the Federal Union, the people of the United States must agree that the slave power and the free power shall be held in equilibrium by the admission with equal or propor- tional pace of slave and free states; or that the slave as well as the free area shall be extended; neither if it were attempted could a basis of this kind ever support a union of Republics, for so long as
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Divine justice exists slavery can never be a bond of union and of freedom.
"Resolved, That greatly as we favor all Constitutional legislative provisos against the further extension of slavery into territories now free, yet the most sure proviso against slavery extension and all un- just servitude, is a free land proviso, securing homes to all, prohibit- ing the further sale of public lands, recognizing and guaranteeing the unbought, natural, and inalienable right of man to a home on earth, and limiting the amount of land that any one person or com- pany may hereafter obtain title to, so as eventually to abolish and for the future prevent the undue monopoly of land by the few.
"Resolved, That factory lords, land lords, bankers, speculators and usurers in the North may and do advocate slavery non-exten- sion, while they hold their fellow men under oppressive, and ruinous conditions of service, but the free land proviso would everywhere on the cotton plantations of the South and in the Cotton factories of the North, unite all lovers of freedom and humanity against all haters of freedom and humanity, and would strip the question of liberty of all prejudices resulting from sectional and partial agita- tion."
The above resolutions were reported by H. H. Van Arminge, and on motion of C. T. Gaston they were referred to a select committee consisting of J. K. Ingalls of New York, Jeriel Root of Illinois and Edward Daniels of Wisconsin. The following resolution was adopted separately, "Resolved, That woman's rights are the same as those of men on all subjects including rights to liberty, property, self-government, the elective franchise, and eligibility to office." The fundamental principles set forth alluringly at this convention were largely socialistic and anticipated many of the reforms of late years.
In October, 1850, the colored people assembled at the African Methodist Episcopal church on Wells street and formed a Liberty association composed of people of color or of African descent; they denounced the recently passed fugitive slave law. The entire col- ored population of the city joined the association and made every preparation to resist to the utmost the execution of that law. More than a dozen meetings were held in Cook county for the purpose of resistance. At one of these meetings Senator Douglas attempted to force upon the people the passage of resolutions submissive to the law. One of his greatest speeches was delivered on this occasion- October 23, 1850. The day before the one on which Senator Doug- las spoke the City Council adopted resolutions denouncing the pas- sage of the fugitive slave law. One of the resolutions was as fol- lows :
"Resolved, That the Senators and Representatives in Congress from the free states, who aided and assisted in the passage of this infamous law and those who basely sneaked away from their seats and therefore evaded the question, richly merit the reproach of all
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lovers of freedom and are fit only to be ranked with the traitors, Benedict Arnold and Judas Iscariot, who betrayed his Lord and Master for thirty pieces of silver."
The aldermen who voted in favor of the resolutions denouncing the law were Milliken, Lloyd, Sherwood, Foss, Throop, Sherman, Richards, Brady and Dodge. Those who voted against the resolu- tions were Page and Williams. The passage of the law was de- nounced in the severest terms. The next day Senator Douglas in his speech assumed that he and Senator Shields were meant in the resolutions above where the Council spoke of Benedict Arnold and Judas Iscariot. He skillfully, adroitly and sarcastically answered the resolutions of the Council. He made the strong point that the resolutions of the Council amounted to open nullification of an exist- ing national law, but his answer was unsatisfactory to the opponents of slavery in this vicinity.
Upon the passage of the fugitive slave law George W. Meeker was appointed commissioner for the commitment of fugitive slaves under the law. Mr. Wentworth in the Democrat said: "we had thought that in the whole city no one could be found whose sense of justice and humanity and all those feelings that designate the man were so blunted as to accept such an appointment, but it seems we were mistaken." During October and November, 1850, the colored population of Chicago underwent a period of great excitement. Numerous agents of owners were here to identify colored prop- erty. The African Methodist Episcopal church on Clark street lost nearly half its membership owing to their sudden and precipitate flight for Canada. A colored barber named Jackson was horrified one day to see his master enter the shop to be shaved. Jackson promptly evacuated and in the end managed to escape capture. Mr. Wentworth said in the Democrat of November 16, "There should be at least a regiment of troops sent to this city at once by Mr. Fillmore. They are absolutely necessary to enforce the late fugitive slave law. There are several hundred negroes in our city, every one of whom might be arrested and sent South under the late law if there was only a regiment of troops here to assist the catchers. A single company could do no good. Nothing but a regiment will answer for Chi- cago." During the exodus of the negroes Orrington Lunt, N. C. Holden, William H. Taylor and Thomas Richmond were a com- mittee of the Abolitionists to raise provisions, clothing, etc., for the colored people thus forced to leave their homes. Old clothing par- tially worn was especially solicited by order of the committee.
The old Anti-Slavery society seems to have died out, because in December, 1850, another was organized at a public meeting of which Sylvester Lind was chairman and James McClellan, Jr., sec- retary. Among those who took active part in this meeting were Z. Eastman, Rev. A. St. Clair, L. C. P. Freer and James Curtiss. The residents of Chicago who desired to curry favor with the South and
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with the administration made it a point to assist in the capture of fugitive slaves by their masters. This led to numerous sharp clashes between them and the Abolitionists. Friends of the South endeav- ored to make political capital by recapturing fugitives. In. June, 1851, they captured a negro fugitive while passing through this city on his way to Canada, put him in irons and publicly conveyed him in a carriage to jail. The Democrat said: "Nabbing a negro was not enough ; it must be done so as to outrage public decency in broad daylight .. He must be gagged in this city. He must be thrown into a carriage like a stick of wood in the presence of women and children and hurried off, as if in this peaceable community there would be an effort to rescue anybody from a legal officer." This negro, Moses Johnson, was taken to the United States court room and there guarded by many special constables. In spite of the fact that no demonstrations looking to the rescue of the negro were made the militia was called out. The Democrat said : "But the insult and outrage did not stop here. The troops when called out were in- sulted and were not asked to guard the negro or the court, but were left to march around and overawe the people if possible." The Tribune, although one of the strongest against slavery and in favor of free soil, disapproved any attempt to rescue the negro. The Western Citizen, the organ of the Abolitionists at Chicago and edited by Z. Eastman, favored strenuous action to prevent the negro from being "kidnapped." He was claimed by Crawford E. Smith, of Lafayette, Missouri, who was represented here by an agent. It was decided to make this a test case. The claimant was represented by Z. T. Fleshman, Ebenezer Peck, B. S. Morris, and A. W. Windett and the colored man was represented by George Manierre, E. C. Larned, L. C. P. Freer, Calvin DeWolf and others. The court- room could not hold one-tenth of those who wished to hear the trial. The negro was arrested on June 3 and brought to trial the same day. The overseer of the owner identified the negro fugitive. The Dem- ocrat under the personal influence and ability of John Wentworth did everything in its power to defeat the claimant and free the negro. At the trial the case really hinged on the identification of the fugi- tive and this in turn rested with Commissioner Meeker. The points made by the defense were as follows: First, that the record to prove the escape and servitude was invalid; second, it did not show that the negro described was a slave and owed servitude; third, the record described the slave as copper-colored, while the defendant . was black. The defense ably conducted prevailed and the commis- sioner discharged the fugitive. The Democrat of June 7 said : "No sooner had the commissioner pronounced the words 'I discharge the defendant,' than a shout arose which shook the building. The fugi- tive was snatched from the hands of the officers and was in the street and in a wagon hurried off by the crowd in a shorter space of time than it takes to tell it." The Democrat also said: "The agent Vol. I-24.
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of the owner narrowly escaped chastisement from the crowd in the street as he passed from the courtroom. He was saluted with hisses and groans and thought it best to make himself scarce as quickly as possible." The trial took place in the Swedenborgian Church. The Democrat of June 6 further said: "The speech of Mr. Larned for the defense was a brilliant one, every way worthy of his reputation, and is considered one of the most splendid efforts ever made in this city. . Mr. Fleshman, for the owner, has conducted the case remarkably well. For legal ability and research, and for critical analysis and acumen, we have heard the speech of Mr. Manierre for the defense spoken of by members of the bar as an effort that would do abundant credit to a lawyer of the most ex- tended reputation. There is no doubt of the negro's dis- charge." This action of Commissioner Meeker was bitterly de- nounced by every pro-slavery advocate in the West. It was referred to for several years as a standing disgrace to Chicago, but the Abol- itionists here and the free soil advocates were proud of the record and continued their tactics of every description to defeat the execu- tion of the fugitive slave law. The colored people of Chicago at a public meeting voted to raise means to present to George Manierre and E. C. Larned suitable gifts to reward them for their gratuitous services; silver cups suitably engraved were selected. These two men and also Grant Goodrich and John M. Wilson, who had aided them, were publicly thanked by the colored people of Chicago.
In July, 1851, an educated colored man from Boston, S. R. Ward, lectured on "Inalienable Rights." In September, 1851, at the Na- tional Abolition convention in Buffalo, when Gerritt Smith was nominated for president, James H. Collins, of Chicago, was nom- inated for vice-president; he declined and Charles Durkie, congress- man, Racine, Wisconsin, received the nomination. In 1851, a col- ored man named John Jones succeeded in raising, mostly here, $800 to be used in purchasing the freedom of his brother in slavery in the South. The Democratic Press of November 12, 1852, said: "The vote at the late election in those localities which comprised the Anti- Slavery strength in 1848 proves conclusively that that element in our politics has about expended its force. In the County of Cook, for example, the vote for Mr. Van Buren in 1848 was 2,120-being 512 over the vote for Taylor and 598 over the vote for Cass. In 1852 the vote for John P. Hale was 793, being 2,974 less than that of Mr. Pierce and 1,296 less than that of Gen. Scott. The vote has been reduced down to near the level of what it was before the days of the Wilmot Proviso."
Late in 1852 Judge John Pearson was the colonization agent here. In December, 1852, the colored citizens of Chicago held a mass meeting to consider the "disabilities which the state laws imposed upon them." The colored speakers were named Jones and Johnson. In February, 1853, the Legislature still further strengthened the
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laws against the settlement-in Illinois of free colored persons. Dur- ing the debate on the bill Mr. Judd then in the Senate moved to amend the title so that it would read "A bill to establish slavery in Illinois." The entire representation in the Legislature from Cook county voted against the bill. One of the newspapers here said, "we should like to see the man that would mount the auctioneer's block in this town and sell a freeman to the highest bidder and we should like to see the bidder." In November, 1853, the colored people polled 245 votes in this congressional district. To a state convention of the colored people Cook county sent twenty representatives. In September, 1854, a colored man named William Turner was seized near Wells and Jackson streets by three white men who claimed to represent the owner ; but he broke away and ran, one of them firing at him without hitting him. In a moment a large crowd of his friends gathered, whereupon the three white men were arrested and jailed on the charge of assault with a deadly weapon and attempt to kidnap. A large crowd gathered at the trial. The three men were bound over by Justice DeWolf. The Democratic Press said : "Know- ing the light in which slave hunting is regarded in this portion of the state it is not a little remarkable that men can be found of sufficient temerity to undertake it without authority of law and the requisite proofs in broad daylight and in a thickly settled part of the city. Every such effort cannot but result in failure and the parties making it may deem themselves fortunate in getting off as easily as those did yesterday."
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