USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Northfield > History of the town of Northfield, Massachusetts : for 150 years, with an account of the prior occupation of the territory by the Squakheags : and with family genealogies > Part 4
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" The common belief of the time made it double or treble this number : Mr. Judd's esti- mate makes it some less. .
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The River Indians.
name Pacomptocks was often used by the writers of the time, to include both clans. They appear to have been a branch of the Nipnet or Nipmuck family, which was scattered over the more central parts of the state, and about the ponds on both sides of the Connecticut state line, in the neighborhood of Dudley and Woodstock.' These two clans were distinct in their possessions, and maintained each its own separate jurisdiction. Each was divided into several families or sub- clans ; and while for the purposes of war or defence, the two might acknowledge the leadership of one high chieftain, in ordinary times the principal families claimed and held the right of ownership in a specified tract of land, where were placed their fort and planting-ground.
The territory held by the Pacomptocks proper, extended from the southerly end of Mt. Wequomps, to the north side of the meadow called Nallahamcomgon, now Bennett's meadow in Northfield. Toward the west their bound was indefinite. On the east it was nominally the Connecticut river, though their land extended much beyond this stream. Embraced in this tract were swamps and rivulets which afforded the best and handiest means for obtaining furs; the rich valley of the Deerfield river furnished abundant planting-ground ; and the Pasquamscut 2 (Turner's) falls were unsurpassed as a fishing place. And as evidence of the prosperity and thrift of this savage people, it should be stated that they once, from their surplus stores, saved the infant Connecticut colony from impending famine. The spring of 1637 was so occupied by the English settlers at Windsor, Hartford and Wethersfield in preparing for and carrying on the war with the Pequots, that they failed to plant the requisite amount of corn and wheat. The following winter proving unusually long and severe, their provisions were wholly exhausted. On the first opening of spring (1638) a deputation was sent up to Agawam, where they failed to get supplies ; and then up the river to Pacomptock, where they found plenty of corn, and purchased of the Indians enough to load a fleet of 50 canoes, which were taken down the river by the natives, and the corn delivered at the towns designated.
This tribe took an important part in the wars of the period. They were generally ready on occasion to help the Massachusetts, the Nip- nets, and the Narragansetts, in their frequent struggles, as well as to
" According to Mr. Judd, the Nonotucks were accustomed to claim blood-relationship with the Quaboags.
2 Peske or pas-ompsk-ut, means, at the divided or parting rock, alluding to the rock near the head of the fall, which divided the waters. This rock was the favorite fishing-stand of the Indians.
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History of Northfield.
undertake enterprises of their own. In 1656, Uncas, the Mohegan sachen, moved up the river, with a considerable force, to take revenge of the Pacomptocks for some previous injury. The particulars of the expedition are not recorded; but it is known that the Pacomptocks successfully repelled the assault -"had so great a victory over him, and killed so many of his [Uncas's] men.""
The next year (1657) a raid for retaliation was planned by the Pacomptocks. "Wequogonoag, sachem of Narraganset, Wetowas- nati [and] Wisquoconc commissioners for Massepetoat Pacomptock sachem, Wampequamenet sachem, [and] Warquacunc, petitioned the General court of Massachusetts for liberty to make war upon Uncas.2 The court's consent was not given ; but the Pacomptocks went down the river secretly, and committed various depredations upon the allies of the Mohegan chief. The following extract from the records of the commissioners of the United Colonies (Sept. 1657), throws a little light on this expedition : " and the Gov". of Conn'. is desired to signify to the Pocomtick and Norwootick Sachems on charge upon Unckas in reference to the Podunk Indians, and on desire of their return to their dwelling and continuance there in Peace ; therefore we desire and expect they (the Pocomtick Sachems) will forbeare ail hostility against Unckas till the next meeting of the Commissioners."
In 1659 the United Colonies again sent messengers to them, re- questing them to suspend hostilities. The Sachems received the commissioners respectfully ; made a reply characterized by modera- tion, shrewdness and firmness ; but declined to make peace.3 These incidents help us to understand the strength and status of this tribe.
About 1663, the Mohawks, who lived on the river of that name in New York, and were the inveterate enemies of the northern Massachusetts tribes, made a descent upon the River Indians, and committed serious depredations here and to the eastward. The Deer- field valley was the scene of sanguinary conflicts. It is an accepted tradition that in this or another of their incursions the Mohawks at- tacked the Pacomptocks in their fort, situated on what is now known as Fort hill, a half-mile northeast of Deerfield meeting-house, and carried it after a severe contest, in which many were slain on both sides. The victors then fell upon the Squakheags : and pursuing their march eastward, inflicted great injury upon the tribes living on the Nashaway and Merrimack rivers.
' Mis. Reid, vol. i, p. +36.
2.Manuscript Court Records. s Judr. Hadley, p. 124.
,
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The River Indians.
To revenge their injuries, several of the Massachusetts tribes 1 formed a combination, and in the summer of 1669, with a force esti- mated at 600 or 700 warriors, marched for the Mohawk country. Chickatawbut, the principal sachem of the Massachusetts tribe, ap- pears to have headed the expedition. The chiefs of the Nonotucks, and Pacomptocks, and Squakheags, with their clans entered eagerly into the campaign, and made large preparations. Learning of their design, the Massachusetts authorities used every means in their power to dissuade the Indians from their hazardous undertaking ; but in vain. The eastern clans gathered on the river ; and the western trail was taken up. The Mohawks appear to have received timely intelligence of the approach of their enemy, and made pre- paration for their reception. Arriving at the nearest Mohawk fort, the Massachusetts sachem at once invested it with his whole force ; but for some reason he failed to make an immediate assault, and the delay proved his ruin. After a seige of several days, and at least one sanguinary battle, in which our Indians gained the advantage, finding his ammunition and provisions nearly exhausted, the assailant drew off his forces, and commenced a retreat towards the Bay. Observing his movement, the Mohawks left their fort and by a de- tour gained a position in front, and planted an ambuscade in a thick- set swamp, where they made an unexpected and furious attack on the retreating army. The battle is believed to have been fierce and bloody, and the loss of the New England Indians about fifty, includ- ing the leader and several under chiefs. On the approach of dark- ness the Mohawks returned to their fort, and the dispirited and broken invaders pursued their homeward march. Peace between the rival nations was not concluded for nearly two years, but no further hostile attempts were made from this quarter.
The account of this struggle between the Massachusetts Indians and the Mohawks has been given so much in detail, because, in- directly, it prepared the way for the settlement of Northfield - as will appear in the sequel.
THE SQUAKHEAGS. - The territory of the Squakheags lay to the north of the lands held by the Pacomptocks, and took in both sides of the Connecticut river.
Its north bound was " the little river called Wanasquatok" (Broad brook), which empties into the Connecticut near the north line of the town of Vernon, Vt. There is no evidence to show how far the tribe claimed ownership toward the west ; probably not more than 9 miles from the river. But they claimed the territory to the
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History of Northfield.
eastward to near the headwaters of Miller's river - as appears from the fact that a descendant of Nawelet at a later period sold a large tract in the neighborhood of Paquayag (Athol), which land, as ap- pears from the deed, came to him (the Indian) by inheritance. From all the facts that have been gathered, it is concluded that the Squak- heags were not related to the Pacomptocks. The distinctive pecu- liarities of language, and marks of tribal affinity, all connect them with the clans living on the banks of the Merrimack river. It is known that they were in close alliance with the Pennacooks, with whom they maintained intimate relations after the close of King Philip's war. But their early history, both before immigration and as a River tribe, is involved in much obscurity. Their somewhat isolated position would naturally screen them from public notice ; and as a frontier tribe, exposed on the west and north, their at- tention must necessarily have been much devoted to self-defence and the means of subsistence. And as their own territory furnished abundance of game of all kinds, and furs and fish were plenty, and the rich meadows were fruitful and easily tilled, there was nothing but the love of war to tempt them abroad.
That the tribe had lived here for several generations, is rendered probable by the large number of skeletons which have been un- earthed - sometimes singly, and sometimes by scores - in all the different stages of decay. That at one period they were prosperous and somewhat numerous, is abundantly shown by the remains - still visible - of their villages and defensive works on either side of the river. That they were skilled in Indian strategy, and were warlike and revengeful ; and that they entered heartily into the combination which had for its ultimate object the extermination of the whites, will appear from the part they took in the war of 1675-6, and the struggles of the next 80 years - to be narrated in these pages.
The authentic history of the Squakheags begins about 1663 or '64. At this date the Mohawks made their famous incursion to New England, and having captured the Pacomptock fort marched northward and fell upon Squakheag. Here they made clean work. The forts were taken, the villages destroyed, and the Indians driven from their homes.1
From this blow they never fully recovered. The next few years were years of uncertainty .? The Mohawks maintained a threatening
' Letter of John Pynchon, Sept. 3, 1675.
2 Sept. 1665, 5 armed Maquas from the Hudson river were found near Boston ; our In- dians demanded them; but they were sent in safety home by the governor - a kind of diplomacy nut comprehensible to the savage, smarting under his wrongs !
31
The River Indians.
1
attitude ; and the Colonial government appeared to have a greater desire to conciliate them than to protect their own border tribes.
And thus was nurtured the discontent and suspicion which ripened a few years later into open hostility. The Squakheags did not re- linquish their lands ; probably they partially rebuilt their villages. They may have done something by way of planting their old fields, and during the fishing season repaired to their favorite spearing-places at the bend of the river above and below Elmer's island ; but their chief abiding place was nearer some of the friendly tribes - at Pa- quayag and Nashaway.
When the central tribes united in the expedition against the Mo- hawks in 1669, the Squakheag chiefs were forward in furthering the movement, hoping doubtless, to get full revenge for previous injuries. But after the disastrous failure of this enterprise (already narrated), they wholly deserted their old dwelling place. So that those that "went upon discovery " thither in 1670, could with truth say that "the want of inhabitants to burn the meadows and woods" caused " the growth of underwoods to increase " to such an extent as to threaten serious inconvenience, unless the place was speedily reset- tled.' As confirmatory testimony, it may be stated that in the first bargain with the whites, our Indians sold their lands below what was regarded by both parties to be their true value, and an additional sum was afterwards demanded and paid. And a most significant fact in these several sales is, that, contrary to what had hitherto been the uniform practice, the natives made no reservations of planting-grounds or other privileges, in the deeds of transfer and warranty.
THE INDIAN NAME .- In the Indian language, the name of a place was always descriptive of the leading feature, or production, or use, or tradition of the location. And it is matter of profound regret that our present knowledge of that language is so limited. With a full understanding of their nouns generic and specific, and their common verb-forms and radicals, we could construct pretty satisfactorily, their geography and philosophy, and to a large extent trace their tribal his- tory. A name was a thing ; a verb expressed the relations of things. What the red man saw, what he felt, what he knew - had its exact representative in one of his simple syllables or combined words. His life was less complex than ours ; it had fewer accessories and contin- gents ; it was compressed into a smaller space. Hence it could be more readily comprehended and delineated. His keen eye discovered
' Petition to General court, May 31, 1671.
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History of Northfield.
the characteristic feature of a place or quality of an object - his quick ear caught the distinctive sound - and his unerring perception drew the natural inference ; he saw and heard and marked what constituted the individuality of places, objects and events ; - or, to speak more precisely, he marked that feature, quality, or sequence of a thing or event, which touched most nearly his own daily life, and most directly affected his past experience and future purposes. Hence his picture- words are the exponents and records of himself and his life and his history ; they contain all the elements of his intuitive and acquired knowledge. They are to ethnology, what the fossil remains of animals and plants embedded in the rocks are to geology - only the one tells the story of successive epochs of created life ; the other the story of a departed race.
As the Indians had no written vocabulary, the English had no means of learning the language but by the ear. And many of their syllabic sounds were somewhat obscure, and difficult to catch, and hard to be expressed by our letters. The apostle Eliot, and Roger Williams, took great pains to master the language, and reduce to a fixed form their modes of expression. But, what is especially to be deplored - the majority of the magistrates and scribes of the time, who made out the official records, such as deeds, and .treaties, and ac- counts of expeditions, were inexcusably careless in designating persons and places. And this want of exactness, and the strange diversity in spelling, adds greatly to the difficulty of finding the synonym and definitions of Indian name-words. The name of our town furnishes a striking example in point. The Committee who visited the place in 1669 write it Suckquakege : the first petitioners for the grant of territory write Squawquegue and Wissquawquegue - evidently apply- ing to the two tracts held by the upper and lower clans. The Con- necticut council spell it Suckquackheag: John Pynchon writes Wussquakeag; Samuel Partridge writes Wussquackheag : other au- thorities write Wessquakheag and Soquagkeeke : the form Squakheag, used by the Rev. Solomon Stoddard in 1675, is evidently a contrac- tion of the more complex term.
The two most competent authorities, who went upon the ground, and heard the name spoken by the natives, are Daniel Gookin and William Janes. The former writes Suckquakege ; the latter Wiss- quawquegue. Assuming that these most nearly represent the Indian vocal sounds, we get a probable clew to the word and its meaning. Namaus-squam-aug-khige means, a spearing place of salmon. As uttered in a single breath it would be N'-m'-us-squag-kege ; con-
33
The River, Indians.
tracted still more, 'S-squakheag. This interpretation of the name is confirmed by the well known fact that the islands and mouths of the little streams from the upper end of Pauchaug to the head of the great bend were noted places for salmon and shad fishing. The name is exactly descriptive of the location. And in this view, nothing was more natural than that the first settlers should call one of the brooks of cold, pure water, which enters the river at this point, Salmon brook. The name is both explanatory and commemorative.'
The meaning of the word Suckquakege, and its equivalents (the interchange of the consonants M, N, and W, as an initial was com- mon, and the greater or less prominence of the hissing sound not unusual, and does not affect the primary signification) implies that, as used by the natives it had a limited application, viz., to the spear- ing-places near their principal village. They had other words to designate other particular localities - as was shown in the preceding chapter. But this term has been adopted by the early writers, and is the accepted general name of the country covered by the old Northfield grants ; and it will be so used in these annals. Some- thing of geographical accuracy might be gained by the introduction of new descriptive titles to the subdivisions ; but usage has made the old name convenient and sufficiently clear.
However, for a full understanding of the history of the prior In- dian occupation, these subdivisions need to be designated, in this con- nection, and some account of sectional characteristics given. For this purpose, a brief description in detail, of the face of the country as the Indians saw it, will be attempted, and the principal native set- tlements along the river will be pointed out. This is not always easy. Curiosity, and even honest inquiry will not be fully satisfied ; but a large amount of reliable data has been gathered, which throws a pretty clear light on what has been to a considerable extent a terra incognita. Some of the tribal limits, as well as the acknowledged lines between
: " The best place for seine fishing in the early settlement of the country, where more salmon and shad were caught than at any other point on the river for miles above and below, was a little above Rock island, near where a small stream enters the Connecticut in a meadow on the old Patterson farm. This fishing right was once owned by Jesse Lee and five others. About the year 1785 this company caught in two days 75 bushels of fish. Another company owned the fishing place at the foot of Stebbins's island (formerly Clary's). The mouths of all the small brooks in this neigborhood, and the narrow pass at Eliner's island, were famous places for spearing salmon. This was commonly done at night. A Haming torch was set in the bow of a canoe in which were two men, one to steer. They floated quietly down with the current, and the spear-man struck the fish as they were at- tracted to or blinded by the light." -- Letter of John Stebbins, Esq., of Vernon, dated April 14, 1873.
34
History of Northfield.
the different clans are accurately stated in the deeds of sale given to the whites, and can be more satisfactorily explained when we come to the consideration of those deeds in the next chapter. But there are other boundaries which are more or less uncertain ; there are particular family possessions that are difficult to be defined and lo- cated. And there are family affinities and distinctions, depending on these boundaries, which can be only approximately determined. In numerous instances we can go upon a given spot, and say without hesitation, 'here a cluster of families of Red men lived for successive generations ; this spot was their rightful home ; these heapsof st ones marked their tent-places - those mounds mark their graves.' But we are unable to tell whether the occupants were Squakheags or Pacomptocks, and whether this or that little stream marks the limits of ownership.
But of one thing there is no doubt - the whole valley of the Con- necticut, from Pasquamscut falls to Wanasquatok brook, was dotted with villages and family sites. Nearly every prominent bluff which had the accessories of convenient water, a dry and protected spot for erecting tents, an easily tilled and productive planting-field, and an eminence readily defensible for a look-out and fort, contains the unmistakable evidences of a longer or shorter residence by the natives. And this is especially true of all points where there are falls upon a cool brook a little way back from the river - as the foot of such falls afforded them sure fishing-ground.
The signs relied on to determine the site of an Indian village, are : I. The presence of large quantities of domestic utensils, such as stone pestles, kettles, knives and hoes. 2. Heaps of roundish stones bear- ing evidence of the alternate action of fire and water, and covered with recently formed mould. Before the introduction of metal ket- tles, these stones were used to heat water, by being thrown red-hot into their wooden troughs. A heap of them was kept under their fire to be ready against emergency. And being cumbersome to transport, the heap was left in place, when they removed to a new location. 3. The remains of granaries or under-ground barns. These Indian granaries were of two classes, one large, the other small. Both were of similar construction, i. e., circular excavations, about five feet in depth. The larger ones were from twelve to sixteen feet across, while the small ones were only three to five feet in diameter. They were commonly dug in the sloping sides of a knoll or bank, to secure dryness, and the better to shed rain. A considerable number were set close together, in order that they might be protected from bears and other enemies by a picket. Some small ones have been -
35
The River. Indians.
found, carefully lined with clay. When filled with corn (on the ear), or dried fish, or nuts, they were covered with poles, and long grass, or brush and sods. 4. A burial place. This was always convenient to their dwellings. A single grave may denote accidental death ; but a cluster of graves unerringly points to a cluster of wigwams. 5. A pile of stone chips, where their arrow and 'spear-heads were fashioned. 6. A place for a planting-field, and for a fort. A village of 150 souls would ordinarily have a field of from 12 to 16 acres, which the squaws annually planted with corn and pumpkins. After the Eng- lish introduced beans from the old country, the natives cultivated them to some extent.
As will naturally occur to the reader, these indications are of a class by themselves, and are wholly independent of traditions. They are readily traced, and are more reliable than tradition. Many of them cannot be imitated ; and no motives can be imagined for a counterfeit. All of them were in existence within the memory of men now living ; most of them are plain to be seen at the present time.
An Indian village of considerable size stood at the southerly end of the town, on the falls of Four-mile brook. The main part appears to have been built on the north bank of the brook, and extended from above the falls to its junction with the Connecticut. In Rufus Stratton's boyhood (b. Sept. 12, 1789), things remained much as the Indians left them. Their granaries - wigwams, he called them - on the slope directly across the brook from the lower saw-mill, were then large holes, 12 feet across, and with the sides caved in but little. No one had meddled with them, partly because the sloping bank was of no special use, and partly because everybody had an undefined dread of the old wigwams. The road then ran through the mill-yard close by the bank, and right in sight of the holes ; and as young Stratton drove the cows to pasture, he would "race them by " this spot, for fear of seeing Indian ghosts. When, later, the field where the village stood was plowed, the boys used to pick up the hatchets and throw them at objects for sport ; and gouges and spear and arrow-heads were so plenty that no one thought them worth the trouble of picking up. The piles of round stones which marked the sites of dwellings, were looked upon only as the plague of the plow and harrow. As late as 1856, when Mr. Lyman Gilbert, the present owner, plowed this field, he found, just across the brook from his barn, a heap of arrow-heads and chips, plainly indicating a native work-shop. He also turned up, near where the granaries were, a couple of stone hoes having the withe handles still on. Scattered over
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History of Northfield.
the field were broken aukooks (soap-stone kettles) ; pieces of kettles made of clay and burnt, the outside covered with rude figures ;1 gouges, burnishing stones, etc. The planting-field appears to have been near the river, now in part taken up by the rail-road cut, as the remains of several granaries are still seen in the adjacent meadowhill.
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