USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the colonial period. 1492-1692 v. I > Part 37
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1 Hubbard, 87-9; Mather, 29, 30; tary Papers, vol. 3. fol. 11, is a Lett., Life of Church, 32; London Tract, of Oct. 13, p. 12.
without date, giving an account of the losses at Hatfield.
2 Hubbard, 89, 94. In the Mili- 1 Hubbard, 90-1.
445
PHILIP FLEES TO MOUNT HOPE.
" Nipmuck and River Indians" bent their course to the CHAP. West and to the North ; the Narragansets retired to the XVI. South ; and Philip was left alone, deserted by his allies, 1676. and with but a handful of his own men rallying around him.1
Mournfully, therefore, the chieftain turned his face towards Mount Hope ; and, as the bewildered bird, when the home that has sheltered her is wreathed in flames, flutters dazzled and affrighted around the nest of her little ones, and at last sinks a victim to the devouring element, so this son of the forest, whose all was bound up in the soil which had nourished him, - the home and the grave of his fathers before him, - when he found that the power of the white man was invincible, still clung tenaciously to his foot- hold upon the loved haunts so endeared to his memory, lingered irresolute, unwilling to yield, and preferring to die where his ashes might mingle with the ashes of his sires, and the winds as they blew might sigh out his requiem.
A cordon of military posts soon surrounded his refuge ; and the full forces of the colonies were concentrated near Mount Hope. Maj. Talcot, of Connecticut, was there, with three hundred English soldiers, and some friendly Indians. At the solicitation of Plymouth, two companies from Massachusetts marched to Seekonk, to join Maj. Brad- ford and the troops of the Old Colony. Capt. Brattle, with his horsemen, and Capt. Moseley, with a foot company, were already on the spot. The Indians were flocking thither, and Philip, it was said, was at the head of the rem- nant of his tribe, ravaging the country, and determined to sell his life as dearly as possible.
Why follow the movements of both parties day by day ? Why speak of the attacks upon Swanzey and Taunton ?
1 Hubbard, 95-6.
38
446
DEATH OF PHILIP.
CHAP. Why dwell upon the gallant exploits of Church, and others ? XVI. Bodies of the Indians daily deserted the desperate cause,
1676. and surrendered to the English, sueing for peace. The family of Philip was taken, and his wife and his son were in the hands of the whites. The heart of the chieftain was ready to break. He had lost all worth striving for, and, instead of longer struggling against visible fate, he was prepared to offer himself upon the altar of his country. The lines were drawn closer and closer. Escape was impossible. Completely hemmed in, the chieftain was at bay. His days were numbered, and in darkness the star of his destiny was to be quenched. Bereft of his family ; be- wailing the loss of his followers and friends; deserted by his allies ; with his subjects falling around him as the leaves of the forest, the last of the Wampanoag chiefs remained almost alone. Hunted backward and forward as eagerly as ever fox, or boar, or midnight wolf was pursued by the sportsman ; compelled to flee from point to point ; he was driven at last to his lair at Mount Hope ; and, withdrawing to the spot which had cradled his infancy, and delighted his maturer years, that one worn and haggard man, with an infuriate multitude seeking his blood, sullenly awaited the doom which impended.
Aug.12
It was welcome news to Capt. Church, that his enemy was in such straits ; and, without a moment's delay, gath- ering around him his few trusty followers, he prepared to put the finishing stroke to the war. A deserter guided him to the side of the swamp whither Philip had withdrawn ; and upon a spot of upland, at its Southern end, and at the foot of the Mount which had been the throne of the chief- tain, the victim awaited the approach of his pursuers. Creeping upon their bellies, as cautiously as the tiger advances upon its prey, Church and his companions wound their way in. Every man had his orders, and every one was posted to the best possible advantage. The quick
447
THE WAR ENDS. .
report of a musket is heard ; a full volley follows : and CHAP. Philip, half naked, is seen hastily fleeing. An Englishman
1676.
XVI. covets the honor of shooting him. His gun misses fire. And the ball of an Indian pierces his heart. He falls ! Philip of Mount Hope will sound the war-whoop no more ! The body of the chieftain lies stretched upon the ground, and the desolating war is brought to a close.1 Shall we publish the record, that the son of the chieftain was sold as a slave ? Shall we detail the particulars of the capture of Anawan ? The Indians never recovered from the blow. Their power was broken, and they were rapidly dispersed. They fought to the last for the land of their sires, but what could they effect against the power of the English ?
The aggregate of suffering remains to be told. At least thirteen towns were wholly destroyed, and a large number of others sustained much damage. Six hundred of the colonists fell upon the battle field, and many of the sur- vivors bore with them to the grave marks of their desperate and bloody encounters. There was scarcely a family in which some one had not suffered. Connecticut escaped with very little loss. Upon Massachusetts and Plymouth the principal burden fell. The whole expense of the war, including losses and disbursements, cannot be computed at less than half a million of dollars : - a large sum for those days, and as great in proportion as the cost of our national struggle for independence. More than six hundred build- ings were consumed by fire. It was years before some towns recovered, and were rebuilt. 2
We have no disposition to detract in the least from the merits of our fathers, or to reflect upon their conduct as unusually culpable. Doubtless, to their minds, the war was justifiable. Yet in vindicating them from misappre-
1 Hubbard, Mather, Church, &c.
2 Trumbull, 1. 350-1.
448
GENERAL REFLECTIONS.
CHAP. hension, let us not forget that the tale of the savage has XVI. never been told. It is true that
1676.
" Small slights, contempt, neglect, unmixed with hate, Make up in number what they want in weight,"
And of thesc, the Indians experienced enough. No one, who possesses the benevolent spirit which the gospel com- mends, can fail to be deeply interested in the fate of these sons of the forest - the original occupants of the soil, pos- sessing, with all their vices, many estimable traits ; sharing the feelings which are common to all hearts ; moved by the passions which agitate every breast. Yet that is, in our estimation, a mawkish sentimentalism, which lavishes upon them the most glowing eulogiums for the purpose of tar- nishing the luster of Puritanism. It should never be for- gotten that they were an uncivilized racc, and that their survivors yet remain such ; and all, who contrast the condi- tion of this continent in the middle of the nineteenth cen- tury, with its condition at the opening of the seventeenth century, will readily concede that the change which has been wrought here by the introduction of a new race, and the influence which the New World has exerted upon the Old, the lessons of political wisdom which have here been taught, the advancement which has been made in the arts and the sciences, and especially the problems of spiritual interest which have here been successfully developed, are monuments to the memory of the men who settled these wilds, sufficiently glorious, and sufficiently praiseworthy, to atone for those errors, which the history of all ages teaches us have been common to mankind, and from which no nation or people, however enlightened or intelligent, and in the enjoyment of the most brilliant and widely diffused advantages, has been wholly exempt.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE DOWNFALL OF THE CHARTER.
THE defeat of the Commission of 1664, did not relieve CHAP. the colonists permanently from the interference of Charles XVII. and his Ministers of State. On the contrary, a new Council for Plantations was appointed ; and at its first meeting "at May 26, the Earl of Bristol's house in Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn 1671. Field," the affairs of America were discussed, and there were "great debates," in which the King himself took part, "in what style to write to New England." It was believed by the Monarch that Massachusetts, the principal colony, was " rich and strong," and "able to contest with all other Plantations about them ;" and he was not without fears of " their breaking off from all dependence " on the English nation. Hence the proposition of a "menacing letter," favored by some of the Council, was opposed by those "who better understood the peevish and touchy humor of that colony ; " and, after several days deliberation, it was concluded that, if any paper was sent, it should be June 6. " conciliatory." The representations of Cartwright, one of the old Commissioners, had, doubtless, a powerful influ- ence in leading to the adoption of this course ; for, when summoned to " give a relation of the country," he drew a Jun. 21. picture so alarming to the courtiers, that all thoughts of " threatening " the colonists were abandoned, and nothing was recommended beyond a "letter of amnesty," which July 4. was prepared, and eventually "agreed to be sent." 1
1 Evelyn, Diary, vol. 2.
38*
450
COMMISSIONERS TO BE SENT TO THE COLONIES.
Aug. 3.
CHAP. XVII. Yet many were reluctant to relinquish the attempt to conquer the spirit of a people whose very refractoriness 1671 stung their pride ; and the proposition was made that an Agent or Deputy should be sent over, under the pretext of adjusting boundaries, but in reality to ascertain the true state of the country, and "whether they were of such power as to be able to resist his Majesty, and declare for . themselves, as independent of the crown."1 Col. Middle- ton was of opinion, that the best way to procced was by force of arms ; and declared, that the people might easily be "curbed by a few of his Majesty's first rate frigates, to spoil their trade with the Islands ;" but more pacific councils prevailed, and it was decided to adhere to the former conclusion, and to " advise his Majesty to send Commissioners with a formal commission .for adjusting boundaries."
It was easier, however, to adopt such a conclusion, than Feb. 12, to carry it into effect ; and six months later, the Council 1671-2. was found deliberating on " some fit person to go to inspect their actions in New England, and from time to time to report how that people stood affected." In truth, the Court was emasculated of its manliness by its lechery, and had not the courage to provoke once more the defiant spirit before which it had already quailed. No agents, therefore, Sept., were sent to the colonies ; and in the following fall, the 1672. Council for Plantations was constituted a Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations ; and, having appointed a Com- mittee to " examine the laws of his Majesty's several Plantations and Colonies in the West Indies," with this step their proceedings terminated for a season. 2
Meanwhile, Massachusetts continued without opposition to enjoy the rich blessings of a peaccable government ;
1 The date of the report of the
2 Evelyn, 1. 434-59 ; Hubbard, Council for Plantations, is Aug. 12, 732 ; Bancroft, 2. 90-1. 1671, in 4 M. H. Coll., 2. 285.
451
DEATH OF THE FATHERS OF NEW ENGLAND.
exercised her jurisdiction in New Hampshire and Maine ; CHAP. and was even projecting settlements further to the eastward, XVII. in the province of Acadia. The French, on the one side, L1672. were removed from her neighborhood, and the Dutch, on the other, were no longer feared. There was no limit, therefore, to the extension of her commerce. Acting as the carrier for nearly all the other colonies, her trade was as extensive as she could reasonably desire. Vessels from many nations might be seen in her harbors. No custom house was established. The laws of Navigation were prac- tically inoperative. Wealth was fast flowing into the cof- fers of her merchants. And industry and contentment everywhere prevailed. 1
In the midst of this plenty, the chiefs of the colonies were gathered to the grave. Wilson, of Boston, " ortho- dox in judgment," yet " zealous against known evils ; " Flint, of Braintree, a "man of known piety, gravity, and integrity ;" Mitchell, of Cambridge, the "stay of New England," and the "gem of the churches ;" Allen, of Ded- ham, revered as a pastor ; the younger Eliot, " endowed with gifts of nature and grace ;" Mather, of Dorchester, a " solid and grave divine ;" the thrice honored Davenport, the pride of two colonies ; Symmes, of Charlestown, an accomplished scholar ; the tolerant Willoughby, beloved as a magistrate; the upright Bellingham, "a foe to bribes, but rich in charity ; " the excellent Prince, long Governor of Plymouth ; and others of the patriarchs and men of esteem, were among those who departed, lamenting not so much that their career was thus ended, as that they were " born too soon to see New England in its most flourishing state." 2
Happy for them that they did not survive longer, for
1 Hutchinson, 1. 246-7 ; Chal- 2 Morton's Mem., Anno. 1665, et mers, Ann., 400, 433-4; Josselyn, seq .; Hubbard, 604-7 ; Hutchin- in 2 M. II. Coll., vol. 3.
son, 1. 237-8.
452
FRESH DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLAND.
CHAP. shadows were fast darkening the pathway of the people. XVII. It was the destiny of New England to pass through severer trials before she emerged into this "flourishing state." 1674. The cry of her enemies was not easily stopped ; and again, like blood-hounds, they were baying upon her track. The petitions of Robert Mason and Gorges were renewed ; 1 rumors were circulated that Massachusetts had concluded a peace with the Dutch, and was defrauding the King by carrying tobacco from Virginia to France, and the sea ports of Holland ; 2 and, while she was advised of "a great design on foot for the regulation of New England," it was at the same time lamented that there was no agent in Eng- land to speak in her favor. 3 One friend had counselled her to purchase the claims of Gorges, "least in the future they prove prejudicial;" 4 and, had this advice been at once adopted, it might, perhaps, have freed her from her most persevering opponents ; for, finding their efforts hitherto fruitless, both Gorges and Mason listened with eagerness to a proposal to dispose of their claims to the King, who purposed to unite Maine with New Hampshire, and form of the same a principality for his favorite son, the Duke of Monmouth. But the gentleman who was " all agog to goe governor thither," was " dealt withall," and " such dis couragements layd before him, and the ridiculousness of hoping for such a revenue as was proposed of £5000 a year, or more, to the Duke," that it was hoped the project would be laid aside. 5 It was deemed prudent, however, to make overtures for the settlement of these claims, and authority was given to offer Gorges £500 to relinquish his ; but he was then " in the clouds," having expectations of greater profits than the agent held forth. "
1 King Charles's Lett., in Chal- mer's Ann., 446.
2 Hutch. Coll., 443-4, 462-3, 468-9, 470-1.
* Knowles, in Hutch. Coll., 447; Boyle, in ibid., 450-1.
‘ Thompson, in Hutch. Coll., 449.
5 Collins, in Hutch. Coll., 451.
" Lett. to Thompson, in llutch. Coll., 467, and reply, 470.
453
PETITION OF GORGES AND MASON.
The commercial freedom enjoyed by the colonics, and the CHAP. wealth which their enterprise was fast pouring in upon them,~ XVII. provoked the envy of the merchants of England; and com- plaints were made by these merchants, and by the manufac- 1675. turers, that this widely-extended traffic, if not checked in season, "would not only ruin the trade of this kingdom, but would leave no sort of dependence from that country to this." Applications from such a source are seldom unheeded; the Committee on Foreign Plantations listened with deference ; and it was resolved to "settle collectors in New England, as in the other places, that they might receive the duties, and enforce the law." Should these officers be obstructed, the other plantations were to be forbidden to trade with them ; the captains of the royal frigates were to bring in offenders ; no Mediterranean passes were to be granted their vessels, to protect them from the Turks, until it was seen what dependence they would acknowledge on his Majesty ; 1 and soon after a Proclamation was issued, pro- Nov.24. hibiting the importation of any of the commodities of Europe into the Plantations, which were not laden in England, and for putting into execution the laws of trade. 2
The scheme of Gorges and Mason for the disposal of their claims to the King, failed of its accomplishment through the poverty of the monarch ; and the persevering proprietors, resolved not to relinquish their attempts, once more petitioned for the restoration of their lands. Infor- mation of this step, and of general complaints against the colonies, were received by Governor Leverett, with the proposed design of sending a Commissioner hither, accom- panied by a sufficient force to back his instructions ; and though it was intimated that the project might be delayed for a season, " by reason of more weighty affairs and the
Dec. 22
1 Chalmers, Ann., 400-02, 436 ; Revolt, 1. 128-9.
Proclamation, it is said, did not reach Boston until Oct. 1680. Hubbard,
2 3 M. H. Coll., 7. 136-7. This 734, note.
454
MEASURES OF DEFENSE.
CHAP. want of money," yet it was added, that a letter would cer- XVII. tainly be forwarded, ordering "some account of these 1675. things to be given " his Majesty. "I fear," writes their advocate, " I fear that which is aimed at is to call your Patent to a strict account, upon what terms you hold it." " You would do well," he adds, " to be in preparation for it, especially to make good your title to that part of your government."1
The General Court at this time had no standing agent in its employ in England ; yet it was faithfully served by sev- eral persons interested in the welfare of the colonies, and, for its own protection, funds had been furnished them to fee clerks of the Privy Council, from whom early informa- tion, and copies of state papers were expected to be ob- tained.2 By these means, imitative of those which England itself was pursuing, and other nations of Europe, in the man- agement of their political intrigues, it was constantly advised of the posture of affairs abroad, forewarned of dangers, and enabled to provide the means of defense. Yet neither the vigilance of their allies, nor the intercession of "My. Lord Privy Seal, the Earl of Anglesey," to whom a letter was written,3 could " entangle for a long time," or wholly " evert" the " business " which it was hoped to delay ; for 1676. in the following year, letters were written to the Colonial Governors commanding them to enforce strict obedience to the Acts of Trade, and commissions were sent empow- ering the administration of the requisite oaths. To Massa- chusetts, " the most prejudicial Plantation to the Kingdom of England,"4 it was determined to send a special messen- ger. The complaints of Gorges and Mason had been exam- ined, and others had been preferred by the Dutch ; and the
1. Collins, in Hutch. Coll., 471-5; Randolph, in ibid., 507; Orders in Council, in 4 M. H. Coll., 2. 285.
2 Collins, in Hutch. Coll., 47 ; Chalmers, Ann., 461-2.
3 Chalmers, Ann., 395.
4 Sir J. Child's Disccourse on Trade, 135 ; Hubbard, 734.
455
RANDOLPH SENT TO MASSACHUSETTS.
King wrote that agents should be sent over, who should CHAP. appear before him in six months after the reception of his XVII. letter, or judgment would be given against the General Mar. 20, 1675-6. Court even in its absence.1
It was in the height of the distress of Philip's War that Mar. 30, this project of ".reassuming the government of Massachu- 1676. setts " was resolved upon in England ; and, while the peo- ple were yet contending with the natives for the possession of the soil, and the ground was wet with the blood of the slain, and the war cry was ringing in the forests of Maine, the mendacious Randolph, a kinsman of Mason, and a fit engine of despotism, -a man whose insolence and whose turbulence gained for him the execration of the people whom he sought to oppress, - set out to cross the Atlantic in a ship sent for his conveyance, bearing letters from his Majesty, instructions from the Lords of Trade, and copies of the petition of Mason and Gorges ; and arrived before Boston shortly after the annual election of magistrates had Jun. 10. passed.2
Waiting immediately upon Governor Leverett, and pro- ducing his credentials, he was informed that the Council was to meet in the afternoon, and that he should be sent for to attend ; and appearing at the time fixed, his Majesty's letter, with the petitions, were delivered and received ; and, after a short consultation, he was dismissed with the answer that " they should consider of these things."3 Hav- ing been entrusted with other letters, from Mason to his friends, these were delivered, and the messenger was re- ceived with " much kindness," and expressions of " great loyalty to his Majesty." The contents of these letters, as was intended, were carefully noised abroad for popular effect ; and a report being in circulation that " the Duke of
1 Randolph's Narr., in Usurpa- tion Papers, vol. 2. fol. 218; 4. M. H. Coll., 2. 286 ; Chalmers, Ann., 395; Ilubbard, 734.
2 Randolph's Narr., in Usurpation Papers, vol. 2. fol. 218 ; Hutchin- son, 1. 280, and Coll., 503.
& Hutch. Coll., 504.
.
456
ACTION OF THE MAGISTRATES.
CHAP. XVII. York and divers of the nobility, upon discontents, had left the Court, and applied to the city for assistance, and that 1676. all was going to confusion at home," Randolph applied him- self to expose the falsity of this report, and " confuted it by many arguments, so that in a short time it van- ished."1
Jun. 15. After two days consideration, it was resolved by the Council that " thanks be rendered to his Majesty for his gracious letter, and that an answer be forthwith sent by a master of a vessel ready to sail for London ; " and Ran- dolph being again sent for, he was informed of these pro- ceedings, and asked if he had " anything further to offer for his Majesty ?"-and replying in the negative, the Governor, with great coolness, " said that he looked upon me as Mr. Mason's agent, and that I might withdraw."2 Jun. 16. In an interview on the following day, with Governor Lev- erett alone, Randolph took occasion to allude to the Act of Navigation, and to animadvert upon its violation by the colony; to which it was replied, that the laws of England were binding no farther than consisted with their interests ; that, by the charter, full legislative powers were conferred upon the Company ; that all matters in dispute were to be concluded by their determination, without any appeal ; and that his Majesty ought not to retrench their liberties, which he had agreed to confirm, but leave them to enjoy, or even to enlarge the same, inasmuch as upon their own charge, and without any contribution from the crown, they had " made so large a plantation in the wilderness."2 It is somewhat singular that opinions similar to the above were being cotemporancously avowed in Ireland ; and, as partic_ ular persons there did penance for adhering to them, so shall we find this was one cause of the loss of the Massa- chusetts Charter.4
1 Hutch. Coll., 504, 505, 510. 8 IIutch. Coll., 506.
2 Hutch. Coll., 505-6.
+ Ilutchinson, 1. 290-1.
457
RANDOLPH VISITS PLYMOUTH.
A week later, Randolph again appeared, and a memorial CHAP. was presented reminding the Council of "his Majesty's XVII. command of sending over agents," and requesting a Gen- Jun. 23, 1677.
eral Court to be convened to consider the same ; but to this the only answer returned was, that when he was ready to sail for England, he should have a copy of the letter which they had written to his Majesty.1 - With this reply he was obliged to content himself ; and early in the ensuing month he set out for New Hampshire, and travelled through July. several of its town's, acquainting the people with the pur- pose of his visit to the country, and endeavoring to incite them to renounce their allegiance to Massachusetts.2 Ap- parently satisfied with the result of this journey, he re- turned to. Boston ; and soon after, on the reception of a message from Governor Winslow, of Plymouth, he visited that colony, where, he affirms, great dislike was expressed of the carriage of the magistrates of Boston towards his Majesty ; complaints were made of the encroachments of Massachusetts upon the neighboring colonies ; and "he " - Governor Winslow-" finding the inconveniences of a di- vided government daily arising, did say, that New England would never be secure, flourish, nor be serviceable to his Majesty, until the several colonies and plantations were reduced under his Majesty's immediate government ; and that the colonies of New Plymouth and Connecticut would readily and willingly submit to his Majesty's pleasure and commands in the disposal and settlement of the civil gov- ernment." 3
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