USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the colonial period. 1492-1692 v. I > Part 10
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The "village " of Plymouth contained, at this time, seven dwelling houses, and four other buildings for the use of the plantation, and preparations were making for the erection of more.1 Literally, this was the " day of small things," and most of the events thus far recorded appear trifling in comparison with the stirring narratives of the march of armies, and the conquest of kingdoms. Yet trifling as they seem, they are part of our history, and they derive additional interest from the fact that they were the beginnings of a nation whose career, during the past hun- dred years, has struck with astonishment the nations of the Old World.
Nov. 9.
The Mayflower departed in April, and it was now November. Exactly a year had elapsed since the sandy cliffs of Cape Cod greeted the eyes of her hundred passen- gers, and within that time what changes had taken place ! One half their number were at rest in the grave! The other half had successfully encountered the perils of intercourse with the savages, and had made some progress in civil and domestic affairs. Not a word had they heard from the homes of their infancy ! Shut out from the world, and surrounded by the solitude of the primeval forests, alone had they struggled on, with God only to strengthen and support them in their trials !
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1 Prince, 114 ; Winslow, in Chron. Pil., 230.
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105
ARRIVAL OF THE FORTUNE .- A PATENT OBTAINED.
On the anniversary of their beholding these shores, CHAP. tidings reached them that there was a ship at Cape Cod! IV. Soon the unknown bark is seen steering for Plymouth! She 1621. enters the harbor, and approaches the settlement! Fearing it might be an enemy -for they looked not so soon for Nov. 9. supplies - an alarm is sounded ! " Every man, yea, every boy that can handle a gun " is armed ! And it is bravely resolved, "if she is an enemy, we will fearlessly stand in our just defence."1
But God had provided for them better than they antici- pated. So far from being an " enemy," the bark proved to be the "Fortune," of fifty-five tons, bringing thirty-five set- tlers, all in health. She sailed from London in July, but was detained by cross winds until August, which caused her late arrival. Thrice welcome was the letter she brought from the Merchants, in which they say : - " We have procured July 6. you a charter, the best we could, better than the former, 1621 with less limitation." This Patent, obtained through the influence of Gorges,2 was from the Council for New Eng- July 1, land, and was the first grant of territory made by that 1621. body ; and though in the name of John Pierce, in trust for the colony, and superseded by a later grant, surreptitiously Apr. 20, obtained by Pierce for his own benefit, it is still valuable in 1622. connection with the early history of the colony. It bears the seals and signatures of the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl of Warwick, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, with another, so obscurely written as to be unintelligible ; and though long regarded as lost, it has recently been dis- covered among the papers of the late Judge Davis, who first gave an abstract of it to the world.3 It is now pub lished in a permanent form in the invaluable Collections of
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1 Winslow, in Chron. Pil., 234-5; Bradford, in Prince, 114 ; Morton's Mem., 33; Hubbard, 69.
2 Gorges, in 3 M. H. Coll., 6. 73. 3 Davis's Edition of Morton's Me- morial, 73, 361-2.
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106
RETURN OF THE FORTUNE.
CHAP. the Massachusetts Historical Society,1 and is the oldest IV. State paper in existence in Massachusetts.
Dec. 3. 1621. At the end of a month the Fortune set out on her return, laden with beaver and other skins, and a quantity of clapboards ; and as she drew near the English coast, freighted with the fruits of the first years' toil of the strug- gling colony, she was seized by the French, carried to France, kept there fifteen days, and robbed of all she had worth taking, when she was released, and arrived at Lon- don in the following February.2 Mr. Cushman, who, while at Plymouth, delivered a discourse upon the " sin and dan- ger of self-love," was a passenger in this vessel both ways ; and she took letters home from Edward Winslow, William Hilton, and others, and probably the copy of " Bradford's and Winslow's Journal," which was printed in London, in 1622, " for John Bellamie," in a small quarto volume, and which is usually quoted as " Mourt's Relation." 3
The arrival of the new cmigrants was an event in the history of the infant colony ; and although it had been thought by the Pilgrims that " there was nothing wanting but company to enjoy the blessings so bountifully bestowed upon them," soon after the departure of the Fortune, her passengers being distributed, and the provisions of the set- tlement being inspected, the alarming fact was discovered that the supply was hardly sufficient to furnish all with food for six months, even at half-allowance, to which they were reduced. The cause of this scarcity was the outfit of the
1 See 4 M. H. Coll., 2. 156-63. N. Eng. Trials, 13, and "Pathway," The valuable notes accompanying in 3 M. H. Coll., 3. 25. this document are from the pen of 3 These letters are given by Dr. Young, in his Chronicles of the Pil- grims, 230-8, 250-1; and Mourt's Relation has been re-printed in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Soc., and by Dr. Young, as above, pp. 109-251. Charles Deane, Esq., a gentleman than whom few are more conversant with the carly history of Massachu- setts, and whose well stored library is a treasure of rare works on Ameri- can History.
? Bradford, in Prince, 115; Smith's
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107
A FORT BUILT AT PLYMOUTH.
Fortune for the home voyage ; a necessity which, as it was CHAP. not foreseen, so now it could not be remedied. IV.
To increase their anxiety, the Narragansets assumed an Jan'y, attitude of defiance, and a messenger was sent to Plymouth with a bundle of arrows enveloped in a rattle-snake's skin, as an aboriginal war challenge"; but Gov. Bradford, with- out betraying the least fear, stuffed the same skin with pow- der and balls, and sent word to Canonicus, that if he " desired war rather than peace, he might begin whenever he pleased, they were ready to receive him." This was sufficient ! Canonicus dared neither touch the skin, nor suffer it to remain in his house, and it was eventually returned.1
Aware, however, of their weakness, the colonists, to pro- vide more effectually for their defense, determined to fortify the town, and the hill which overlooked it, with a stockade, with four jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale. In three of these gates were placed, which were fastened at night, and guarded in the day time; all able to bear arms were mustered into companies ; and a special guard was established, who, in case of an attempt to fire the town, were to surround the endangered place to prevent a sur- prise.2 In the following summer, alarmed at the tidings of the massacre in Virginia, a fort was built, with a flat roof or battlement, upon which cannon were mounted ; and this fort served, for a time, both for defense, and as a place of resort for public worship.3
While these preparations were making, as it behooved the March, colonists to prosecute their trading adventures with all dili- 1622. gence, a second expedition "to the Massachusetts" was fitted out; but just as it was ready to start, Hobomok
1.Winslow, in Chron. Pil., 283; Morton's Mem., 33; Bradford, in Prince, 116; Hubbard, 69, 70.
2 Morton's Mem., 34; Bradford, in Prince, 117.
3 Bradford, in Prince, 121; Mor- ton's Mem., 36-7; Hubbard, 70.
1621-2.
Feb., 1621-2.
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108
ALARM OF AN INDIAN CONSPIRACY.
CHAP. informed them of his suspicions that the Narragansets and IV. the Massachusetts were leagued against the English, and
1622. that Tisquantum was concerned in the conspiracy, as for some time "whisperings " had been noticed between him and others. Startling as was this intelligence, it was resolved to proceed with the journey; and Standish, taking Apr. 22. ten men, and Tisquantum and Hobomok for guides, set sail. Before his shallop left the harbor, however, and as it lay becalmed near the Gurnet, a member of Tisquantum's family, covered with blood, came running towards a party " that were from home," and being brought before the Gov ernor, he affirmed that at Namasket were many of the Nar- ragansets, with Massasoit and Corbitant, who designed to take advantage of the absence of Standish to fall upon the town, and that he had been wounded for speaking in their behalf.
Immediately three alarm guns were fired, and the shallop returned. Hobomok, being informed of the story of the savage, pronounced it false, and expressed his willingness to avouch for the fidelity of Massasoit. Yet, as a measure of prudence, his wife was sent privately to Pokanoket for discovery, and finding all quiet, she informed Massasoit of what had occurred, who was highly incensed against Tis- quantum, and bade her assure the Governor that " he would send word and give warning when any such business was towards."
After this interlude the voyage was resumed and success- fully prosecuted ; and on the return of Standish, Massasoit was at Plymouth, expressing his abhorrence of the treach- ery of Tisquantum; and sending messengers soon after, he demanded his surrender, that he might be put to death. Reluctant to part with so valuable an ally, Governor Brad- ford urged Massasoit to spare him ; but unwilling to forego his revenge, the demand was renewed, the league was referred to in support of the claim, and as an additional
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109
ARRIVAL OF WESTON'S SHALLOP.
inducement, a quantity of beaver skins were sent as a dou- CHAP ceur. Here was a dilemma. The propriety of the claim,
IV. in accordance with the treaty could not be disputed ; yet spurning the bribe, the Governor replied that " it was not the custom of the English to sell men's lives at a price, but when they had justly deserved to die, to give them their reward." Tisquantum was accordingly sent for, and his doom seemed inevitable, for Massasoit had furnished the messengers with " his own knife " to cut off the culprit's head. But just as he was about to be delivered into their hands, a boat was espied, which crossed before the town, and disappeared behind a headland ; and the Governor availing himself of this incident to justify delay, the mes- sengers, " mad with rage," departed "in great heat," and Tisquantum escaped.1
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It was towards the last of May when these events May, 1622. occurred, and the provisions of the colonists were entirely spent. Hence the appearance of the boat excited fears and hopes : - fears lest it should prove to belong to an ene- my ; hopes that it would prove to belong to their friends. On reaching the shore, it was found to be a shallop from the Sparrow, a fishing vessel then at Damarin's Cove, near Mon- hegan, sent out by Messrs. Weston and Beauchamp, and bringing six or seven passengers, but no provisions. By a letter from Mr. Weston, they learned that he had wholly Jan. 17. withdrawn from the Adventurers, and was purposing to 1621-2 establish a plantation of his own.2
As it was of the utmost importance that supplies should be obtained, on the return of this shallop Mr. Edward Winslow was sent to visit the vessels at Monhegan for aid ; and by several of the captains he was gratuitously furnished with a sufficiency of bread to allow each person four ounces
1 Winslow, in Chron. Pil., 290-1 ; Morton's Mem., 34-5 ; Hubbard, 71-2.
" Bradford, in Prince, 118; Wins- low, in Chron. Pil., 293; Hubbard, 72.
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110
SUFFERINGS OF THE PILGRIMS.
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CHAP. per day until harvest. With this he returned; and on IV. reaching Plymouth he found the people much weaker than when he left. Want of bread had abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others ; and had it not been for shell-fish, dug from the sands, all must have perished. Famine is ever an appalling evil, and imagination recoils at the thought of the horrible condition to which fathers, and mothers, and helpless children might have been reduced, had it not been for even this meagre supply, -enough to drive starvation from the door, but wholly inadequate to satisfy the cravings of appetite. Eked out with muscles and clams, it proved sufficient to sustain them until more could be raised ; and we can easily conceive the thankful- ness with which it was received, and the diligence with which it was husbanded.1
July,
1622.
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In July, the condition of the sufferers was slightly improved. Sixty acres of corn were planted in the Spring, and their gardens began to furnish some vegetables for their tables. By the arrival of the Fortune, and with the seven brought in the shallop of the Sparrow, their number was about restored to the original hundred as at the arrival of the Mayflower.2 All these were to be provided for ; and the drain upon their resources was proportionately exhaust- ing. The strange vicissitudes through which they had passed had given them a taste of the privations of a wilder- ness' life, and they had encountered enough to discourage men of a less resolute temper ; yet severe as had been their trials, others were before them far more appalling, and the cup was drained to the dregs ere the occurrence of the crisis which dissolved their connection with the Merchant Adventurers.
One of these trials they were destined to experience from July. a source least expected. There arrived at Plymouth "two
1 Morton's Mem., 35; Hubbard, 73-4.
2 Purchas, in Prince, 120.
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111
WESTON'S COLONY-CHARACTER OF THE MEN.
ships of Master Weston's," the Charity, of one hundred CHIAP. tons, and the Swan, of thirty, bringing fifty or sixty men, ~
IV. to begin a plantation. The character of these new comers 1622. was not such as to win the confidence of the Pilgrims. By the confession of Mr. Weston, many of them are acknowl- edged to have been "rude and profane fellows ;" Mr. Cushman says, " they are no men for us ; " Mr. Pierce, not himself overburdened with honesty, thought them "unfit for an honest man's company ; " and even Morton of Merry Mount, their principal apologist, says they were "no chosen separatists, but men made choice of at all adventures, fit to have served for the furtherance of Master Weston's under- takings, and that was as much as he need to care for."1 Indeed, they were mostly adventurers, reckless and unprin- cipled. A few were honest; but, as a body, they were dissolute, thievish, and ungrateful. The corn of the colo- nists they shamefully wasted ; and all summer long, like so many vampires, they fed upon the life-blood of their hos- pitable entertainers, requiting their kindness with secret revilings.2
The insinuation of Morton that, on their arrival, they were "entertained with court holy bread by the brethren," and "made very welcome in show at least; " and that, jealous of them as hindering their " present practice and future benefit," in the trade for furs, they held anxious "consultation what was best for their advantage, singing the song, Frustra sapit qui sibi non sapit ;" are to be coupled with his significant admissions that "the good cheer went forward, and the strong liquors walked; " and that " the store of provisions grew short with feasting:"-intimations
1 Bradford, in Prince, 120; T. 2 Winslow, in Chron. Pil., 276, Morton, N. Eng. Can., 72, in Force, 297; Smith, in 3 M. H. Coll., vol. 2. Comp. Levett, in 3 M. II. 3. 26. Coll., 8. 182; and Dudley's Let., p. 10, ed. 1696.
112
SETTLEMENT AT WESSAGUSSET.
CHAP. of their profligacy which all his charges against "the breth- IV. ren " are insufficient to disguise.1
1622.
At length the Swan, which had been sent to seek a place for the foundation of the colony, returned and reported in favor of Wessaguscus-now Weymouth-and thither, upon the return of the Charity from Virginia, they went, leaving their sick in the care of Dr. Fuller, who attended them with out charge until they were fully recovered. Scarcely, how- ever, had the new colonists arrived at " Old Spain," 2 ere the Indians complained of them for stealing, and other abuses. The Charity, at her departure in October, left them provisions enough for the winter had they been prop. erly husbanded ; but wastefulness and extravagance soon reduced them to want. They were compelled, therefore, to resort to Plymouth for aid, and proposed forming a part- nership to trade for corn, - offering the use of the Swan in procuring supplies. This proposition, as the Pilgrims themselves were in want, was cheerfully accepted ; and the chief places to which their attention was turned were "to the southward of Cape Cod."
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Before anything decisive was accomplished, however, their agent, Mr. Richard Green, the brother-in-law of Wes- ton, died at Plymouth ; and Standish, who had twice started on a voyage to the South, was both times driven back by the wind, and was now sick of a violent fever. Thus the Nov. prosecution of the voyage devolved on Gov Bradford; and taking with him Tisquantum, he went to Monamoycke, now Chatham, where eight hogsheads of corn and beans were obtained. Here, greatly to the loss of the colonists, Tis- quantum was seized with a violent fever, and died; and Nov., after his decease Gov. Bradford steered for " the Massachu- 1622.
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1. N. Eng. Can., 71-2 .- Neal, 1. 102, says Weston obtained his pa- tent "under the pretence of propa- gating the discipline of the Church of England."
3 See the note in Russell's Guide to Plymouth, 106.
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113
SUFFERINGS OF THIS COLONY.
setts," where the complaints against Weston's men were CHAP. renewed, and where, by reason of a sickness which prevailed,~ IV. the trade was found to be overthrown. Sailing thence to Nauset, at that place, and at Barnstable, further supplies were obtained ; but the shallop being wrecked, Gov. Brad- ford journeyed overland to Plymouth, and three days after the Swan arrived, her cargo was divided, and she returned to Wessaguscus.1
Two months later, Standish having recovered, another Jan'y, trip was taken in the Swan to Nauset, the wrecked shallop was recovered, and the corn laden, taken to Plymouth, and divided as before. Subsequently two land journeys were taken by Gov. Bradford to Namasket and Manomet for corn ; and the next month Standish went to Mattachiest for Feb. supplies, but his boat was frozen in the harbor the first night, and his life endangered by a treacherous plot, from which he escaped only by that singular address and unex- ampled coolness for which he was ever distinguished.2
1622-3.
Nearly at the same time an Indian messenger arrived from Wessaguscus, bearing a letter from John Sanders, the new agent of the colony, setting forth the miserable condition to which his men were reduced, and the necessity for relief, which must be obtained in some way, even if by violence. Governor Bradford, questioning the messenger, and finding the Indians were scantily supplied as well as Weston's men, wrote Sanders to dissuade him from violence, and exhorted him to live upon ground nuts and clams as the people of Plymouth were doing. On receiv- ing this letter Sanders came personally to Plymouth, and, at his urgent importunity, though themselves greatly in want, they "spared him corn to carry him to Monhiggon," and thither he went, leaving his associates to shift for them-
1 Winslow, in Chron. Pil., 299,
2 Winslow, in Chron. Pil., 304-9. 302-4; Bradford, in Prince, 124; Morton's Mem., 36, 40.
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114
SATIRE OF HUDIBRAS.
CHAP. selves. Idleness and riotousness having clothed these prodi- IV. gal spendthrifts with rags, and brought them to a morsel of 1622-3. bread, they were soon reduced to such straits that some hired themselves as servants to the Indians, " cutting them wood, and fetching them water for a cap full of corn;" others sold all their clothes ; others "fell to stealing ;" others "starved and died with hunger ;" and the rest, deserting their dwellings, became wanderers and outcasts, living upon the coarsest fare, derided by the natives, and treated with contempt. One incident - the hanging of a thief - gave rise to the oft-quoted, but unjust satire of Hudibras on this colony :-
" Our brethren of New England use Choice malefactors to excuse, And hang the guiltless in their stead, Of whom the churches have less need." 1
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Here, however, we must leave this colony for a short time, to notice other cotemporary events, which preceded their downfall, dispersion, and extinction.
We have already alluded to a journey to Manomet under- taken by Gov. Bradford in February of this year. For the Mar. 16, corn then purchased Standish was now sent; and being 1622-3. with two or three men at the house of Caunacum, two of the Massachusetts Indians suddenly entered, one of whom was " Wituwamat," a " notable insulting villain, who had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own valor, and derided their weakness, because, as he said, they died crying, mak- ing sour faces, more like children than men." Taking from about his neck a dagger which hung there, he presented it
1 T. Morton, N. Eng. Can., 74-5, was the originator of this story ; yet even his account furnishes no ground for the satire, for he does not assert that the vicarious punishment was
actually inflicted, but only proposed. See the valuable note of Mr. Savage, in his second edition of Winthrop's Journal.
115
ILLNESS OF MASSASOIT.
to Caunacum, accompanied with a speech, to the effect that CHAP the Massachusetts had determined to destroy the colony IV. at Wessagusset, but fearing the vengeance of the Plymouth 1622-3. people, they wished first to increase their strength by enlisting others in their design, and among the rest Cauna- cum and Iyanough ; and as a hopeful beginning, he urged the seizure of Standish. To effect this, it was plotted to entice Standish to send for the rest of his men, on the plea of the coldness of the weather ; but suspecting their design he evaded their request, and after a sleepless night left for home, barely escaping a second trap set for him by an Indian of Paomet who accompanied him on his voyage 1
During his absence, news came to Plymouth that Massa- soit was dangerously sick, and that a Dutch ship, driven ashore by stress of weather, lay stranded near his residence As a mark of attention to the monarch, and to procure an interview with the Dutch,2 Mr. Edward Winslow was sent to "Pokanokik," with Hobomok for his guide, and John Hampden for his companion, - not the celebrated patriot of that name, as some have supposed, but "a gentleman of London," then wintering at Plymouth. 3 Lodging the first night at Namasket, and crossing the next day at Slade's Ferry, in Swansey, they heard that Massasoit was dead, and was to be buried that afternoon, and that the Dutch ship was afloat and ready to leave.
Hobomok upon this urged an immediate return ; but as Corbitant lived near by, and as it would be politic to secure his favor, it was resolved to pay him a visit. On arriving at his residence, it was found that he was absent at Poka- nokik ; and as they learned that the report of the death of Massasoit was premature, a messenger was hastily des-
1 Winslow, in Chron. Pil., 309-12, some twenty miles of Plymouth. Brodhead's N. Y., 145.
326.
" The favorite resort of the Dutch at this time was at Manomet, within
8 See Young, in Chron. Pil., 314, note.
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116
PLOT AGAINST WESTON'S COLONY.
CHAF. patched to see if he was living, and finding he was, Mr. 1V. Winslow and his companions continued on, and arrived 1622-3. at his house at night. Here a crowd of savages were assembled, in the midst of their charms, making a " hellish noise," and the king was surrounded by women chafing his body to preserve its warmth. Sending all away, Mr. Winslow administered to the sick man a "confection of many comfortable conserves," which afforded instant relief; and continuing his attentions, in a short time his sight was restored, so that he could see his benefactor. Preparing for him the next day " a relishing broth of broken corn, strawberry leaves, and sassafras root," by noon he was quite comfortable ; and grateful for the favors he had received, he exclaimed : "Now I see the English are my friends, and love me ; and whilst I live, I will never forget this kindness they have showed me."
After visiting others who were sick, and providing further . for the refreshment of the king, the party set out for home ; and Massasoit, calling Hobomok aside, privately informed him of the plot against the English, and bade him advise the Plymouth people to make a bold move and slay the conspirators before their designs were executed. 1
Mar. 23. 1622-3 .- The twenty-third of March, being the yearly court day, this intelligence was made public ; and after some general deliberation, and a private discussion among the principal men, it was concluded to send Standish to Wessagusset, to warn the colonists of their danger, and to seize Wituwamat and the other conspirators. Resolute in all his movements, Standish selected but eight men to accompany him, and on the second day following commenced his voyage, - which Mar. 24. was hastened by the arrival of Phineas Pratt directly from
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