USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Concord > History of the siege of Boston, and of the battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. Also an account of the Bunker Hill Monument. With illustrative documents > Part 25
USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Boston > History of the siege of Boston, and of the battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. Also an account of the Bunker Hill Monument. With illustrative documents > Part 25
USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Lexington > History of the siege of Boston, and of the battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. Also an account of the Bunker Hill Monument. With illustrative documents > Part 25
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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40
1 A paper dated October 28, 1775, gives the names, rates, and situation of the navy in Boston harbor : -
The Boyne - mounts 64 guns, and lies near the western end of Spectacle Island.
The Preston -50 guns- is now moored for the winter between Long Wharf and Hancock's Wharf, at the eastern end of the town.
The Scarborough, and another sloop, -one of twenty and the other of sixteen guns, - are moored at a small distance to the southward of the Pres- ton.
There are at present no other ships of force in the harbor, except the Mercury, stationed at the north-west side of the town, upon Charles River.
A plan was proposed to capture the Preston by surprise.
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THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
Washington was much relieved by the arrival (October 15) of a committee from Congress, appointed to consult with other committees, in relation to a new organization of the army. It consisted of Dr. Franklin, Hon. Thomas Lynch, of Carolina, and Colonel Harrison, of Virginia.1 Deputy Governor Gris- wold and Judge Nathaniel Wales were present from Connect- icut; Deputy Governor Cooke from Rhode Island ; Hon. James Bowdoin, Colonel Otis, Hon. William Sever, and Hon. Wal- ter Spooner, of the Massachusetts council. The president of the Provincial Congress appeared for New Hampshire. The labors of this "committee of conference" continued several days, - from the 18th to 22d, -and embraced all the points of the proposed new army. Joseph Reed acted as secretary. His records have been preserved. On the last day the dele- gates from the several colonies stated the number of men each colony could supply before the 10th of March, and the terms on which they could be enlisted. Massachusetts could furnish twenty thousand men, on the terms on which the present army were raised; viz., a coat, forty shillings a month, - one month's pay being advanced ; and a greater number on any emergency. Connecticut could supply eight thousand men, at forty shillings a month, and forty shillings bounty. New Hampshire could furnish three thousand at forty shillings, without a bounty. Rhode Island could not go any further than to continue its force of fifteen hundred men. The con- ference decided that the General Court of Massachusetts ought properly to take cognizance of all armed vessels fitted out by its citizens, and that commissions should be granted, and cap- tures made, at least under some authority ; and that captures made by armed vessels in the pay of the continent should be disposed of by the general for the public use. The result of this conference was extremely satisfactory to Washington. A plan was agreed upon for a new organization of the army, which provided for the enlistment of twenty-six regiments, of eight companies each, besides riflemen and artillery. This
' General Greene writes, October 16, 1775 : " The committee of Congress arrived last evening, and I had the honor to be introduced to that very great man Doctor Franklin, whom I viewed with silent admiration during the whole evening. Attention watched his lips, and conviction closed his periods."
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PROPOSED ATTACK ON BOSTON.
plan, and the details of it, were substantially adopted by Con- gress.
On the 23d and 24th, the delegates from Congress held a formal conference with Washington on sundry matters upon which no order had been made by Congress. The most prominent of them was the important measure of an attack on Boston. A council of war,1 convened in consequence of an intimation from Congress, had decided that at present it was not practicable. Washington desired the delegates to state how far it might be deemed advisable to destroy the troops in Boston by bombardment; in other words - whether the town and the property were to be so considered that an attack on the troops should be avoided when it evidently appeared that the town must, in consequence, be destroyed ? The delegates considered the subject of too much importance to be decided by them, and referred it to Congress .? Dr. Belknap was in the camp during this conference, and dined with a party consist- ing of the delegates and the generals. He writes of the con- versation : "Lynch, Harrison, and Wales wished to see
1 At a council of war, held at head-quarters October 18, 1775, present his excellency General Washington ; Major-generals Ward, Lce, Putnam : Brigadier-generals Thomas, Heath, Sullivan, Greene, Gates.
The general acquainted the members of the council, that he had called them together in consequence of an intimation from the Congress that an attack upon Boston, if practicable, was much desired. That he therefore desired their opinions on the subject.
General Gates. - That under present circumstances it is improper to attempt it.
General Greene. - That it is not practicable under all circumstances ; but if ten thousand men could be landed at Boston, thinks it is.
General Sullivan. - That at this time it is improper. The winter gives a more favorable opportunity.
General Heath. - Impracticable at present.
General Thomas. - Of the same opinion.
General Putnam. - Disapproves of it at present.
General Lee. - Is not sufficiently acquainted with the men to judge ; therefore thinks it too great a risk.
General Ward. - Against it.
General Washington.
2 The documents in relation to this committee of conference may be found in American Archives, vol. III.
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THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
Boston in flames. Lee told them it was impossible to burn it unless they sent men in with bundles of straw on their backs to do it. He said it could not be done with carcass and hot shot: and instanced the Isle Royal, in St. Lawrence River, which was fired at in 1760 a long time, with a fine train of artillery, hot shot, and carcasses, without effect." 1
In October much excitement was occasioned in the camp, and in the colonies, by the discovery of a correspondence of Dr. Church, who had been a prominent patriot, with the enemy. In the month of July, he gave a letter to a woman who was going to Newport, with directions to go on board a British man-of-war stationed there, and give it to its com- mander, Captain Wallace. She applied to Mr. Wainwood, a patriot, to assist her in getting access to the captain, who artfully drew from her the fact of her errand. It occurring to him that the letter might be from a traitor in the army, hc prevailed on her to intrust the delivery of it to him. He then imparted the secret to Mr. Maxwell, another patriot, who opened the letter, and found it written in characters which he did not understand. The matter here rested until Mr. Wainwood received a letter from the woman, manifesting uneasiness as to the missing letter. This led them to con- clude that such correspondence might be still continucd. They then advised with Mr. Henry Ward, of Providence, who sent the letter, with an account of the matter, to General Greene. Hle immediately conferred with Washington. Thc woman was examined, and after some hesitation, she said Dr. Church gave her the letter. He was then arrested. The letter was deciphered by Rev. Samuel West. It was mostly made up of a description of the force of the Americans, but contained no disclosure of consequence, and no expressions prejudicial to the cause of the country. Dr. Church, as soon as the contents were found out, wrote an incoherent account of the matter to Washington, in which he attempted to vindicate himself from any design unfriendly to his country. A coun- cil of war assembled, (October 3,) before which Dr. Church confessed that he wrote the letter, stated that his object was
1 Life of Dr. Belknap, 96.
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CASE OF DR. CHURCH.
to effect a speedy accommodation of the dispute, but protested his innocence of any traitorous design. The council were not satisfied, but were unanimously of opinion that he had carried on a criminal correspondence. They decided to refer the case to Congress ; and in the mean time to confine the prisoner closely, and allow no person to visit him but by special direction.
Washington immediately laid the matter before Congress. It also came before the committee of conference in the camp. This body, after discussion, resolved to refer Dr. Church for trial and punishment to the Massachusetts General Court, with the understanding that no procedure should be had until the pleasure of Congress was known.
Dr. Church underwent next the ordeal of the General Court. He was examined by this body October 27. His letter was read, and he made a long and curious speech in his own justi- fication. It failed to convince his associates of his innocence, and he was, November 2, expelled from his seat. His fate was decided by the Continental Congress. It resolved, November 6, that he should be confined in a jail in Connecti- cut, " without the use of pen, ink, or paper, and that no per- son be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence and hearing of a magistrate of the town, or the sheriff of the county, where he should be confined, and in the Englishi lan- guage," until the further order of Congress. He was im- prisoned at Norwich. In the following May he petitioned Congress for his release from confinement, on the ground of declining health. This was granted, on the condition that he should be removed to Massachusetts, and be put in the charge of the council of this colony; and that he should give his parole, with sureties in the penalty of one thousand pounds, not to hold correspondence with the enemy, or to leave the colony without license.' He accordingly returned to Boston,
1 The documents relative to this affair are voluminous. They are collected in the American Archives. See Sparks' Washington, vol. III. Dr. Church, during his confinement, wrote two long and earnest letters to Wash- ington's secretary, Joseph Reed, in relation to his case. - Reed's Life of President Reed, vol. I., p. 123.
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THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
and during the year 1776 obtained permission to visit the West Indies. The vessel in, which he sailed was never heard of.
Efficient measures were taken this month to fit out armed vessels. The necessity of them to cut off the enemy's supplies prompted the efforts made (see pages 110, 111) in the Massa- chusetts Provincial Congress to authorize them, before the battle of Bunker Hill. A report in relation to them was con- sidered in this body, (June 19,) and after debate, " the matter was ordered to subside." Meantime, the Rhode Island Assembly (June 12) authorized two vessels to be fitted out,- one of eighty men, under Abraham Whipple; the other of thirty men, under Christopher Whipple. They were cruising in July. Connecticut authorized (July 1) two armed vessels to be fitted out. So important was it to distress the British, that Washington, under his general authority, authorized vessels to be equipped. The first captain he commissioned was Nicholas Broughton, of Marblehead, whose instructions are dated September 2, 1775. He was addressed as " captain in the army of the united colonies of North America," and was directed " to take the command of a detachment of said army, and proceed on board the schooner Hannah, at Bev- erly." Captain Broughton immediately sailed, and captured the ship Unity. His vessel, or the name of it, seems the next month to have been changed.
Washington soon made contracts for other vessels. He received instructions from Congress, October 5, to commission vessels to capture the enemy's transports, and was especially directed to capture "two north-country built ships, of no force," but loaded with military stores. Every effort was then made to fit out a small fleet of six schooners, but they were not all ready for sea until the last of October. On the 29th the Lynch, commanded by Captain Broughton, and Franklin, by Captain Selman, had sailed for the St. Law- rence; the Lee, by Captain Manly, sailed this day on a cruise ; the Warren, by Captain Adams, and the Washington, by Captain Martindale, were to sail the 30th; the Harrison, Captain Coit, was on a cruise. It would require too much space to relate the fortunes of this little fleet. Some of the
261
AP.MED VESSELS.
vessels were unfortunate. Captain Martindale was captured, and, with his crew, was carried to England. Others, how- ever, were highly successful.
Meantime, public opinion and individual daring compelled the Massachusetts Assembly to act on this subject. Persons petitioned to be permitted to fit out privateers, and Newbury- port and Salem memorialized in favor of public armed ves- sels being authorized. And more than this, -vessels were captured by enterprising seamen, without acting under any authority. At length, September 2S, the Assembly appointed a committee to consider the subject. This committee not reporting, the Assembly, October 6th, "enjoined it to sit," and appointed Elbridge Gerry a member. A law was drawn up, during this month, by Messrs. Gerry and Sullivan, author- izing armed vessels, and establishing a court for the trial and condemnation of prizes ; and finally, November 13, it was passed. This is said to be the first law establishing American naval warfare.1
The vessels commissioned by Washington -the first com- missioned by the authority of the united. colonies-sailed under the pine-tree flag. This was the flag of the floating- batteries. Colonel Reed, October 20, 1775, writes to Colonels Glover and Moylan :- " Please to fix upon some particular color for a flag, and a signal by which our vessels may know one another. What do you think of a flag with a white ground, a tree in the middle, the motto 'Appeal to Heaven' ? This is the flag of our floating batteries." Moylan and Glover replied, (October 21,) that as Broughton and Selman, who sailed that morning, had none but their old colors, they had appointed the signal by which they could be known by their friends to be "the ensign up to the main toppinglift." That the pine-tree flag, however, was carried by the colonial
1 The Continental Congress, Oct. 13, authorized a vessel of ten guns and eighty men to be fitted out, and voted to equip another vessel, - both to cruise to the eastward, and intercept the enemy's transports. On the 30th it authorized two other vessels, of twenty and thirty-six guns, and determined that the second vessel, authorized 13th, should have fourteen guns. It appointed a committee to carry this vote into execution. On the 28th of November it agreed to a code of regulations for " the navy of the united colonies."- Journals of Congress.
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THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
cruisers is certain, because one was captured, and the British papers (January, 1776) describe its colors as follows : " The flag taken from a provincial privateer is now deposited in the admiralty ; the field is white bunting, with a spreading green tree; the motto, 'Appeal to Heaven.'" A map of Boston and vicinity was published in Paris in 1776, which has the following representation of this flag : ---
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IDEA OF INDEPENDENCE.
CHAPTER XI.
The new Organization of the Army. Fortification of Cobble Hill and Lech- mere's Point. State of the American Camp. Distresses of the British Army. Boston in December.
Six months had elapsed since the breaking out of hostilities between the colonies and Great Britain. During this period things had been gradually tending to a state of open, regular war, by sea as well as by land. Not only had the people become accustomed to the idea of settled hostility, but they were entertaining the idea of political independence. This had been broached in various quarters by sagacious patriots, and had been favorably received. The American camp was alive with it. "I found," Dr. Belknap writes, October 19, "that the plan of independence was become a favorite point in the army, and that it was offensive to pray for the king." General Greene advocated the policy of a declaration, in a letter, Oct. 23, evincing great foresight, and filled with admirable reasoning. After stating that " people began heart- ily to wish it," he said : "The alternative is a separation from Great Britain, or subjugation to her." " We had as well be in earnest first as last ; for we have no alternative but to fight it out, or be slaves." This, also, was the policy that would be the most likely to secure foreign aid. France was the real enemy of Great Britain, and desired to see its power dimin- ished ; but she would refuse to intermeddle in the dispute until she saw there was no hope of an accommodation. Should she, without such a declaration, supply warlike stores, and should the breach between the colonies and Great Britain be after- wards made up, "she would incur the hostility of her rival, without reaping any solid advantage." Such was the reason- ing of this clear-headed general. Such was, undoubtedly, the political sentiment of the camp, held alike by the commander- in-chief and the rank and file. Such was the growing pub-
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THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
lic opinion, not only of Massachusetts, but of other colonies. Abroad the contest was watched with intense interest. Eng- land felt that its arms had been humiliated. France was deliberating whether to take sides in the contest. Europe was astonished to see so fine a British army rendered so entirely useless. Thus numerous were the eyes that were fixed on the dawning of American independence !
The success thus far was gratifying to those who knew the difficulties that had been overcome. The general officers, in a long address to the soldiers,1 Nov. 24, remarked : "The ministerial army, with three of their most esteemed generals at their head, have been able to effect nothing. Instead of overrunning and ravaging the continent, from north to south, as they boasted they would do, they find themselves ignomin- iously cooped up within the walls of a single town." Instead of the disaffection of some of the colonies, which the ministry pledged themselves to the people of England would be the case, the union became stronger every day. Georgia, it was just announced, had acceded to it, which made up the Thir- teen United Colonies. Although the success of the American arms might not have altogether come up to the expectations of the people, or even of the Congress, it satisfied the general officers.
Nor was it overlooked that this success had been mainly achieved by four only of the colonies, - by the forces of Mas- sachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire. One regiment from the south had joined the army, but a por- tion of it - Morgan's celebrated rifle-corps -had been de- tached to Quebec. This left New England mostly to its own resources. It is true there were reasons why it should have made these large exertions. It was the chief object of minis- terial vengeance. It was the immediate object of hostile attack ; and the duty of repelling this attack fell more prop- erly to its hands. In this day of trial New England did not disappoint the expectations entertained of it by the friends of freedom.
And of New England it is but sheer justice to keep in view the efforts of Massachusetts. It was as much the great sup- ' This address is in the American Archives, vol. III., p. 1666.
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EFFORTS OF NEW ENGLAND.
porter of the colonies, in this day of action, as Boston had been the great leader of the towns, in the day of preparation. Its service, perhaps, is best told in contemporary language, elic- ited by contemporary jealousy. "Let it be remembered," -- Elbridge Gerry wrote, Oct. 9, 1775, --- "that the first attack was made on this colony ; that we had to keep a regular force, without the advantage of regular government ; that we had to support in the field from twelve to fourteen thousand men, when the whole forces voted by the other New England governments amounted to eight thousand five hundred only. That New Hampshire found it impracticable to support its own troops at so short a notice, and was for a considerable time actually supplied with provisions from this province. That after we had ransacked the seaports, and obtained all that was not wanted for their support, and had stopped two cargoes of flour owned in Boston, it was found that all the pork and grain in the government would not more than sup- ply the inhabitants and the army until the new crops came in ; and that there was no way left, unassisted as we were by the continent, or any other colony, - for we never had a barrel of continental flour to supply the army, --- but to write a cir- cular letter to every town in the counties of Worcester, Hamp- shire, and Berkshire, desiring them, in the most pressing terms, to send in provisions, and engaging that the inhabitants should be allowed the customary price in their respeetive towns, and the teamsters the usual rate for carting. But for this meas- ure the forces of this colony and New Hampshire must have been dispersed."1 This presents a striking view of some of the difficulties which the indomitable men who had thrown down the gauntlet to Great Britain were obliged to encounter. The general histories of this time abound with others. It required as stout hearts to struggle through them as it did to meet the enemy in the shock of battle.
It is not surprising that merit so great excited envy in other colonies. Even the pressure of external danger could not repress it. "The eyes of friends and foes," Gerry wrote, "are fixed on this colony ; and if jealousy or envy can sully its reputation, they will not miss the opportunity." A jeal- 1 Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. I., p. 115.
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THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
ousy of New England is often seen in contemporary docu- ments. It seems strange, at this day, that, at a time when the pressure of external danger demanded close union, such an assurance as the following was considered necessary : "I assure the gentlemen from the south ward," - wrote General Greene, October 16, - " that there could not be anything more abhorrent to * than a union of these colonies for the pur- pose of conquering those of the south." Hence the strong desire of Washington to supplant this local jealousy by a union spirit. And in the new organization of the army, one point was to make it as much as possible a continental, rather . than a colonial, army. In considering the difficulties which . the commander-in-chief had to surmount, this jealousy should not be overlooked.
In carrying out the plan of the committee of conference for the organization of the army, adopted by the Continental Con- gress, a new arrangement of officers was necessary. The old army contained thirty-eight regiments ; the plan for the new army contemplated only twenty-six regiments. Much judg- ment was required in the delicate duty of reduction, to avoid the imputation of prejudice or of partiality. The officers selected were such as appeared best qualified to perform . all the duties, and to undergo all the fatigues, of a military life. This whole business gave Washington and his generals great perplexity. There is much matter about it in the letters of the day. The men would not enlist unless they were allowed their favorite commanders ; many of the officers would not serve unless their rank was adjusted to meet their expecta- tions. "The trouble I have in the arrangement of the army," - Washington writes, November 11th, -"is really incon- ceivable." At length this obstacle was overcome, and (Nov. 12) recruiting orders, were given out. It was expected that most of the old army would reenlist, and that the difficulties had been surmounted. Washington was doomed to severe disappointment. A month's exertions only procured five thousand recruits. Washington's patience and patriotism were put to a severe test. His correspondence presents a vivid picture of his trials. "Such a dearth of public (spirit) and want of virtue,", he wrote, " such stock-jobbing and fer-
267
SKIRMISH AT LECHMERE'S POINT.
tility in all the low arts, to obtain advantages of one kind and another, I never saw before, and pray God I never may be witness to again." 1
During November a skirmish occurred at Lechmere's Point, and ground was broken at Cobble Hill. On the 9th Lieuten- ant-colonel Clark, at the head of six companies of light infan- try and a hundred grenadiers, -about four hundred men, - embarked in boats from Boston, and landed at Lechmere's Point; to carry off the stock there. It was at high water, when the place was an island. The Cerberus and several floating batteries covered the party. The alarm was given. Colonel Thompson, with his regiment of riflemen, joined by Colonel Woodbridge, with a part of his regiment and part of Patter- son's regiment, marched down to meet the enemy. To get on to the point, the troops were obliged to ford the causeway, in the face of the British, when the water was several feet deep. This they did with much spirit. The enemy, how- ever, were about to embark under cover of the fire of the Brit- ish man-of-war, of a floating battery, and the fire of a battery on Charlestown Neck. They lost two men, and carried off ten cows. The Americans had two men dangerously wounded by grape shot from the ship. Some of the troops behaved with great spirit. Major Mifflin, a favorite officer, Mrs. Adams writes, " flew about as though he would have raised the whole army." In a few instances, the men were backward. "The alacrity of the riflemen and officers upon the occasion,"
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