USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the colonial period. 1492-1692 v. I > Part 25
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For these reasons they supplicate a reconsideration of the Order, and ask to be " suffered to live here in this wil derness, and that the poor plantation, which hath found more favor with God than any others, may not find less favor with the King, nor their liberties be restrained, when others are enlarged, or the door be kept shut to them, while it stands open to all others, and that men of ability should be debarred from Massachusetts, while they have encouragement to other colonies." -" Let us then," say
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293
THE SPIRIT OF INDEPENDENCE.
they, in conclusion, " Let us be made the objects of his CHAP. Majesty's clemency, and not cut off in our first appeal from all hopes of favor. Thus with our carnest prayers unto the King of Kings, for long life and prosperity to his Sacred Majesty, and his Royal family, and for all honor and welfare to your Lordships, we humbly take leave."1
This eloquent and effective Petition did not fail of its object; and soon after it reached England, a letter was June, sent by Mr. Cradock, informing the government that the 1639. Lords Commissioners had received and accepted it, and declared their intention to be only to regulate the planta- tions, and not to curtail their liberties, and giving full power to go on as usual, until a new patent was sent. Yet, at the same time, another Order was forwarded, perempto- rily requiring the return of the Charter by the first ship, under threats of further and more stringent measures in case of non-compliance.2 But this letter the colonists saw fit to pass over in silence ; and the troubles supervening which terminated in the death of Charles, and the overthrow of royalty for a season, the storm, before which the colonists would have been compelled to bend or break, was happily averted ; and for several years, no further attempts were made to obtain possession of their patent. Had not these troubles ensued, the infant commonwealth would have proved but a feeble barrier to the assaults of tyranny. The two or three regiments in the Bay, could muster but a thousand men ; 3 and what were these to the tens of thou- sands who could have been sent to crush them ? But the spirit of independence was aroused even at this period;
1 Hubbard, 269-71; Hutchinson, 186-7. The " Ancient and Honora- ble Artillery Company," was organ- ized in 1637-8. Mass. Rec's., Win- ' Winthrop, 1. 358 ; Mass. Rec's. throp, Hubbard, Whitman, &c.
1. App. 5; Hazard, 1. 435-6.
1 Winthrop, 1. 359-67.
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294
REFLECTIONS UPON THE DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLAND.
CHAP. the government was fast " hardening into a republic ; " and x. a sturdy resistance to all encroachments was counselled by 1639. the pastors, and approved by the people.
It, will be obvious to all who carefully investigate the history of the transactions described in this chapter, that, at a very early period, the success of the Massachusetts Colony awakened the jealousy of all who had failed in establishing similar settlements on these shores ; and that advantage was artfully taken of the policy of the govern- ment, and the disaffection of a few insubordinate and un- principled men, to circulate extravagant and ill-founded reports, representing the people as rebels and traitors ; and, as the English nation itself was convulsed by the con- test which had been long pending between Puritanism and Episcopacy, and the arbitrary measures of a tyrannical prince had exasperated the people, and aroused to resist- ance the friends of freedom, the mind of his Majesty and his principal councillors was casily poisoned against the colony, and no pains were spared, by one means or another, to accomplish its overthrow, and its utter subversion.
There is no evidence, we think, that the people of Massa- chusetts had resolved systematically to renounce all alle- giance to England. Their views of allegiance, it is true, , differed materially from those which generally obtained. But within their charter, and in accordance with its terms, and in harmony with those natural rights which were inalienably theirs, they cheerfully acknowledged depend- ance on the parent State ; as Englishmen, they were proud of their nation and its honor ; and if different views after- wards prevailed, or if their feelings became less cordial, and were gradually alienated and estranged, it is to be attributed more to the mistaken and persecuting policy which by ill-advice was adopted towards them, than to any inherent spirit of rebellion, or opposition or enmity to England and its government.
295
REFLECTIONS UPON THE DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLAND.
It should be borne in mind, likewise, by those who have CHIAP. maligned the motives, and aspersed the character of the x. 1639. founders of New England, and who delight to dwell upon the absurdities and monstrosities, which are the offspring as much of their own brains, as of the conduct of the Puri- tans, that all writers upon English History concur in con- deming the arbitrary and unconstitutional measures of the Stuarts ; and attribute, in part at least, the deliverance of the nation from the dominion of their tyranny, and the vindication of the rights and liberties of Englishmen, to the labors of the very sect instrumental in building up the liberties of America. And, in the midst of such arbitrary proceedings as were then grinding the nation into the dust, and which excited the abhorrence of all true patriots, ought it not rather to be spoken to the praise of the first settlers of Massachusetts, that the men who came here, under a Charter from the King, to which was appended that broad Seal regarded at home with an almost superstitious venera- tion, steadily resisted his unrighteous attempts to curtail their liberties, defeated the machinations of their persever- ing adversaries, and succeeded, in despite of all opposition, in spreading abroad throughout the whole land those dis- tinguishing principles, which are the bulwark of the Eng- lish Constitution, and which are the pride and the glory of the Constitution of the United States ?
Between England and America there have been many misunderstandings, which have issued, unhappily, in blood- shed and misery. Their views and ours are not in all things coincident. But we are both sprung from one race; the blood of a common ancestry flows in our veins ; we speak the same language, and are bound together by many ties of affinity and relationship. Is not that, then, a nar- row policy, which seeks to foster a spirit of enmity and dis- sension ? We, as Americans, may own without shame our affiliation with a country which has given birth to more
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296
REFLECTIONS UPON THE DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLAND.
CHAP. greatness than any other nation of Europe ; and England X. has no reason to look askance at America, for her children have not degenerated here, nor have they sullied that honor, or tainted that blood, which is the boast of both nations, and which should bind us together in friendship and peace.
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CHAPTER XI.
THE CONFEDERACY OF THE COLONIES.
THE Confederacy of 1643, is an important event in the CHAP. history of New England ; and, as we purpose to make this
XI. event the basis of the present chapter, a general survey of the condition of the colonies will be an appropriate prelimi- nary to its discussion, and will afford an opportunity for noting a few incidents which have been purposely passed over in our previous pages.
The idea of this Confederacy seems to have originated with the colony of Plymouth, during the Pequot war. That colony, when solicited to furnish men and means for the war, objected on the ground that their Massachusetts brethren had refused to aid them in their difficulties with the French; and in a conference at Boston, between the May 12, agents of Plymouth and the agents of Massachusetts, to 1637. promote harmony of action, proposals were made for an alliance, offensive and defensive, in all cases of future occurrence. 1 Nearly at the same time, similar proposals Apr. 1. were made by Massachusetts to the Hartford colony ; but the latter, jealous it should seem of their prosperous pre- decessors, signified their unpreparedness to enter upon such negotiations, " in regard of their engagements to attend the answer of the gentlemen of Saybrook about the same matter."2 A few months later, however, some of the magistrates and ministers of the colony being at Boston, to attend the Synod, a day was "appointed to agree upon Aug.30.
1 Winthrop, 1. 261.
' Winthrop, 1. 259.
298
SETTLEMENT OF THE NEW HAVEN COLONY.
CHAP. some articles of confederation, and notice was given to XI. Plymouth that they might join in it, but their warning was so short as they could not come." 1
Meanwhile the plantations in Connecticut, already of some importance, were strengthened by the accession of fresh bodies of emigrants from England ; and, in addition to the Colony at Hartford, another was founded at " Quilli- pieck," by Theophilus Eaton, Edward Hopkins, Rev. John Davenport, Rev. Samuel Eaton, and others, gentlemen of respectability, influence and talent, a few of whom Mar. 30, went thither in the fall of 1637, and were followed by the 1638. rest the ensuing spring, who landed at "Red Hill," and, under the shadow of a spreading oak, laid the foundation of New Haven. Here they purchased land of the natives ; the little settlement thrived apace ; and continued under a June 4, plantation covenant about fourteen months, when a more 1639. systematic constitution was adopted, similar to that of Massachusetts. 2
We have elsewhere noticed the settlement of Hartford, Wethersfield, Windsor, and Springfield. 3 As Massachu- setts claimed jurisdiction over those of her inhabitants who had removed to Connecticut, and as the bounds between the colonies were not definitely fixed, in conjunction with Mr. John Winthrop, Jr., the agent of the English grantees, a commission was issued to Ludlow, Pynchon, Steele, and others, for the government of these plantations for one year ;4 but the settlers, impatient of external control, and satisfied that most, if not all of them, were without the limits of the Bay, established an independent government at the end of this year,5 and subsequently entered into a
1 Winthrop, 1. 283-4. 2 Winthrop, 1. 283, 311-12, 484- 6; Hubbard, 262-3, 317-19 ; John- son, in 2 M. H. Coll., 7. 7; 3 M. H. Coll., 3. 165; Trumbull, 1. 95- 97, 102-106, 502-506; Holmes, 1.
245, 252; Bacon's Hist. Disc., 18- 24; Brodhead's N. Y., 294, &c. 3 Chap. 8.
+ Mass. Rec's., 1. 170-1; Haz- ard, 1. 321-2.
5 Holmes, 1. 237.
299
DIFFICULTIES WITH THE HARTFORD COLONY.
combination among themselves, and became a body politic, CHAP. by mutual consent, framing their own laws, and choosing XI. their own officers, without, as in the elder colony, restrict- Jan. 14, ' 1638-9. ing the freedom of the elective franchise to the members of their churches.1
Difficulties early arose between this colony and that of Massachusetts, growing out of the "shyness " of the for- mer; and, as the Articles of Confederation contained a clause that, upon any matters of disagreement, two, three, or more of every of the confederated colonies, should have absolute power to determine the same by a majority vote, this clause was so altered as to provide, that, if the commis- sioners unanimously agreed, their decision should be bind- ing; but otherwise, they were to seek new instructions, and so proceed until they could agree. These Articles, thus altered, were sent to the General Court at Newtown; but June? the Court, disliking the alterations, declined accepting them ; 1638. and the delegates from Connecticut waiving any intention of intermeddling with the settlers in Massachusetts, the Court, thinking Springfield was within its limits, inclined to assume jurisdiction over that place, and inserted an article, so bounding the colonies as to include that plantation. This displeased the Connecticut people ; and it being re- ported that they "went on to exercise authority at Aga- wam," the Governor wrote them to "forbear until the line was laid out." To this letter a " harsh reply " was re- turned, declining to " treat further until they heard from the gentlemen at Saybrook," and owing to these miscar- riages, the union was not effected.2
In the following spring, Mr. Haynes, the Governor of May? the Hartford Colony, and the Rev. Mr. Hooker, visited 1639. Boston to renew the treaty. As a new Governor, Keift,
1 Hubbard, 309-11; Hazard, 1. 437-41 ; Trumbull, 1. 190-93, 498- 502, ed. 1818.
2 Winthrop, 1. 342-4.
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300
PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENT IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
CHAP. had been appointed at New Netherland, who was very XI. inquisitive to ascertain " how things stood " between Massa- chusetts and Connecticut, both were willing to enter into fresh negotiations ; and the matter being moved at the General Court, was accepted. There were others, however, interested in these negotiations ; and Mr. Fenwick, of Say- Oct., 1639. brook, who had been written to, says: " If there be any- thing between you and the towns above about bounds, what- soever is concluded without us here, I shall account invalid, and must protest against it." This checked further pro- ceedings, nor until 1642, do we again find references to a Confederacy in which Connecticut is distinctly named.1
Of the progress of settlement in New Hampshire, we need only remark, that, after the death of Capt. John Ma- son, the principal proprietary of those parts, the planta- tions which had been erected were left to shift for them- selves, his widow's attorney, Mr. Francis Norton, finding the expense of their maintenance to exceed the profits.2 Besides the settlements at Dover, Portsmouth, and Exeter, 1636. another was commenced at Winnicumet, or Hampton, where a house, known as the " Bound House," was built, which was intended as a mark of possession rather than of limits with the Massachusetts colony ; 3 and, though the agent of Mason's estate objected to these proceedings, it was not until many years after that these objections were seriously of litigiously urged.+
The difficulties at Piscataqua, growing out of the miscon- duct of Burdet, Knollys, Underhill, and others, more prop- erly belong to the history of New Hampshire, and may 1639. therefore be omitted here.5 Pending these difficulties, the inhabitants of Dover, aware of their own weakness, offered
1 Winthrop, 1. 360, 368; Hutch.
+ Winthrop, 1. 349, 365 ; Hutch. Coll., 107-8.
Coll., 320; Belknap, 1. 38.
' Belknap's N. H., 1. 39-40. 5 Winthrop, 1. 332, 350-2; 2. 32-4; Lechford, in 3. M. H. Coll., 3; Belknap, N. II., vol. 1. chap. 2.
' Hutchinson, 1. 87; Belknap, 1. 38.
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301
NEW HAMPSHIRE JOINED TO MASSACHUSETTS.
to come under the government of Massachusetts ; and CHAP. answer was returned, that, if they would send commis-
XI. sioners empowered to treat upon the subject, the court would probably agree to their propositions. With this encouragement commissioners were appointed ; but, as the articles they brought were disliked, a conditional treaty was concluded, to the effect that "they should be as Ips- wich and Salem, and have courts there ;" and this was ratified under the seal of Massachusetts, with the under- standing that, " if the people did not assent to it, they might be at liberty." "Those of Exeter" sent similar propositions, but "not liking the agreement with those of Dover," they declined proceeding further.1
The people of Dover and Portsmouth at this time had no power of government delegated from the Crown, but had combined themselves into bodies politic, like their neighbors at Exeter ; and in 1640, four distinct governments, includ- 1640. ing one at Kittery, were formed on the branches of the Piscataqua ; but, being all voluntary agreements, liable to be broken or dissolved upon the first popular ferment, there could be no surety of their continuance, and no sta- bility in their management. The distractions in England, which convulsed the whole nation, cut off all hope of the attention of royalty ; and the conflicting opinions of the settlements themselves, precluded the formation of a gen- eral government which could afford a prospect of permanent utility.2 Hence the more judicious inclined to incorporate with the Massachusetts Colony ; and, as the bounds of the lat- ter Colony extended northward to three miles north of every part of the Merrimac, and these bounds were yet intact, no accurate survey of the country having been made, and if pressed would include the whole of New Hampshire, and a
1'Winthrop, 1. 384-5; 2. 32; Mass. Rec's., 1. 276.
2 Hubbard, 372; Hutchinson, 1. 102; Belknap, 1. 51.
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302
AFFAIRS OF THE PLYMOUTH COLONY.
CHAP. large part of Maine, so that Mason's and Gorges' patents XI. must both have been vacated, the alliance became a matter of paramount importance, and the settlers were generally disposed to enter upon an early treaty for its accomplish- ment.
Jun. 14. 1641.
Accordingly, the "lords and gentlemen," who held the patent at Dover and Strawberry Bank, " finding no means to govern the people there," agreed to assign their interest of jurisdiction, reserving to themselves " the greater part of the proprietary of their lands ;" and, commissioners being Oct. 7, appointed on both sides, the " whole river " became incor-
1641. porated with the Massachusetts colony. The next year Sept. 8, Exeter followed their example, and Mr. Wheelwright re- 1612. moved to Wells, in Maine.1
Turning now to the Plymouth colony, we find that the bounds between that colony and Massachusetts were long unsettled ; and it was regarded as " a plot of the old ser- pent to sow jealousies and difficulties " about these bounds. The North West line of Scituate was the colony line ; and 1633, the court at Plymouth, having granted to four gentlemen, usually called " Merchant Adventurers," a large tract called "the Conihasset Grant," Hingham, which then includ- ed Cohasset, claimed part of the marshes on the East side of the " Conihasset Gulph." This claim was resisted; and commissioners were appointed from year to year for the adjustment of the difficulties ; but the question remained an open one even after the Confederacy was formed, nor was it until subsequent to the restoration of Charles II., that the line was amicably adjusted. 2
1 Mass. Rec's., 1. 324, 332, 342- 3; Winthrop, 2. 45, 50-1, 144, 195-8, 259; Hutchinson, 105-6; Belknap, 1. 54-8, &c. For the un- founded charge, that Mass. forcibly seized upon N. H., see Belknap, 1., App. xvi, xxi, &c. The sketch of Chalmers, Ann., chap. 17, must be read with caution, as it is, in many
respects, partial and one sided, be- sides being erroneous in several im- portant particulars.
2 Colonial Papers, vol. 2. fols. 17- 23, 432-4, in Mass. Archives ; Mass. Rec's., 1. 196, 254, 257, 271; Win- throp, 1. 341, 365; 2, 21; Plym. Col. Rec's. ; Deane's Scit., 1-4.
303
DIFFICULTIES WITH THE FRENCH.
Other questions, however, of greater moment, arose dur- CHIAP. ing this period, relating to difficulties at the Eastward. XI. One of these occurred as early as the fall of 1632, when Nov. 11, Pemaquid was rifled by pirates, under Bull ; but, by the 1632. intervention of Massachusetts, and assistance from the East, the pirates were expelled, and went to the South- ward. 1
Early the next year, intelligence was received that the Jan. 17, French, to whom, by the treaty of St. Germains, the right 1632-3. to New France had been resigned, and who had established their settlements to the North of New England, had bought the Scottish settlement of Sir William Alexander, near Cape Sable, and that Cardinal Richelieu had sent companies of settlers, including priests and Jesuits, and that more were to follow. Alarmed by these tidings, a meeting was held at Boston, at which the ministers and captains were invited to be present, to advise what should be done should the French prove "ill-neighbors ; " and it was agreed, forthwith to finish the fort at Boston, to erect another at Nantasket, and to commence a plantation at Ipswich, to bar their entrance should they make a descent upon the coast. 2
In the fall, La Tour, the governor to the East of the Nov. St. Croix, who had procured grants from the King of 1633. France, and who was determined to obtain possession of as much of the country as possible, visited Machias, where a trading house had been erected, and, laying claim to the place, two of the residents were killed, and the other three, with goods to the value of £400, or £500, were taken and carried off. Mr. Allerton, of Plymouth, being sent to recover these goods, and to demand of La Tour by what
1 Winthrop, 1. 114-17, 123 ;
$ Winthrop, vol. 1 .; Hubbard, Clap, in Chron. Mass., 362-3; Hub- 161. bard, 160 ; 2 M. H. Coll., 8. 232; Williamson's Me., 1. 252.
304
THE AFFRAY WITH HOCKING.
CHAP. authority the attack had been made, he replied : " I have XI. taken them as my lawful prize; my authority is from the king of France, who claims the coast from Cape Sable to Cape Cod; I wish the English to understand, that if they trade to the eastward of Pemaquid, I shall seize them ; my sword is all the commission I shall show ; when I want help, I will produce my authority. Take your goods, and be gonc."1
May 3, 1634.
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To these difficulties others were added. The Plymouth people had, for some years, possessed a patent of lands at Kennebec, and had erected a trading house for the im- provement of their grant ; and about this time, one Hocking, or Hoskins, came, in a pinnace belonging to Lord Say and Lord Brook, to interfere with their trade ; but two of the magistrates of Plymouth being present, of whom John Alden was one, they forbade his passage. Yet he went up the river, and a collision occurred, in which he killed one of his assailants, and was instantly shot himself in return.
May 14.
At the next court at Boston, upon the complaint of a kinsman of Hocking, Mr. Alden was arrested, and bound over with sureties to answer for the alleged murder. Upon this messengers were sent from Plymouth, to confer with the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts ; and meet- July 9. ing at Boston, after some discussion it was agreed, that the right of Plymouth to regulate the trade at Kennebec was good ; yet the death of Hocking was deemed "in some sort a breach of the sixth commandment ; " but, as it was partly an act of self-defense, it was on the whole adjudged to be " excusable homicide ; " and, after some further nego- tiations with Capt. Wiggin, of Piscataqua, the affair was amicably settled, and Mr. Alden was discharged.2
2. 151-2, 219; Hubbard, 163; Hutchinson, 1. 33, 121; William- son's Me., 1. 247-50.
1 Winthrop, 1. 117-18, 139, 184; 2 Winthrop, 1. 156, 162-3, 166, 174; Mass. Rec's., 1. 119; Hub- bard, 167-8; Williamson's Me., 1. 253; N. E. Gen. Reg., 9.
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305
D'AULNEY AND LA TOUR.
In the following year another affray occurred. A French CHAP. ship, commanded by D'Aulney, the governer to the West XI. of the St. Croix, under a commission from Razilla, the commandant of the fortress at La Heve, rifled the Plym- outh trading house at Penobscot, and bade the men "tell the plantations as far as forty degrees, that they would come the next year with eight ships and displant them all." To avenge this wrong, the Great Hope, Mr. Girling, Mas- ter, then at Boston, was hired by the Plymouth people to dislodge the French ; and with this vessel, their own bark and twenty men were sent to aid in the attack. But the enemy heard of the enterprise, and were found so strongly entrenched that no impression could be made upon them. Immediately, application was made to Massachusetts for aid. That colony was willing to grant this request, if the Plymouth people would bear all the expense ; but the latter refused to deal in the matter " otherwise than as a common cause of the whole country," and " all was deferred to fur- ther counsel." 1
It was partly in consequence of these French difficulties, 1634. that Mr. Winslow was sent to England, to petition the Council for aid to withstand their encroachments ; but negotiations were continued by Massachusetts, fearful for her own safety, and in the fall of 1636, a letter was 1636. received from D'Aulney, in which he proposed to claim no farther than Pemaquid, until he received further orders.2
At the death of Razilla, D'Aulney and La Tour, the great rival chiefs at the East, both claimed the command of Acadia, and made war upon each other ; and Mons. Rochet being sent to Boston, by La Tour, he propounded Nov., " liberty of free commerce," assistance against D'Aulney, 1611. and the privilege of returning goods out of England by
1 Winthrop, 1. 198, 200-01; Hub- bard, 161-2.
2 Winthrop, 1. 246.
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August, 1035.
306
D'AULNEY AND LA TOUR.
CHAP. the merchants of Massachusetts. The first was granted ; XI. but, for the want of sufficient credentials on his part, the Sept. 6, last two were waived.1 In the following year, the Lieuten- 1642. ant of La Tour visited Boston, with letters from his master, " full of compliments and desire of assistance against D'Aulney ; " and, at his return, several merchants, at their own risk, sent a "pinnace to trade with La Tour at the St. John's." By these, La Tour " sent a relation of the state of the controversy between him and D'Aulney ; " and meeting the latter at Pemaquid, he also wrote Governor Winthrop, and " sent him a printed copy of the arrest against La Tour," threatening if any vessels came to his aid, they should be seized.2
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