USA > Massachusetts > Hampshire County > Gazetteer of Hampshire County, Mass., 1654-1887 > Part 48
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Soil .- About two-thirds of Southampton are included in the new red sand - stone formation of the Connecticut valley, and possess the same general char- acteristics as neighboring localities embraced in the same geological system. The red rock, as it is locally designated, approaches in many places very near the surface, and when uncovered and exposed to the influence of the atmosphere and the action of frost, speedily disintegrates, and, when suffi- ciently comminuted, forms an excellent soil. Most of the arable land is of this description. When mingled in due proportion with organic matter, it assumes a dark color, is mellow and friable, and is worked with great facility. This view of red land, so prominent a feature in Southampton, may be dis- tinctly traced through Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Maryland to Virginia. The red lands are susceptible of the highest im- provement.
The remaining territory rests upon granitic rock, covered with soil of vary- ing degrees of thickness. A section of granite of triangular form, with its base in the towns on the north, is forced like a wedge in Southampton, be- tween the sandstone on the east and the mica and the gneiss on the west. This is the true granitic region, and presents the general features that every- where distinguish the primary formation. The surface is rugged and moun-
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tainous, and to the explorer with a purely utilitarian turn of mind, would probably offer few attractions. Stones encumber the ground ; and although the huge rocks are not strown as thickly as "autumn leaves in Vallombrosa," they are sufficiently numerous to be reckoned by hundreds and even thousands on a single farm. And yet this granite soil is strong and durable, and when properly cultivated will produce generous crops. As may be inferred, tillage predominates in the eastern part of the town and grazing in the western.
Settlement and growth .- In 1730, the present township of Southampton was an unbroken, heavily-timbered wilderness without a single inhabitant, and included within the boundaries of Northampton. The latter town had been settled about seventy-five years, but no clearings had been made nor houses erected on the south at a greater distance than three or four miles. Indian forays on the valley towns rendered all such enterprises extremely hazardous. But despite this serious impediment to improvement and culti- vation, proprietary rights seem to have extended over nearly the whole territory, as the earliest known record relating to the subject states that on the tenth day of March of the year before mentioned, a meeting of the pro- prietors was held-being an adjourned meeting from the previous January- to decide upon the division of the lands and the formation of a settlement. The affirmative opinion prevailed, and a committee was appointed to make the distribution. Hon. John Stoddard, Ebenezer Pomeroy, Deacon John Clark, Hon. Joseph Hawley and Ensign Ebenezer Parsons constituted this committee. Two of them, John Stoddard and Joseph Hawley, were men of eminent ability and prominent members of the colonial government. They made allotments to thirty individuals upon certain conditions. The most important of these were that each settler should "till and fence five acres before next fall twelve months ; " build a house of at least one room within two years from the above date, either on Pomeroy mountain or on the town- plat hill, and remove with his famity and live there at least two years.
During the two following years little appears to have been done by the pro- prietors, except the clearing of small tracts, preparatory to the erection of dwellings. In 1732 the two first houses built within the present limits of the town were those of Thomas Porter and Judah Hutchinson, and they are thus entitled to the distinction of being the first permanent settlers. Both of these structures were of limited dimensions. That of the former is still pre- served, forming a single room in the residence of the late Col. Elisha Ed- wards, and now occupied by his son, George K. Edwards. Mr. Hutchin- son's house stood near the Joel T. Clapp place. This is the current tradi- tion, and its authenticity has not been disputed until quite recently, when a claim was preferred that Ebenezer Kingsley was entitled to this honor, the only proof adduced to support it being the inscription upon his tombstone. This conflict of claims may, perhaps, be reconciled in this way : Mr. Kings- ley might have been, and it is reasonable to infer that he was, the first person to make a clearing ; but as there is no mention of his house until two years
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after tradition affirms that Porter and Hutchinson erected their dwellings, it is equally reasonable to conclude that they were the pioneer builders of houses. It may be proper to observe, in this connection, that Samuel Pom- eroy and Eldad Pomeroy, who always claimed to belong in the old town- Northampton-and never lived within the present limits of Southampton, had previously cultivated land in Pomeroy's meadow for nearly or quite a score of years.
During the next year ( 1733) fourteen settlers arrived, namely, Nathan Ly- man, Phineas King, Joseph Clark, Ebenezer Kingsley, Nathaniel Searle, John Clark, John Wait, Ichabod Strong, Waitstill Strong, Samuel Danks, Stephen Root, Elias Root, Moses Wright and Ezra Strong. This was the first instalment of the holders of allotments of land who came to make per- manent homes In the course of the three or four succeeding years fourteen others joined them, to wit, Jonathan Bascom, Samuel Bust, Roger Clapp, Aaron Clark, Elisha Clark, Jonathan Clark, Ebenezer French, Eleazer Han- num, Elias Lyman, John Miller, Noah Pixley, Israel Sheldon, Noah Sheldon and Stephen Sheldon.
By subsequent accretions, slowly during the continuance of the French and Indian wars, and more rapidly after their termination, the town attained a respectable degree of development, both in resources and population. The forest was cleared away on the best lands, which were divided into fields for tillage, pasture and meadows, and the soil, rich and strong, produced maxi- mum crops, among which wheat, barley, rye, flax and corn occupied a con- spicuous place. It may be observed that of the names enumerated above, nearly all can now be found in the town, and are borne by their lineal de- scendants. They belonged, without exception, to that sturdy class of Eng- lishmen, who, in defence of the freedom of conscience, and in vindication of civil liberty, fought the battles of Edgehill, Naseby and Marston Moor, over- turned a throne and brought a king to justice for his manifold encroachments upon their rights and privileges. To such men, Macaulay says, England is indebted for her constitutional liberties. They need no other or better eulo- gium. Southampton was organized as a Puritan town in a Puritan common- wealth, and its history has in no way disappointed the expectations and hopes of those who founded it.
In 1749 a tract containing three thousand acres, and bounded by Westfield on the south, called the " additional grant," was divided among the proprie- tors. This was an important and material addition to the area and resources of the settlement. There have also been at different periods, alterations in the boundary lines of the town. Most of them were unimportant. In one instance, however, Southampton was obliged to surrender considerable terri- tory to the young, and when the transfer was made, feeble town of East- hampton.
The growth and fluctuations in the town's population may be seen by the figures set after the several years : 1776, 740 ; 1790, 829; 1800, 983 ; 1810,
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1, 171; 1820, 1, 160 ; 1830, 1,244; 1840, 1, 157 ; 1850, 1,060 ; 1855, 1,195; 1860, 1,130; 1865, 1,216 ; 1870, 1, 159 ; 1875, 1,050 ; 1880, 1,046.
Organization .- In the course of ten years, after the first allotments of land had been made, there had been a gradual but gratifying increase in the popu- lation of the new settlement, and, as the distance to Northampton, where they were in the habit of attending Divine worship, was about eight miles, over roads rudely and imperfectly constructed, which rendered traveling in some seasons of the year tedious, difficult, and sometimes dangerous, it naturally occurred to their minds that some organization by which religious privileges could be instituted in their own secluded community, was both desirable and necessary. It does not appear from an examination of the early records that they were actuated by any other motive than this in the measures they adopted to obtain the passage by the general court of an act of incorporation of the settlement as a separate and distinct district, or precinct, to use the phraseology of the times. But this related only to religious matters. In all secular affairs the Second Precinct of Northampton, as the new settlement was called, remained an integral part of the present town. The inhabitants were empowered to assess and collect taxes for the erection of a meeting- house, the support of a preacher, and other purely religious purposes. The Second Precinct was regularly incorporated July 23, 1741, and on the 21st of the following September, the first precinct meeting was held at the house of Phineas King, one of the original fourteen settlers, when the following officers were chosen : Ebenezer Kingsley, moderator ; Phineas King, clerk ; Waitstill Strong, Ebenezer Finch and Aaron Clark, assessors; Stephen Shel- don, collector. A committee was also appointed, consisting of John Clark, Ebenezer Kingsley and Phineas King, to procure the services of a preacher of the Gospel. The precinct existed until January 5, 1753, when, with the assent of Northampton, it was incorporated as a town by the general court, with the name of Southampton. Under the town organization Ebenezer Kingsley was the first town-clerk, and Waitstill Strong, Stephen Sheldon and Ebenezer Kingsley constituted the first board of selectmen.
Indian Alarms and Depredations .- The ten years following the settlement of the town were measurably exempt from Indian alarms and incursions. But in 1743 the fear of savage raids became general, and measures were adopted to provide for the safety of the inhabitants in case an attack should be made. With this object in view a palisade, consisting of stakes driven into the ground, was constructed around the house of the Rev. Mr. Judd. On the west side and entered through a window in the second story, a watch- tower was built. From the top of this structure any indications of the pres- ence of the enemy in the neighborhood could be detected.
During this period of uneasiness and apprehension, the work of clearing the land and cultivating the soil languished to some extent, as the settlers exercised the utmost vigilance, and when laboring in the field, stationed sen- tinels upon the borders of the forest to discover and avert any impending
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danger. No man ventured to any distance from his dwelling without carry- ing his gun in his hand. It was not, however, until 1746 that any Indians made their appearance and perpetrated any mischief, although it might have been previously suspected that they were covertly lurking in the woods wait- ing for a favorable opportunity to emerge from their concealment and murder the settlers. In the latter part of August of that year the houses of Aaron Clark and Elisha Clark were entered, the furniture injured or destroyed, and clothing and provisions stolen. As these houses were in an exposed situa- tion, they had been abandoned by the families that respectively occupied them on the first intimation that the savages were in the vicinity. In the early part of September this party of dusky skulkers and marauders was again heard from. This time they lay in ambush near some bars between the houses of Ezra Strong and John Wait, through which cows were driven to pasture, the intention being to surprise and slay those who should come for the animals at the approach of evening. As the cows gradually drew near the bars, as was their habit towards the close of the day, an Indian was sent to drive them to the rear of the field and keep them there. Samuel Danks was sent to drive them home, and it so happened that, taking the nearest route to the pasture, he entered it on the side opposite the ambuscade. The restiveness of the animals aroused his suspicion that there might be some- thing amiss, and presently discovering the Indians he fled, standing not upon the order of his flight, and gave the alarm. The savages, finding their ingenious scheme was thwarted, instantly took to the woods, and nothing more was seen or heard of them during the year.
The next year, 1747, the Indians made their appearance again, this time so slyly and stealthily that their presence was not suspected until they had murdered Elisha Clark, who was engaged in thrashing grain in his barn. Seven bullets had inflicted as many wounds upon his body. Hastily con- cealing the lifeless form in the straw, they speedily decamped, killing some cattle as they fled in a northwesterly direction, encamping the first night in Westhampton, where they left sixteen poles standing, which was supposed to be the number of those on the war-path. Nothing. more was heard of them, the alarm subsided, and quietness prevailed during the winter months. It may be remarked that the barn in which Mr. Clark was killed stood near the present residence of Martin Clapp.
The enemy had disappeared only for a season. When the ice and snow had melted, the French, on the banks of the St. Lawrence, again set the red swarm in motion towards the settlements in the Connecticut valley, on a mission of pillage and murder. The ordinary route was to ascend the St. Francis to its source, then crossing the height of land between that stream and the Passumpsic, to descend the latter to its junction with the Connecti- cut, from which their progress to the outlying English plantations and ham- lets was comparatively easy.
On the 9th of May, 1748, they unexpectedly appeared again in Southamp-
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ton. About the middle of the day, as Noah Pixley was returning to his house from the pasture, where he had driven his cows, and had nearly reached the southern extremity of the village, he was fired upon by the Indians, who were concealed among the bushes in a ravine, and although seven or eight guns were discharged at him in quick succession, he received only a slight wound in the arm. He had run but a few rods when he was overtaken, his head crushed with a hatchet and his scalp torn away. The party then hast- ily fled along a path leading to the west part of the town, and stopped a short time at the house of Samuel Burt, now known as the Stephen E. Searle place ; but as Mr. Burt and his family had left it, they did not remain long enough to materially injure it. The people immediately rallied and pursued them, but, as usually happened on such occasions, they were too late to over- take and punish the retreating foe.
It does nor appear that the danger was any greater at this time than in some previous years, when the inhabitants courageously resolved to remain and defend their homes. But a panic now prevailed, and panic-stricken men rarely listen to reason or act with discretion and prudence. They abandoned their houses and farms and retired to Northampton, where all, or nearly all, had formerly lived. Mr. Judd repaired temporarily to Suffield. This step, as the event proved, was entirely unnecessary, and entailed upon the people much distress and inconvenience. The murder of Pixley marked the final disappearance of the Indians ; their annual visits ceased, and the settlements, so far as is known, was never again vexed with the presence of hostile, ma- rauding bands of savages.
Towards the close of July of the same year seven families returned to their homes, or to speak more definitely, under the cover of fortifications to watch the motions of the enemy, should any appear, and protect as far as possible the infant settlement from injury. In the course of the autumn most of the people came back to their homes. The abandonment of the place, how- ever, had left the wheat and rye crop unharvested, and no corn had been planted. During this gloomy period the inhabitants were assisted to some extent by the towns less exposed to danger, and where agricultural operations were not interrupted by Indian incursions. Besides the suffering caused by the scarc- ity of provisions, the settlers lost by death three prominent men, namely, Ezra Strong, Moses Wright and Noah Sheldon, who were among the thirty persons to whom allotments of land were originally made.
Military .- In the subsequent wars with the French, which terminated in the capture of Canada, Southampton contributed her full proportion of men, and in the campaign conducted by Sir William Johnson, in which the reduction of Crown Point seems to have been the primary object, two of them, Eliakim Wright and Ebenezer Kingsley, Jr., were slain. When Fort William Henry was surrendered to Montcalm, in 1757, owing to the cowardice or incapacity of General Webb, the English commander, who remained inactive with his army in the immediate vicinity of the fort, two others, Joel Clapp and Nathaniel
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Loomis, were stripped of their clothing and chased by the Indians nearly four- teen miles through the forest, barely escaping with their lives. But the time was rapidly approaching when the dangers which constantly menaced the frontier settlements of New England were to disappear. Under the guiding hand of William Pitt, who had the sagacity to discern military capacity and ability and employ them in the execution of his designs and purposes, the valley of the St. Lawrence passed into the possession of the English, and ceased thereafter to be regarded as a nuisance and an annoyance. Tradition affirms that in the great enterprise which resulted so auspiciously, the citizens of Southamp- ton bore an honorable part, but unfortunately their names have not been preserved in the records of the town.
It would expand the sketch of Southampton beyond the limits assigned to reproduce in detail from the records the action of the town during the Revo- lutionary war. It must suffice to state succinctly and briefly, the most impor- tant measures which were adopted with entire unanimity, as their were no loyalists or Tories here, to meet the exigencies of the times. As early as the 3d of October, 1774, at a town meeting called for the purpose, a com- mittee of correspondence was appointed, consisting of Jonathan Judd, Jr., Samuel Burt, Aaron Clark, Elias Lyman, Jonathan Clark, Timothy Clark, Lemuel Pomeroy, Samuel Clapp and Israel Sheldon. At the same time Samuel Burt and Aaron Clark were appointed delegates to a convention of the several towns of Hampshire county to be held in Northampton, and at an adjourned meeting Elias Lyman was chosen delegate to the provincial con- gress to be held at Concord. Events followed each other rapidly, and the next month the town directed the constables to collect the " Province tax" immediately and pay it to Henry Gardiner, the gentleman designated by the provincial congress to receive it, instead of Harrison Gray, who was acting under royal authority This was promptly done and constituted an act of overt and flagrant rebellion. In the succeeding years the town voted liberal sums of money for supplying the soldiers with food and clothing, and boun- ties to enlisted men. It is quite evident that nearly every able-bodied man in the town was employed at some time in the Revolutionary struggle, in some capacity, in the service of the country.
In the war of 1812, the late Col. Elisha Edwards, then captain, was sta- tioned for several months at Boston with his company. Massachusetts was not enthusiastically devoted to the prosecution of the war, and it is probable that Southampton sympathized with the prevailing sentiment in the common- wealth. Indeed, the town gave expression to its disapprobation of the policy of the general government by sending Luther Edwards and John Lyman as delegates to the anti-war convention at Northampton.
In the civil war, according to the statistics compiled by the authority of the state, Southampton furnished one hundred and twenty-seven men, being six- teen more than her quota, and of this number, five were commissioned offi- cers. In the way of aiding soldiers and their families the sum of $10,808 was
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paid by the town, aside from $5,899.96 which was subsequently refunded by the state.
Liberal Education .- Probably no town in the state in proportion to popu- lation has furnished so many liberally educated men as Southampton. The colleges from which they graduated were, principally, Harvard, Yale, Will- iams and Amherst. The following is believed to be a complete list, with the year of graduation : Jonathan Judd, Jr., 1765; David Searle, 1784; Rev. Ashbel Strong, 1801; Rev. Lyman Strong, 1802; Rev. Sylvester Burt, 1804; Rev. John Woodbridge, 1804; Martin I .. Hurlburt, 1804; Rev. Saul Clark, 1805; Theodore Pomeroy, 1808; Rev. Samuel Ware, 1808; Rev. Rufus Pomeroy, 1808; Rev. Thaddeus Pomeroy, 1810; Rev. Isaac Parsons, 1811; Rev. William Strong, 1811; Rev. Federal Burt, 1812; Rev. Sylvester Wood- bridge, 1813; Rev. Rufus Hurlburt, 1813; Rev. Noble D. Strong, 1813; Rev. Aretus Loomis, 1815; Justin W. Clark, 1816; Rev. Medad Pomeroy, 1817; Rev. Chandler Bates, 1818; Rev. Lemuel P. Bates, 1818; Rev. Philetus Clark, 1818; Rev. Erastus Clapp, 1822; Rev. Jairus Burt, 1824; Rev. Bela B. Edwards, 1824; Rev. Abner P. Clark, 1825; Rev. Ralph Clapp, 1825; Joseph B. Clapp, 1829; Rev. Jeremiah Pomeroy, 1829; Alvan W. Chapnian, 1830; Gideon Searle, 1830; Rev. Jesse L. Frary, 1831; Edward R. Thorp, 1831; Israel W. Searle, 1832; Mahlon P. Chapman, 1832; Rev. Philander Bates, 1833; Rev. Rufus C. Clapp, 1833; Daniel Gould, 1834; Rev. Sereno D. Clark, 1835; Rev. Justus L. Janes, 1835; Rev. Lemuel Pomeroy, 1835; Rev. Lewis F. Clark, 1837; Rev. William H. Sheldon, 1837; Spencer S. Clark, 1839: J. C. Searle, 1842; Rev. Henry L. Edwards, 1847; Austin Weeks, 1858; Rev. Henry Jones, 1857; Rev. J. B. Finch, date of graduation not ascertained; Rev. Andrew J. Clapp, 1857; Julius D. Phelps, 1874.
Biographical .- Rev. Jonathan Judd, in any sketch, however brief, of South- ampton and of the men who have lived in the town at various periods in its history, must naturally be assigned a conspicuous position. He was a native of Waterbury, Conn., and a graduate of Yale college. He was fifth in de- scent from Deacon Thomas Judd, who was one of a company of one hun- dred persons who, under the guidance of the Rev. Mr. Hooker, made, in 1636, the memorable overland journey from Cambridge to the valley of the Connecticut, and settled Hartford. Very likely he was one of the number who transported the fair, fragile and delicate form of Mrs. Hooker "on their arms " during their long and wearisome progress to their place of desti- nation. For a short time Mr. Judd preached to the people of Suffield, and while there had some correspondence with the committee appointed in South - hampton to "seek out some meet person to preach the Gospel" in the new settlement. Proceeding to this town he was so fortunate as to meet Jonathan Edwards, the Northampton pastor, in Westfield, and the two gentlemen pro- ceeded together on their journey. His ministrations were so acceptable that he was called to the pastorate with but one dissenting voice, and this dis- sentient soon became one of his most zealous supporters. His pastorate
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reached the term of sixty years, and during that long period he retained the respect, confidence and affection of his people. Theologically he coincided in opinion with Mr. Stoddard, the grandfather and predecessor of Mr. Ed- wards in the pastorate of the Northampton church, and, consequently favored the adoption of the " Half-way covenant," as it was called. When Mr. Ed- wards became involved in trouble with his church, Mr. Judd was a member of the council that dismissed that gentleman. In person he was tall, well- proportioned, and of imposing presence ; in deportment grave, dignified and courteous ; as a preacher clear, methodical and lucid. At his death he di- rected all his sermons, three thousand or more in number, to be burned. Certainly Mr. Judd must have possessed admirable qualities of mind to en- able him to retain the unabated love and esteem of his people to the close of his life. He married, soon after his settlement, Miss Silence Sheldon, of Suf- field. Children : four sons and three daughters-Jonathan, Sylvester, Solo- mon, Frederick, Silence, Sarah and Clarissa. Mr. Judd built and resided in the house now occupied by Colonel E. A. Edwards. There is a current tra- dition that after divine service one Sunday morning, as the minister was walk- ing in a meditative mood along a narrow path in the thicket a few rods from his house, in the direction of High street, he was suddenly confronted by a tall and muscular savage, fully armed, evidently upon the war-path, and in- tent upon the perpetration of mischief. The appearance of the warrior was as abrupt as it was unexpected, and the pastor must have been greatly sur- prised as well as alarnied, as he was probably one of a band of marauders lurking in ambush in the vicinity ; but his self-command was perfect, he man- ifested no signs of fear, and calmly and steadily looked upon the immovable countenance of the dangerous and unwelcome intruder. For a few moments the gaze was mutual. Then, with backward steps, still keeping his eyes fixed upon the Indian, he slowly retreated towards his house. When he reached it, the dusky warrior, having apparently changed his purpose or gratified his curiosity, moved swiftly into the forest and disappeared. If there was preach- ing in the meeting-house that afternoon, the edifice probably bore more re- semblance to a fortification than a house of worship.
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