USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Concord > History of the siege of Boston, and of the battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. Also an account of the Bunker Hill Monument. With illustrative documents > Part 1
USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Boston > History of the siege of Boston, and of the battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. Also an account of the Bunker Hill Monument. With illustrative documents > Part 1
USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Lexington > History of the siege of Boston, and of the battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. Also an account of the Bunker Hill Monument. With illustrative documents > Part 1
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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40
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HISTORY
OF THE
SIEGE OF BOSTON,
AND OF THE
BATTLES OF LEXINGTON, CONCORD,
AND
BUNKER HILL.
ALSO, AN ACCOUNT OF THE
BUNKER HILL MONUMENT.
WITH ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS.
BY RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, JR., AUTHOR OF A HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
BOSTON: CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. 1849.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, by RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, JR., In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
-
:
.
PREFACE.
THE preparation of a History of Charlestown led to large collections relative to the military transactions that occurred, in 1775 and 1776, in the vicinity of Boston. The greater part of them, however, could not be properly used in a publication of so local a character ; and as no work had been issued containing a full narrative of these interesting events, it was con- cluded to prepare the present volume. It will be found to contain little of general history, and no more of the civil history of Boston than appeared to be necessary to show its relation to the patriot party at the commencement of hostilities.
Time and labor have been freely spent in searching for original documents for this work. Hence, much of the narrative has been drawn from contemporary manuscripts, and nearly all of it from contemporary authorities. Less scepticism as to tradition, and the admission of a larger portion of personal anecdote, might have made it more amusing, but it would have been less reliable. No statement has been made without being warranted by authority believed to be good, and no opinion has been expressed which a
...
IV
PREFACE.
careful scrutiny of evidence did not seem to authorize. Ample time, also, has been taken in the labor of arrangement, and hence haste will not be pleaded in extenuation of error. It will only be remarked, that while there has been diligent search for facts, a careful endeavor has been made to state them fairly and exactly.
The author takes pleasure in expressing grateful acknowledgments to the many friends who have aided or encouraged his humble labors. He will always remember their courtesy and kindness. He is specially indebted to President Jared Sparks, Hon. James Sav- age, and George Ticknor, Esquire, for valuable assist- ance. The librarians of various public institutions have rendered every facility in making researches. Such attention is alike cheering and gratifying to the inquirer.
This volume has been written under sentiments of grateful veneration for the memory of the men who sacrificed so much, and who struggled so nobly, in be- half of American Liberty. May it contribute something to perpetuate the story of their heroism and suffer- ing, and to foster a desire to emulate their virtues and patriotism.
-
IX
CONTENTS.
THE BUNKER HILL MONUMENT.
Pare
Monument to Warren proposed, . . 337
The Celebration of Bunker Hill Battle, . 338
Debt of the Monument Association, . 343
Monument on Breed's Hill, . 338
Description of it, . .339
Early Celebrations,
.339
Amos Lawrence and Judah Truro, . 319
The Ladies' Fair, . . 350
Act of Incorporation, 341
Subscriptions solicited, . 342
Completion of the Monument, . . 351
Celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary, . 312
Celebration of 1843, . 351
The Form of the Monument,
. 343
Receipts, . . 352
Description of the Celebration, . 344 Expenditures. Services of Individuals, . 353
Solomon Willard, .
. 346
Officers of the Association, . 354
- Commencement of the Work, . 346
Economy of the Work, 355
Description of the Monument,
. 355
APPENDIX.
COLONIAL POLITICS.
1. Call of a Meeting, Aug. 26, 1774, . . . 361
2. Proceedings of the Meeting, . . .361
3. Extracts from the Diary of T. Newell, 363
3. General Gage's Official Account, . . 386
4. Letter of John Chester, . 389
5. Letter of Peter Brown, 392
6. Letter of Samuel Gray, .393
7. Letter of William Prescott, and Ex- tracts from Letters of Wm. Tudor,
Wm. Heath, and Artemas Ward, . 395
8. Account in Rivington's Gazette, . . . 397
9. Criticism printed in the London Chronicle, . 398
10. List of the Regiments,
. 401
SIEGE OF BOSTON.
1. Return of the Army, March 2, 1776, . 404
2. Returns of the Army during the Siege, . . 406
3. Account of Stores, Ordnance and Ves- sels, left in Boston, . . 406
4. Account of the Forts around Boston, erected during the Siege, . . .409
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Plan of Boston, to face Title-page,
An Attempt to land a Bishop in America, 24
British Plan of the Redoubt, . 198
Plan of Concord, 70 Pine-tree Flag, 262
Monument at Lexington, 90 Lines on Boston Neck, 315
Boston and its Environs,
91
Fort on Bunker Hill,
331
Monument at Concord,
. 120
View of Bunker Hill Monument, .
337
View of Charlestown,
. 121
Section of the Monument, . .
357
Plan of Bunker Hill Battle,
. 133 | First Monument on Breed's Hill,
. 359
Page
Meeting in Faneuil Hall, 34S
Recommencement of the Work, 348
Its Suspension, 319
Origin of the Bunker Hill Monument, . 340
Contract with James S. Savage, . 351
LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
1. Publications on the Events of the 19th of April, . . 365
2. Deposition relative to Events in Lex- ington, 367
3. Deposition relative to Events in Con- cord, . 367
4. Petition of William Tay, . 363
5. of Martha Moulton, . 369
C. of Jacob Rogers, . . 371
BUNKER HILL BATTLE.
1. Review of the Authorities on the Battle, 372
2. Narrative prepared by Order of the Committee of Safety, . . . . . . 381
3 | Cannonade in Bunker Hill Battle, . 139
The Mechanic Association, . 347
..
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE PLAN OF BOSTON, by Lieut. Page, was published in England, in 1777. It is the only plan of Boston, of much value, of the publications of 1775. It contains many names not on the last edition of Price's plan, which is entitled, " A New Plan of the Great Town of Bos. ton, in New England, in America; with the many Additional Buildings and New Streets, to the year 1769." Page'e plan is curious, as it shows the streets and principal places in the last year Boston was under British authority, and the intrenchments erected by the British troops. This is the first American engraving of this plan. It is of the same eize as the engraving of 1777, and as nearly as possible a fac-simile of it.
THE PLAN OF BUNKER HILL BATTLE is by the' same person - the groundwork being from an actual survey by the celebrated British engineer, Capt. Montresor. It is the only plan of Charlestown of so early a date. It is on the same scale as that published by Felton and Par- ker, in 1848, and the plans will be found to agree as to Main-street, Bunker Hill-street and other streets. The engraving for this work is the first American engraving. It is of the same size as the British engraving, and as to the outlines-streets, houses, treus, fences, line of fire and lettering - is an exact copy. It will be observed that the hills are not named correctly - Bunker Hill should be Breed's Hill. This plan was first published in 1776 or 1777, and the plate of it, with a few alterations in the lettering, was used by Stedman, in 1794, - without, however, any credit being given either to Montresor or Page. A plan was also made by Henry D'Berniere, a British officer. This was first engraved in this country, in 1818, for the Analec- tic Magazine. The ground plan is not so correct as Page's. I have seen an old MS. copy of this, slightly varying in the streets from the engraving. This plan forms the basis of Colonel Swett's plan of the battle.
THE PLAN OF BOSTON AND ITS ENVIRONS was prepared from several plans. Various maps of this vicinity were published during the Revolution. A curious one appeared in England, in 1775, entitled, "The Seat of War in New England, by an American Volunteer, with the Marches of several Corps sent by the Colonies towards Boston." It is on one eheet of imperial paper, and was published by R. Sayer and J. Bennett, Sept. 2, 1775. This map contains a plan of Boston and of Boston harbor; also, a picture of the battle of Bunker Hill. It represents the town on fire, and the British columns, with colors, marching to the attack. The map repre- sents the New Hampshire troops coming by the way of Andover, Wilmington and Woburn ; the Connecticut troops, by way of Providence; and Washington and "the New York Grena. diers" (!) by the way of Worcester. It is more curious than valuable. The Philadelphia Ledger (Aug. 19, 1775) contains an advertisement of a map taken " by the most skilful draughtsman in all America." This was Roman's Map of the Seat of Civil War in America. It is inscribed to John Hancock. It has a rude view of the lines on Boston Neck, and a "Plan of Boston and its Environs." A curious map of Boston and its environs was published, in 1776, at Paris, by "Ch. de Beaurain, Geographer to his Majesty." It purports to be copied from a British plan, - probably from a plan drawn by an engineer in Boston, in October, 1775, and (March, 1776) published " by a nobleman." This plan also is curious, but not correct. Other emaller plans also appeared, in various publications. Lieut. Page prepared a map of " Boston, its Environs and Harbor, with the Rebels' Works," &c., from his own observations and the plans of Capt. Montresor. This was published in England, by William Faden, in 1777. It is valuable as to the harbor, but incorrect as to the country. Henry Pelham published, in 1777, a large map of Boston and its environs, dedicated to Lord George Germaine, which is by far the most accurate of the maps of the environs. The plan in Dr. Gordon's History was evidently compiled from Page's for the harbor, and from Pelham's for the country. This was copied by Marshall.
THE VIEW OF CHARLESTOWN is copied from an original MS. of 1775, and communicated by Henry Stevens, Esq.
THE VIEW OF THE LINES ON BOSTON NECK is taken from one of the British prints of 1777. THE PLAN OF THE FORT ON BUNKER HILL is taken from Lieut. Carter's letters, written mostly from Charlestown Heights, during the siege, and published in England, in 1781.
THE REPRESENTATION OF THE PINE TREE FLAG is from the French map of Boston and environs.
THE STAMPS on the covers are representations of the devices on the gold medal (see p. 319) struck, by order of Congress, in honor of Washington.
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THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
CHAPTER I.
Colonial Politics. Taxation of America. The Boston Port Bill. Acts altering the Massachusetts Charter. Resisted by the People. Hostile Preparations. Boston in 1774.
THE New England colonists always claimed the liberties of Englishmen. They brought with them the principles that the people are the fountain of political power, and that there can be no just taxation without representation ; and contended for the right of applying these principles according to their wants. They brought with them, also, that republican spirit which animated the English Puritans, and their early ideal was the establishment of civil commonwealths on the basis of Christian principles. To their vision, this form was a divine institution, the government of angels in heaven, and which ought to be that of men upon earth. It was instituted by God himself in the Holy Scriptures, whereby any nation might enjoy all the ends of government in the best manner.1 Hence the New England communities became republican in form, while they had for their " quickening spirit, equal rights, free- dom of thought and action, and personal independence." 2
It was this spirit, and the bold application of these prin- ciples, that made the colonists, so far as their internal policy was concerned, virtually independent; while, so far as their external politics were concerned, their allegiance to the crown did not include an admission of the supremacy of Parliament. In fact, they regarded themselves as capable of organizing
1 Eliot's Christian Commonwealth, Preface, 1650. 2 John Q. Adams, in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. 29, p. 210.
2
COLONIAL POLITICS.
local governments, contracting alliances with each other, coin- ing money, making war, and concluding peace. The institu- tions that grew up, shaped in a great measure as experience dictated, were admirably adapted to strengthen and develop a love of liberty united to a respect for law. The almost con- tinual struggles with the aborigines and the French served as an invaluable school in which to learn the discipline, and to become inured to the dangers, of a military life; while schools, and colleges, and churches, maintained with wonder- ful perseverance, nurtured an equally invaluable intelligence and public virtue. Persons and property were secure, and labor was less burdened with restriction, and more free to reap a fair reward, than it was in any country in the world. In a word, there grew up a system of local administration well suited to the condition of a rising people, united to a general organization, capable, in any emergency, of affording it pro- tection. The colonists, in the enjoyment of so large a measure of individual freedom, developed in a remarkable degree the resources of the country, and increased surprisingly in com- mercial and political importance.
This progress, which ought to have been regarded in Great Britain with pride and pleasure, was beheld with jealousy and apprehension ; - with jealousy, lest the industrial enterprise of the colonists should compete too successfully with that of the mother country; and with apprehension, lest their rising importance should invite them to assert political independence. These feelings were strengthened by the representations made of their condition by agents of the ministry and by royal governors. Quarry's memorial in 1703 affords a striking illustration of these reports. "Commonwealth notions," he wrote, "improve daily ; and if it be not checked, in time the rights and privileges of British subjects will be thought by them to be too narrow." Various measures were recommend- ed to check these ideas. Sagacious royalists saw the republi- can tendencies of the prevailing system of local government,- the Congregationalism in the churches, the town organizations, the local assemblies, - whose influence reached the roots and fibres of the social system; and it is worthy of remark, that their recommendations reached the foundation of this tendency.
3
JEALOUSY OF GREAT BRITAIN.
Randolph in 1685, Quarry in 1703, Hutchinson in 1773,' advised an interference with the towns, and the adoption of the policy of centralization. Other recommendations were made, and commercial regulations were established, which bore with monstrous injustice on their rising manufactures and trade. The colonists, however, had enjoyed their social and political advantages too long to relinquish them without a struggle. They determined to retain their admirable system of local government, and to keep free from foreign taxation. They claimed the right to go on in the path of freedom and progress they with so much toil and treasure had laid open. Why should a country, clothed by the God of nature with all his highest forms of magnificence and grandeur, be governed by an island of the Old World ? Why should it be impeded in its career by manacles thrown about its giant limbs by the selfishness of its parent ?? The tyrannical revenue laws were never fully submitted to; and if they were not openly opposed, it was because they were not rigidly enforced.
The British ministry, dissatisfied with so easy an allegiance, resolved, after the conclusion of the treaty of Aix La Chapelle, (1745,) to adopt a more stringent policy with respect to the colonies, by enforcing the revenue laws, and asserting the prin- ciple of British supremacy. They introduced into Parliament a bill which proposed to sweep away the colonial charters without the form of legal judgment, and which authorized the king's instructions to be enforced as law. This bill excited great alarm, and was successfully resisted by the agents of the colonies.3 War again broke out with France, and William Pitt became prime minister, who was opposed to this policy. This great statesman resigned in 1761, and the Grenville min- istry subsequently renewed it. In consequence of this, politics became the chief concern of almost every local community.
1 Hutchinson, March 10, 1773, wrote, " Is there any way of compelling Boston to be a corporation, by depriving them of their present privileges, and not suffering any acts of the town? The charter of New York city might be a good pattern. Can no restraint be laid on the other towns, from acting in any other affairs than such as immediately concern them respec- tively? 2 Smyth's Lectures, vol. II., p. 357. 3 Minot's Massachusetts, vol. I., p. 147.
1
,
:
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4
COLONIAL POLITICS.
In opposition to this policy, and in behalf of commercial free- dom, James Otis made (1761) his memorable specch on writs of assistance. The idea was entertained, at this period, that an American empire was close at hand. It was deduced froni the ratio of the increase of population in the colonies, their great natural resources, free spirit, deliverance from danger from the French, and the adoption of the restrictive policy of the ministry. It is not the purpose of these pages, however, to dwell on political events further than as they were the im- mediate occasion of the commencement of hostilities. In 1765 the ministry determined to enforce the supremacy of Parlia- ment by a system of internal taxation. Hence the stamp act, and the opposition to it; its repeal, and the wild joy of the colonists. But the claim was still asserted, that Parliament had the right to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever; and, to enforce it, other acts were passed, bearing upon all of them, and calling forth in all general opposition and counteracting measures.
In Massachusetts, for nearly a century and a half, there had been a steady and healthy development of free principles. The people manifested it in the early struggles for their char- ters, in their resistance to the greedy tyranny of Andros, and in the subsequent political controversies between the liberty- men and the prerogative-men. Hence, during the ten years of strong reasoning, and firm resolve, and eloquent appeal - from 1764 to 1774-the acts judged unconstitutional, and contrary to natural and chartered rights, met in this colony with the most determined opposition. It was carried on by men of the Puritan stock, who had in them the earnestness, singleness of heart, and ready devotion, of the olden time, and who believed that Divine Providence had appointed them to develop and defend a rational liberty. There was no com- promise, with such men, with duty. Hence, in dealing with the small tax on tea, when no other course remaincd, they did not hesitate to destroy the obnoxious herb. Hutchinson writes, " This was the boldest stroke that had been struck in America." It was done after deliberate council, was the work of no common mob, was welcomed through the colonies by the ringing of bells and other signs of joy, and was defended
5
GENERAL GAGE.
as a measure of political necessity. Ministerial wisdom de- vised as a punishment the Boston Port Bill, which was signed March 31, 1774, and went into effect on the first day of June.
The execution of this measure devolved on Thomas Gage, who arrived at Boston May 13, 1774, as Captain General and Governor of Massachusetts. He was not a stranger in the colonies. He had exhibited gallantry in Braddock's defeat, and aided in carrying the ill-fated general from the field. He had married in one of the most respectable families in New York, and had partaken of the hospitalities of the people of Boston. His manners were pleasing. Hence he entered upon his public duties with a large measure of popularity. But he took a narrow view of men and things about him. He had no sympathy with the popular ideas, and no respect for those who advocated them. In his eyes, the mass of the people were "a despicable rabble," without the ability to plan or the courage to fight, and their leaders were oily demagogues gov- erned by a selfish ambition; and it was beyond his compre- hension, how, in a time of prosperity, when trade was good, when food was cheap and taxes were light, such a community could run the chance of ruin out of devotion to principle. His instructions required him to compel "a full and absolute submission" to the rigorous laws of Parliament; and to this end he was, if it should be considered necessary, authorized to employ with effect the king's troops.1 This was a harsh duty
1 The Earl of Dartmouth, in a letter to Governor Gage, dated April 9, 1774, after urging the duty of " mild and gentle persuasion," says : " At the same time, the sovereignty of the king, in this Parliament, over the colonies, requires a full and absolute submission ; and his majesty's dignity demands, that until that submission be made, the town of Boston, where so much an- archy and confusion have prevailed, should cease to be the place of the resi- dence of his governor, or of any other officer of government who is not obliged by law to perform his functions there." After dwelling on the " criminality " of those who aided in the proceedings in Boston during the months of November and December, 1773, the letter says : "The king con- siders the punishment of these offenders as a very necessary and essential example to others of the ill consequences that must follow from such open and arbitrary usurpations as tend to the subversion of all government," &c. The instructions of the Treasury Board, dated March 31, are equally rigorous, and looked to a complete prostration of the commerce of Boston.
6
COLONIAL POLITICS.
to perform; but, making every allowance for its character, General Gage proved as a civilian and a soldier unfit for his position. He was arrogant in the discharge of his office, and to downright incapacity he added gross insincerity in his inter- course with the people.
General Gage, on the seventeenth of May, landed at the Long Wharf, and was received with much parade. Members of the Council and of the House of Representatives, some of the principal inhabitants of the town, with the company of cadets, escorted liim to the Council Chamber, amid salutes from the batteries of the town and of the shipping. In King-street, the troop of horse, the artillery company, the grenadiers, and sev- eral companies of militia, saluted him as he passed. About noon his commission was proclaimed in form, and a procla- mation was read by the high sheriff, continuing all officers in their places. It was answered by three huzzas from the concourse of people, by three vollies of small arms, and a discharge of cannon by the artillery. The governor thien re- ceived the compliments of his friends, reviewed the militia, and was escorted to Faneuil Hall, where " an elegant dinner," loyal toasts, and animating festivity, closed the ceremonies. He then repaired to the Province House, the place of his resi- dence.1
General Gage held a consultation with Governor Hutchin- . son, the admiral, and the commissioners of the customs, in relation to putting the Port Bill in force. All agreed in the manner of doing it. The officials left the town, the admiral stationed his ships, and on the first day of June the act went into effect. It met with no opposition from the people, and hence there was no difficulty in carrying it into rigorous exe- cution. "I hear from many," the governor writes, "that the act has staggered the most presumptuous ;" " the violent party men seem to break, and people fall off from them." Hence he looked for submission; but Boston asked assistance from the other colonies, and the General Court requested him to appoint a day of fasting and prayer. The loyalists felt uneasy at the absence of the army .? "Many are impatient," Gen-
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