USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the colonial period. 1492-1692 v. I > Part 20
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: Mass. Rec's., 192-3, 195, 197.
8 Winthrop, 1, 269; Mason, in 2 M. II. Coll., 8. 145; Trumbull, 1. 81-2.
' Winthrop, 1. 269-70, Mason,
Winthrop, 1. 277-8 ; Trumbull, 1. 82 ; Ilist. N. London, 37. See also the Letter of Stoughton, in Hutch. Coll., 61-3.
END OF THE WAR.
229
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oners, and a large number of warriors were slain;1 and CHAP. on the return of the Massachusetts troops, a day of thanks- VIII. giving was ordered to be observed, and the soldiers were Ort. 12. 1037. to be " feasted" by their several towns.2
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Thus ended the Pequot war ; and thenceforth the rem- nant of the tribe "became a prey to all Indians; and happy were they that could bring in their heads to the English : of which there came almost daily to Windsor or Hartford. But the Pequots growing weary hereof, sent some of the chief that survived to mediate with the English ; offering that if they might but enjoy their lives, they would become the English vassals, to dispose of them as they pleased ; which was granted them. Whereupon Onkos and Miantonomo were sent for; who with the Pe- quots met at Hartford. The Pequots being demanded how Sep. ? ', many of them were living ? answered, about one hundred 1035. and eighty, or two hundred. There were then given to Onkos, Sachem of Moheag, eighty ; to Miantonomo, Sachem of Narragansett, eighty ; and to Nynigrett, twenty."3 Yet afterwards, parties were attacked, and their numbers still further reduced.4
For three years there was peace. The Indians had seen enough to convince them of the prowess of the English, and were little inclined to test further their strength in a general war. At length their courage began to revive, and letters were received, from Plymouth and Connecticut, stating that there was reason to apprehend a general design of the Indians against the English. Miantonomo was sup- posed to be the instigator of this design; and it was alleged, that he had violated the tripartite league of 1638,
1610.
' Winthrop, 1. 279; Johnson, in 1 Mass. Rec's., 1. 200, 204 ; Mor- ton's Mem., 99-106.
2 M. H. Coll., 4. 49-51 ; Mason, in 2 M. H. Coll., 8. 146-8 ; Gardiner, in 3 M. H. Coll., 3. 150-1; Morton's Mem .; Trumbull, 1. 83-5.
3 Mason, in 2 M. H. Coll., 8. 148-9.
· Trumbull, 1. 92-3, 112-13.
20
4
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230
RENEWED HOSTILITIES.
CHAP. and sent presents to the Mohawks to secure their co-opera- VIII. tion. The magistrates of the colony at first discredited these reports ; but not knowing how much foundation they might have, it was deemed prudent to "strengthen the watches in all the towns," and Capt. Jennison, with three men and an Indian interpreter, was sent to the Narragan- sets to "know the truth of their intentions." These messengers were "kindly entertained ; " but Miantonomo, with true Indian pride, refused to speak with Capt. Jen- nison in the presence of the interpreter, " because he was a Pequod ;" and "making use of another," he denied all confederation with the Mohawks, and professed his purpose to continue friendship with the English, and not use any hostility against them " except they began."
Being desired to visit Boston, he readily promised to do so, " if Mr. Williams might accompany him ;" but Jane- moh, the Niantick Sachem, " carried himself proudly, and refused to come to us, or to yield to anything, only he said he would not harm us, except we invaded him."1
1641.
The occurrence of this incident, and their fears lest the Indians might rise against the English, seems to have given birth to a movement on the part of Massachusetts, which contemplated the entire "rooting out " of the aborigines, as " of the cursed race of Ham ; " but the magistrates of Rhode Island and Connecticut humanely expressed their dislike to the project, and their desire to gain the natives " by. justice and kindness," and yet " withal to watch over them to prevent any danger ;" and Massachusetts was con- strained to return an answer of "consent in all things propounded," only they "refused to conclude those of Aquiday in their answer, or to have any treaty with them." 2
Sept. 1, 1642. , In the following year, the charge of a general conspiracy
1 Winthrop, 2. 9, 18-19; Hub- bard's Narr., 5-6.
2 Winthrop, 2. 24, and Mr. Sav- age's note. Also Mass. Rec's.
T.
2:1
MIANTONOMO VISITS BOSTON.
was renewed, and the Bay people were advised to send a CHA !. body of troops to the mouth of the Connecticut, to join ~~
VIII. others and carry the war into the enemy's camp. It is probable that the difficulties between the Dutch and the Indians gave rise to these rumors ; and it must be acknowl- edged that, as the Dutch had, for a long time, bartered arms for peltry, and furnished the natives with a large number of muskets, the prospect of a collision was really alarming. 1
Upon the receipt of this intelligence, the nearest magis- trates were convened, and a general court was agreed to be held in six days ; and, as a prudential step, the neigh- boring Indians were disarmed. At the meeting of this court, orders for the more strict observance of military Sep. s. discipline were passed ; and it was concluded to send two messengers to Miantonomo, to inform him of the rumors which were circulating, and to desire satisfaction.2 These messengers were courteously received; rational answers were returned to all their propositions ; and the chieftain promised personally to visit Boston.
On his arrival, an interview was held ; and the Governor acting as spokesman, in "all his answers" the Indian prince was " very deliberate, and showed good understand- ing in the principles of justice and equity, and ingenuity withal." His first demand was to be confronted with his accusers ; but this demand was refused, on the plea that his accusers were not known; the reports were only general ; and they had preferred to give him a hearing before fully crediting the same. " If you did not credit the reports," was his reply, " why did you disarm the Indians ?" " For our security," was the answer. The Indian chief was a shrewd diplomatist. Treating the report as a calumny of
1 Winthrop, 2. 95, Brodhead's throp, 2. 95-9 ; Hutchinson, 1. N. Yk. 108.
2 Mass. Rec's., 2. 23-4 ; Win-
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232
WAR AMONG THE INDIANS.
CHAP. Uncas, he offered to meet him face to face, and prove his VIII. treachery ; seemed greatly grieved that his honesty should be called in question ; and urged that his slanderers should be suitably punished. Nearly two days were spent in this discussion ; but in conclusion, he "accommodated himself to the satisfaction of the court, and was dismissed with presents."
It was but a few days, however, before fresh tidings came from Connecticut, asserting the intention of the people there to commence a war ; but a new meeting of the mag- istrates being held, letters were forwarded to dissuade them from their purpose; and gradually the fears of the people subsided, and quiet was restored.1
In the following year, a war broke out between Uncas, the Mohegan chief, and Sequasson of Connecticut. Mian- tonomo took the part of the latter, complained of the conduct of Uncas to the colonial magistrates, and requested permission to redress the wrongs of his confederate, which was granted. Raising an army of a thousand warriors, he attacked Uncas, whose men numbered but three or four hundred; but with such ill-success that he was defeated and taken prisoner. The news of his capture reaching Providence, Gorton, of Warwick, demanded his release ; but taking his prisoner to Hartford, Uncas left him with the magistrates until his fate could be decided.
At the meeting of the commissioners of the United Colo- Sept. 7. nies. at Boston, his case came up for discussion. The magistrates were in a dilemma. It was their unanimous opinion that it would not be safe to liberate him, yet they had not sufficient grounds to condemn him to death. In this emergency, to shift the responsibility from their own shoulders, the advice of the clergy was asked, and " all agreed that he ought to be put to death." He was accord-
. 1 Winthrop, 2. 95-102.
July, 1643.
233
DEATH OF MIANTONOMO.
ingly delivered up to Uncas ; two Englishmen were sent to C'TAP. VIII. see that he was executed ; and as soon as the Mohegan sachemjreached his own jurisdiction, at a given signal the 1643. chieftain was attacked from behind, and with a blow from a tomahawk was killed ! 1
If by the "pleading of an advocate "2 and the " opinion of a judge,"3 the course of the commissioners and the clergy is unqualifiedly condemned, we should hardly have looked for an apology from a reputable divine.4 Policy may have prompted this step, but was it in accordance with Christianity ? Well might the people of Rhode Island mourn the fate of Miantonomo, and drop a tear on his ashes, for he and Canonicus were the best aboriginal friends and benefactors their colony ever knew.5 Nor need we be surprised that the death of the chief enkindled the resent- ment of his tribe, and that difficulties with the Narragan- sets were often occurring. Yet such was the power of the English, and such was the weakness of the Indians, that the latter were generally subdued ; nor was it until after the lapse of thirty years, that any signal disturbance spread terror throughout all the settlements. There was peace for a generation, won by the sword.
We- cannot, however, forbear remarking, in closing this narrative of the earlier Indian wars, that, had the conduct of our fathers been less retaliatory, we should perhaps have been spared the necessity of reflecting upon the correctness of their policy ; nor would the pages of history have been stained with the sickening details of heads, scalps, hands' and feet, as trophies of conquest. But we bear in mind the difference between those days and ours. Such cruelties
1 Winthrop, 2. 157-162 ; IIutch- inson, 1. 130-2, and Coll, 142; Hubbard's Narr., 6; Trumbull, 1. 130-3.
' Savage, on Winthrop, 2. 159.
3 Davis, on Morton.
+ Holmes, Ann., 1. 272.
" Hopkins, in M. H. Coll., 9. 202; Haynes, in 3 M. H. Coll., 1. 229; Staples, Ann. Prov., 51-4.
20°
234
THE WAR SPIRIT OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
CHAP. were common then; and the demon of War, like the idol VIII. Moloch, was gorged with its victims, until rivers of blood reddened the earth. Yet even in the nineteenth century, with all its light, cruelties as great have been practised by Christians of all sects; nor is it to the Puritans that we are to charge the massacres in Europe, where, within the last year, hospitals have been blown up, filled with the wounded, and thousands of homes and hearts have been desolated. Happy will it be for us, when our own conduct shall be above reproach ! And though we may lament the errors of the past, it is not wise to censure too severely the conduct of our ancestors, until we shall have proved ourselves more worthy to sit in judgment upon them. It would not be difficult, for one disposed to be captious, to point out, in the history of Massachusetts, even within ten years, scenes as little creditable as any recorded in this chapter. Passion and prejudice are confined to no age ; and each age exhibits excesses and follies of its own.
CHAPTER IX.
RELIGIOUS CONTROVERSIES.
THE religious controversies in which the colony was CHAP. early involved will form the subject of the present chapter ;~~~
IX. and an acquaintance with these is highly necessary to a clear understanding of the history of those times. The Puritans came to these shores to establish a community of their own. Dissenting chiefly from the ritual and disci- pline of the Anglican Church, they designed to erect a church of a different description ; and, to protect themselves from aggression from whatever source it might spring, they resolved to exclude from their communion all who did not sympathize with their views, and who would not pledge themselves fully to their support. In this respect they imitated the conduct of the Church from which they had withdrawn ; and precisely for the same reasons that dis- senters were not tolerated in the bosom of the Episcopal Church, were they shut out from the privileges of the churches of Massachusetts. Puritans as well as Episco- palians assumed their own infallibility ; and, as Church and State were one and inseparable in Old England, they were bound together in New England ; and the purity of the former was deemed indispensable to the safety of the latter. This policy was resolutely adhered to; and the laws which sanctioned it were as inflexible as the laws of the Medes and Persians. The correctness of such a policy may well be questioned; but it was a policy which our fathers were in a measure compelled to adopt, in order to prevent the overthrow of their community. Nor was it long before they were called upon practically to apply it.
236
ROGER WILLIAMS.
CHAP. IX. While Europe and America were shrouded in the dark- ness of religious intolerance, he who was to aid in showing a "more excellent way " had already entered the lists of theological warfare, and was ready to offer himself a sacri- fice for the world's benefit. This was Roger Williams, who, from the alembic of his own soul, had evolved the sublime principle of liberty of conscience. Within six Feb. 9, months after the settlement of Boston, he arrived in the ฿630-1. Lyon, accompanied by his wife, the companion of his trials. An exile from England like most of the emigrants, he fled to these shores for freedom and repose. The poverty of his circumstances requiring early employment, he received a Apr. 12, call to settle at Salem, as an assistant to Mr. Skelton, in 1631. the place of Mr. Higginson, recently deceased. This call was the commencement of a series of difficulties, which led to his banishment from the colony, and his removal to Rhode Island.
Looking upon "every national church as of a vicious constitution," the Church of England in particular was, in his estimation, so corrupt as to demand of all a renuncia- tion of its communion ; and holding that "the doctrine of persecution for cause of conscience" was a "Bloudy Tenent," "most evidently and lamentably contrary to the doctrine of Christ Jesus," and that " the power of the magistrate extended only to the bodies, and goods, and outward estates of men," he boldly demanded that the ecclesiastical should be wholly divorced from the civil power, and that the church and the magistracy should cach be confined to its appropriate sphere.1 As these opinions, however excellent in themselves, were subversive of the policy of the Puritan as well as of the Episcopal Church, a letter was written to the brethren at Salem, requesting them to forbear to proceed in his settlement ; but the very day this letter was written
' Cotton's Way, 72; Tenet Washed, 166; Reply, 26, 40, 61, 64, 77.
237
HIS SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH AND 'AT SALEM.
the church received him as her teacher ; and at the ensuing CHAT. annual court he was admitted freeman.1 IX.
Before summer closed, his connection with this church was dissolved, and he removed to Plymouth. Here, as a Separatist, he was respectfully received, and as a preacher, his services were so acceptable that Governor Bradford says : "I still bless God, and am thankful to him for even his sharpest admonitions, so far as they agreed with truth."2 For about two years he remained with this people, when the church at Salem, whose affection was undiminished, invited him to return. Elder Brewster, " fearing his con- tinuance might cause divisions," favored his dismission ;3 and, as he was sure of finding sympathy in his former abode, the call was accepted, and some of the Plymouth church accompanied him to his home.4
Previous to his arrival, the ministers in the Bay had commenced a series of semi-monthly meetings, for debate ; and Mr. Skelton, doubtful of the tendency of these meet- ings, was joined by Mr. Williams in opposing them.5 The latter had also written a treatise, questioning the right of the colonists to the lands they possessed, on the plea that they held them by a grant from the king rather than by purchase from the natives ; and that it was their duty to renounce the patent. For these "errors and presump- tions," order was given that "he should be convented to Dec. 557. the next court to be censured; " and a letter was written to Mr. Endicott, wishing him to " deal with Mr. Williams to retract the same." This letter was submissively received ; the reply of the accused was accompanied with the offer of his " book or any part of it to be burnt ; " and at the -
next court " he appeared penitent, and gave satisfaction of
1 Winthrop, 1. 63. + Morton's Mem., 78; Hubbard,
' Bradford, in Prince, 377, ed. 1826.
203-4; Backus, 1. 56; Knowles, 52-3 ; Elton, 21.
8 Cotton's Reply, 4; Morton's 5 Winthrop, 1. 139 ; Cotton's Way, 55.
Mem.
May 15, 1631.
August, 1633.
Jan. 24. 1633-1.
238
538
CHARGES AGAINST HIM.
CHAP. his intention and loyalty ;" upon which, finding " matters IX. were not so evil as at first they seemed," it was "agreed, that, upon his retractation, or taking an oath of allegiance, it should be passed over."1
For the next few months his labors were unmolested ; Aug. 2, but on the deccase of Mr. Skelton, an invitation being 1634. extended to him to take his place, the magistrates inter- posed, and requested the church not to ordain him. To this demand no attention was paid, and he was duly inducted into the duties of his office. This "great contempt of authority " was an unpardonable sin ; the church was severely punished ; and, as he was supposed to have insti- gated Mr. Endicott to cut the cross from the colonial flag, and to advocate the wearing of veils by women in church, these heresies, with the renewed charge of " teaching pub- licly against the king's patent," and terming " the churches of England anti-christian," caused a summons to be issued for his appearance at the next court.2
Apr. 29, 1635.
By the following spring, other charges were preferred. An oath of fidelity had some time before been drawn up by the magistrates, to be administered to all non-freemen over sixteen years of age, to " discover how the people stood affected to the public safety ;" but Mr. Williams, esteeming " an oath for confirmation of office to be peculiar to Christ, and that oaths, being a worship of God, it was not meet for unregenerate persons to take them into their mouths," he protested against their administration by the magistrates as unlawful, being a "prostitution of the Holy name of the Most High to every unclean lip," and "many millions of times taking that name in vain ;" and being " heard before
1 Winthrop, 1. 145-7; Cotton's 55; Hubbard, 164-5, 204-5; 1 M. Tenet Washed, 4, 26; Reply, 27-8, 54; Williams's Reply, 276-7.
2 Winthrop, 1. 149, 164, 175, 180, 195; Cotton's Reply, 4, 29,
H. Coll., 6. 246 .- Hubbard, 117 represents Mr. Skelton as holding similar views before his decease.
239
FURTHER DIFFICULTIES.
all the ministers," in their estimation he was " very clearly CHAP. IX.
confuted." 1
Less than three months after, this charge, and a former July 8, one, relating to penal enactments upon religion, or "breaches 1635. of the first table " as they were termed, were renewed ; to which others were added, as that he held " a man ought not to pray with an unregenerate person, though wife or child," and " ought not to give thanks after the sacrament, nor after meat." Both churches and court convened him to their tribunals, and ministers and magistrates adjudged his opinions " erroneous and dangerous." Yet time was given him till the next court to recant, " or else expect the sentence ; it being professedly declared by the ministers, that he who should obstinately maintain such opinions, whereby a church might run into heresy, apostasy, or ty- ranny, and yet the civil magistrates could not intermeddle, were to be removed, and that the other churches ought to request the magistrates so to do."2
Unappalled by these proceedings, the youthful recusant "in open court maintained the rocky strength of his grounds," to his own satisfaction, if not to that of others. Yet the severity of his trials, and the constant annoyances to which he was exposed, scriously impaired his health, so that " his life was in danger by his excessive labors, preach- ing thrice a week, by labors night and day in the field, and by travels night and day, to go and come from the court." 3
Meanwhile the " elders" continued to deal with him for his errors, and to labor for his conversion ; and Mr. Cotton "spent the great part of the summer in seeking by word and writing to satisfy his scruples." Informing the magis-
1 Winthrop, 1. 188 ; Cotton's Re- ply, 4, 16, 29, 55 ; Knowles, 65.
2 Winthrop, 1. 193-4; Morton's Mem., 79-82; Mass. Rec's., 1. 160-
1; Cotton's Reply, 19, 29, 30; Mather, b. vii. c. ii. s. 6.
' Cotton's Reply, 23, 30, 53, 56.
240
SENTENCE OF BANISHMENT.
CHAP. trates of their desire to proceed with him "in a church IX.
um way " before civil prosecution was urged, the Governor replied, "You are deceived in him if you think he will condescend to learn of any of you." Yet the attempt was made, and several of the churches endeavored to convince him of his errors ; but so far were these efforts from chang- ing his views, that he finally refused to appear before them, and wrote his own church that he would no longer commune with the churches in the Bay, nor with them unless they also withdrew : a letter which is said to have " filled all with grief."1
Recruiting as fall approached, he was enabled to appear Nov. 3, in person at Court ; and "all the ministers in the Bay 1635. being desired to be present," he was charged with his " seditious " letters, which he justified ; and being " offered further conference or disputation, and a month's respite, he chose to dispute presently. So Mr. Hooker was appointed to dispute with him, but could not reduce him from any of his errors. So the next morning the court sentenced him to depart out of our jurisdiction within six weeks, all the ministers, save one, approving the sentence." 2
This sentence, however, owing to his infirm health, was not carried into immediate effect, permission being given him to tarry at Salem until spring ; but, as he would not Jan'y., remain silent, complaints were heard that he "went about 1635-6. to draw others to his opinions," and " did use to entertain company in his house, and to preach to them, even of such points as he had been censured for." It was also reported that he " had drawn above twenty persons to his opinions, and they were intended to erect a plantation about Narra- ganset Bay ;" and, as it was feared the "infection would
1 Cotton's Reply, 2, 19, 30, 38, 47.
1 .- Hubbard, chap. 30, gives a full account of the proceedings against
3 Cotton's Reply, 9, 27-9, 113; Mr. Williams. Winthrop, 1. 204; Col. Rec's., vol.
241
REFLECTIONS UPON THE SAME.
spread from.thence into the adjoining churches, the people cuar. being much taken with the apprehension of his godliness," it was "agreed to send him to England by a ship then ready 1635. to depart," and a warrant was " sent to him to come pres- ently to Boston to be shipped." To this he replied, that " he could not come without hazard of his life : whereupon a pinnace was sent with commission to Capt. Underhill to apprehend him, and carry him aboard the ship, which then lay at Nantasket ; but when they came to his house, he had been gone three days before ; but whither, they could not learn."1
Such is a brief and unvarnished account of the circum- stances connected with the banishment of Mr. Williams. And, viewing them with " a calm, a steady, and a Christian hand," as he has solicited, and as justice requires, no one will say it was because of his immorality that he was thus " driven from his house, and land, and wife, and children, in the midst of a New England winter," leaving his com- panion with an infant in her arms, and his eldest daughter but two years old ! No one will say it was because he lacked ministerial abilities that he was compelled, with a heavy heart, to part from all dear to him, and plunge into the wilderness, where, "sorely tost for one fourteen weeks, in a bitter winter season, not knowing what bread or bed did mean," he cast himself upon the hospitality of the sons of the forest ! In morals he was above reproach ; and toward him as a minister there was a "general sentiment of respect." His own statement is, it was " only for the holy truth of Christ Jesus, that he was denied the common air to breathe in, and a civil cohabitation upon the same com- mon earth."2 And doubtless, it was because his opinions were in advance of those among whom he lived, and con-
1 Winthrop, 1. 209-10; Cotton's 1. 276 ; Cotton's Reply, 3, 7, 8, 13, Reply, 57. 41, 44-5, 112.
2 Williams's Lett., in 1 M.H. Coll.,
21
242
VIEWS OF THE MAGISTRATES.
CHAP. sidered by them as dangerous and seditious, that he was IX. a sacrifice to honest though mistaken convictions of truth 1635.
and duty.
There is but one sense in which he was self-banished. " My own voluntary withdrawing," says he, " from all these churches, resolved to continue in those evils, and in persecuting the witnesses of the Lord, presenting light unto them : I confess, it was my own voluntary act ; yca, I hope the act of the Lord Jesus sounding forth in me, a poor despised rams-horn, the blast which shall in his own holy season cast down the strength, and confidence of the inven- tions of men in the worship of God; and lastly his act in enabling me to be faithful in any measure to suffer such great, and mighty trials for his names' sake."1 Yet if his withdrawal from the churches was voluntary, his banish- meet from the country was not. That was the act of the magistrates and elders. And, though stigmatized by some as a " haberdasher of small opinions,"2 and by others as a " weather-cock, constant only in inconstancy,"3 his " integ- rity and good intentions " no one can impeach. 4
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