USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the colonial period. 1492-1692 v. I > Part 12
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1 Bradford, in Prince, 146. Judge Davis, on Morton, 111, thinks the first nennt cattle came in the Anne, and Winslow in the same vessel, and he quotes the Plymouth records as his authority; but Prince says Winslow came over in the Charity.
2 We refer to J. Wingate Thorn- ton, Esq., of Boston, whose neat vol- ume, entitled " The Landing at Cape Anne," is worthy the attention of every student of the history of Mas- sachusetts.
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130
CONDITION OF THE SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH.
CHAP. which, though relinquished by them as a company, by its V. - removal to Naumkeag under Conant, who never abandoned it, became the germ or seed-plot of the afterwards famous Massachusetts Colony.1
One passenger arrived at Plymouth with Mr. Winslow, whose presence proved anything but a blessing to the settle- ment. This was John Lyford, an Episcopal minister, who seems to have been sent hither by a portion of the Adven- turers adverse to the views of the colonists, to whose coming Mr. Cushman and Mr. Winslow were forced to consent to prevent a rupture ; and as his advent was the beginning of the series of difficulties which resulted in the dissolution of the connection with the Adventurers, it may be well to glance for a moment at the condition of the colony at this period.
1621. In the fall of 1621, there were, in Plymouth, but seven private and four public buildings ; and the number of inhabitants did not much exceed fifty. In the spring of 1624. 1624, the population had increased to one hundred and eighty souls, and the number of dwelling houses was thirty- two. During this interval, not one of the survivors of the Mayflower died. The planters were furnished with a sub- stantial fort, and a pinnace of forty-four tons, with ketches and shallops for trading and fishing. They had a trading house at Nantasket; a fishing stage at Cape Anne; and another was projected on the banks of the Kennebec. Their last harvest was ample, with an overplus for emer- gencies. Large tracts of land were under cultivation, and enclosures had been made, in which their cattle-including goats, swine, and poultry - were permitted freely to range. Although their pastor was still in Holland, several of their friends from Leyden had joined them, with others from
1 See the instrument, in Mr. Thornton's " Landing," 31-5, and Comp. 3 M. H. Coll., 8. 180-1.
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131
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DIFFICULTIES WITH LYFORD AND OLDHAM. 1
London. Their temporal circumstances were beginning to CHAP. V. -
be prosperous, and health and peace generally prevailed. 1
Only two instances of crime had occurred. John Billing- ton was the first offender, who, for " contempt and oppro- brious speeches," was sentenced to punishment, but was forgiven upon humbling himself and sueing for pardon. Edward Dotey, and Edward Leister, had also fought a duel with " sword and dagger," for which they were punished. It is worthy of notice, however, that neither of these persons belonged to Mr. Robinson's Church, but one joined the emi- grants in London, and the others were servants to Mr. Stephen Hopkins.2
But though peace and prosperity were for a season the portion of the colony,. the arrival of Lyford led to distur- bances which bore a religious as well as a civil aspect. By the representations of the colonial historians - which must probably be taken with some little allowance - his per- sonal character was not above reproach,3 and he is censured for his insincerity, and for the hypocrisy of his professions. Yet he was courteously received, admitted to a share in the councils of the government, and joined himself to the church after a "large confession " of his faith and former misconduct. In a very short time, however, he was found plotting with John Oldham, who arrived in the Anne, in 1623 ; and by his aid, a spirit of disaffection was excited, 1623. and " there was nothing but private whisperings and meet- ings among them, they feeding themselves and others with what they should bring to pass in England, by the faction of their friends there; which brought others as well as themselves into a fool's paradise."
1 Smith, in 3 M. H. Coll., 3. 27. Billington was executed for murder, The trading house at the Kennebec in 1630. was not fully established until the summer of 1628. Bradford,in Prince, 172.
Bradford, in Prince, 103, 105.
3 See particularly the statement of Gov. Bradford, in Prince, 153; and comp. Morton's Mem., 53, and IIubbard, 91-3.
132
EXPULSION OF LYFORD AND OLDHAM.
CHAP. V. Upon the return of the Charity for England, these gen- tlemen were noticed to be very busy in preparing letters July, 1621: to be forwarded to their friends ; and Gov. Bradford, hav- ing well weighed the propricty of the step, intercepted these letters, and retained a few of the most important for the use of the magistrates, should the factionists attempt to create a disturbance. The plans of Lyford being matured, he soon after withdrew from the Colonial Church, and com- menced worshipping apart in the Episcopal form; and deeming it time to check his proceedings, a court was convened, and the charges of the Governor were duly pre- ferred. Both Lyford and Oldham denied his accusations, and defied him to prove them ; upon which their letters were produced, and they were confounded. For their " sedition " both were sentenced to banishment, - Oldham, who was the most turbulent, being ordered to depart imme- diately, though his family were permitted to remain until a home was provided for them ; but Lyford had liberty to tarry six months, with the promise of the commutation of his sentence if his repentance proved sincere. It was but a short time, however, before he relapsed ; and upon the departure of the James for England, another letter filled with fresh calumnies was intercepted. For this second offense he was expelled, and went to Nantasket where Old- ham was residing.
August, 1624.
March, 1625.
In the following spring, contrary to the terms which had been imposed, Oldham returned, and behaved with such insolence that he was ignominiously expelled from the colony ; but becoming afterwards more moderate in his tem- per, his misconduct was forgiven, and he became a promi- nent planter in the Massachusetts Colony.1 The upshot of this whole affair was without doubt one of those struggles
1 Morton's Mem., 59; Hubbard, 94-102; Bradford, in Prince, 150-8; T. Morton, N. Eng., Can., 81 .- Hubbard states the palliative cir-
cumstances in Lyford's case, which he professes to have received from some of his followers.
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133
DORCHESTER COMPANY FORMED.
for the recognition of Episcopacy in the colony, which, a CHAP. few years later, caused still greater disturbance in Massa- V. chusetts, and which are among the unhappy incidents con- nected with the carly history of our State, the offspring of religious zeal and violent sectarian contention.
1624-5.
Pending the agitation of this controversy, the fame of the plantation at Plymouth, by the publication of several pamphlets relating to its history,1 had spread through all the West of England ; and, as merchants of Bristol had for some years been engaged in the fisheries at " Munhiggon," and others of Dorchester had recently erected stages at Cape Anne, the Rev. Mr. White, a Puritan Minister of the latter town, who was deeply interested in the subject of colonization, enlisted several gentlemen residing in his vicinity, a common stock of £3000 was raised, a trading company was organized, known as the Dorchester Com_ pany, and, forming a connection with the grantees of the Sheffeild patent, or receiving an informal consent to settle within its limits,2 a number of persons were sent to Cape Anne, whose oversight was entrusted for the first year to John Tilly and Thomas Gardiner - the former to superin- tend the fishing, and the latter the agricultural operations ; 3 -and, on the removal of Lyford and Oldham to Nantasket, an invitation was extended to them to join the colony - the one as its minister, and the other to " trade with the Indians." Lyford, whose prospects at Nantasket seem not to have been very flattering,4 readily accepted this invi-
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1 Bradford's and Winslow's Jour- ing officers of its own. Hubbard, nal, Cushman's Discourse, and the 106. publications of Capt. John Smith, &c. 3 Hubbard, 106. - Prince, 144, quoting from Hubbard, reverses the order of these assignments. 2 See Smith, Gen. Hist., 247; Prince, N. E. Chronol .; Thornton's Landing. The Dorchester Company + Hubbard, 93. But T. Morton, N. Eng. Can., 81, represents him as prospering in his labors. seems to have been a voluntary association, and unincorporated, though regularly organized, and hav-
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134
DIFFICULTIES WITH THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.
CHAP. tation ; but Oldham " liked better to stay where he was for v. awhile, and trade for himself." 1
In connection with Lyford and Oldham, a similar invita- tion, at the suggestion of his brother, in England, was extended to Roger Conant, who had voluntarily removed from Plymouth to Nantasket ;2 and this gentleman, who is uniformly spoken of in terms of the highest respect, and commended for his sobriety, prudence and integrity, became the principal stay and superintendent of the settlement ; but his history will be more fully noticed in treating of the Massachusetts Colony.
The consequences of the controversy with Lyford were much more important than might be inferred from its cause. The dissatisfaction among the Adventurers, which had for some time been increasing, rose to its height ; a rupture occurred ; and two-thirds of the members withdrew at once, leaving the colony to shift for itself. A portion of the blame of this rupture is charged, even by the friends of the Pilgrims, to their mismanagement. From a letter, writ- · ten some months before the breach occurred, we learn that there were complaints of "slothfulness " and " weakness," and a lack of sufficient diligence to increase the stock of the company. But this lack of diligence was the natural result of the terms of the original compact ; and it was to remedy this evil that, in 1623, one acre was granted to each person to cultivate for his own benefit ; and in 1624 this grant was made permanent. By this new arrangement, fresh zeal was infused into the desponding, and, had it gone on uninterruptedly until the end of seven years, the com- mon stock would doubtless have been largely increased, without detriment to the Merchants, and greatly to the benefit and encouragement of their associates.
1 Hubbard, 93, 102, 106, 107. was not expelled from Plymouth, but his removal from thence was
* Hubbard, 102. This fact should be carefully noticed. Mr. Conant voluntary.
Apr. 7, 1624.
135
ORIGIN OF THESE DIFFICULTIES-STANDISH SENT TO ENGLAND.
But if the merchants complained of the colonists, they, CHAP. in their turn, complained of the merchants, and charged . ~ V.
them with inattention to the interests of the colony, and of wasting .in "jollity," what should have been employed to liquidate their debts. Probably there was blame on both sides. The connection of the merchants with the colonists was more mercenary than moral ; and the connection of the colonists with the merchants was involuntary and profitless. It was one of those cases in which misunderstandings are sure to arise, and from which recriminations inevitably result.1
The breach having taken place, there was no disposition on cither side to attempt a reconciliation. A few of the Adventurers were friendly to the colonists, and continued to furnish them with goods, sending over "cattle, cloth, hose, shoes, leather, &c.," which were consigned to Messrs. Allerton and Winslow, but with instructions to dispose of them at such exorbitant rates -" seventy per cent. ad- vance."-that their conduct was thought " unreasonable and a great oppression." To settle up these affairs, in the fall of 1625, Capt. Standish was sent to England, with a letter to the Council for New England soliciting their inter- ferance, and another to Mr. Cushman pressing a clearance with the Company ;2 but arriving in London when civil commotions disturbed the kingdom, and the plague raged with fearful violence, he found the channels of trade com- pletely choked, and money difficult to be obtained. He succeeded, however, in engaging several of the Council to promise their aid, and in borrowing £150- though at fifty per cent. interest- with which suitable goods were pur- chased ; and in the following spring he returned, bearing April,
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1 The papers relating to this con- 2 1 M. II. Coll., 3. 36-8. On troversy are preserved in the Letter this voyage, see Hubbard, 95. Book of Gov. Bradford, 1 M. II. Coll., vol. 3.
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1620.
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136
TRADING VOYAGE TO THE EASTWARD.
CHAP. the mournful intelligence of the death of their pastor, Mr. V. Robinson, and of their friend Mr. Cushman.1
Nov.,
1625.
Meanwhile health prevailed at Plymouth, and an abun- dant harvest was gathered, with the surplus of which a shallop was laden and sent to the Kennebec, under Mr. Winslow, and "some old standards; " and, notwithstanding the lateness of the season, and the unfavorableness of the weather, the voyagers arrived in safety, and obtained seven hundred pounds of beaver in exchange for their corn. As this was the first enterprise of the colonists upon their own account, so it proved an inlet to a further trade, which was greatly beneficial to them afterwards; and, left to their own resources, and " having no other business but trading and planting," they followed these with diligence ; and the " trade being retained for the general good, the governor and other managers applied it to the best advan- tage." 2
A French ship had been cast away at Sagadchoc some- time before, laden with goods, which fell into the hands of the fishermen at Damarin's Cove ; and, as the plantation 1626. at Monhegan was about being broken up, Mr. Winslow was sent thither to see what purchases could be made. Calling upon Mr. Thompson, at Piscataqua, who was "going on the same design," an arrangement was made with him to buy and share the goods. The "moiety" of the Plymouth people came to £400; and this, with a quantity of French goods, amounting to £100 more, was mostly paid for with the furs which had been collected the previous season, so that the whole proved a successful and profitable invest- . ment. 3
1626.
At the conclusion of harvest, these goods, with their sur- plus corn, were again traded for furs ; and with these they
11 M. H. Coll., 3. 40; 4 M. H. Coll., 1. 154-5 ; Bradford, in Prince, 159 ; Chron. Pil., 478; Hubbard, 96. Williamson's Me., 1. 232.
2 Bradford, in Prince, 157, 161. 3 Bradford, in Prince, 158, 161;
137
INTERCOURSE WITH THE DUTCH.
paid the £150 borrowed by Capt. Standish, and the remains CHAP. of some former debts, and purchased a supply of clothing ;~ ,
V. and, as an agent was needed in England, Mr. Allerton was sent for that purpose, taking with him a bond for such sums as he might borrow for the colony. Upon the whole, there- fore, up to this date, the colonists had lost nothing by their rupture with the Adventurers.1
In the ensuing spring, by order of Peter Minuit, Director Mar. 9, General, messengers were despatched to Plymouth from the 1626-7. Dutch settlement at Manhattan, with letters " fairly writ- ten " in French and Dutch, signed by Isaac De Rasieres, the chief Commissary and Secretary of New Netherland. The Pilgrims had, some years before, learned of the pro- pinquity of these neighbors, but this was their first personal interview with them ; and in the letters now brought couched in exceedingly flattering language, and abounding in " over high titles" which seem to have shocked the modesty of the colonists, they were . congratulated upon their prosperous and praiseworthy undertaking, and friend- ship and trade were proffered upon mutually agreeable and profitable terms. To these overtures an obliging reply was returned, in which the Dutch were thanked for their kind- Mar. 12. ness, and a willingness was expressed to accept, at a future date, the offers of trade; but, as the enterprising "schippers" from Manhattan had monopolized nearly all the fur trade at Narraganset and Buzzard's Bay, they were desired to forbear trading in those parts, as they were held to be within the limits of the Plymouth patent.
The claim thus set up was far from acceptable to the Dutch authorities, and, in their reply, they asserted their May, right to the trade, and their intention to defend the same, 1627. alleging their authority from the States General and the Prince of Orange. These letters were forwarded to Eng- June 15.
1 Morton, Hubbard, Prince, &c.
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138
DE RASIERES VISITS PLYMOUTH.
CHAP. land for the Plymouth Council, and to that body, and to V. Sir F. Gorges, was sent an account of the settlement of the Dutch and their proceedings.
Ang. 7, Two months later, other letters and slight presents were 1627. sent by the Dutch to Plymouth; and Gov. Bradford, in Ang. 14 reply, again warned them of the risk they incurred, should the English government take umbrage at their actions ; and observed that, though the Dutch claimed twenty-six years possession, the English claimed forty ; and suggested that, to prevent misunderstanding, it might be best to solicit the States General to "come to some agreement with England."
Sept., 1627. In the fall of the same year, De Rasieres was sent as an ambassador to the colony ; and, sailing in the " barque Nassau," which was freighted with articles of traffic, and " manned with a retinue of soldiers and trumpeters," he Oct. 4. arrived off "Frenchman's Point," now Sandwich, whence a courier was despatched to Plymouth, announcing his pres- ence, and requesting the Governor to furnish him the easi- est conveyance to the settlement. In compliance with this request, a boat was sent, in which De Rasieres and the " chief of his company " embarked ; and, shortly after, the portly ambassador reached the little village, " honorably attended with the noise of his trumpeters." Here he was -. entertained several days ; his offers of trade were accepted; a quantity of goods were purchased, and "£50 worth of wampumpeack "-the aboriginal currency-which was "the beginning of a profitable trade with the Indians." At his departure, he took with him a letter to Minuit, once more expressing the friendliness of the Pilgrims, yet temperately, but firmly, insisting that the Dutch should " clear the title of their planting in these parts which his Majesty hath by patent, granted to divers his nobles, and subjects of quality." 1
1 Bradford's Letter Book, in 1 M. H. Coll., 3. 51-7; Hubbard, 99, 100; Brodhead's New York, 173-182.
CONNECTION WITH THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS DISSOLVED. 139
While these events were transpiring, Mr. Allerton, the CHAP. agent of the colony, returned from England, having bor- V. rowed £200, at thirty per cent. interest. By the aid of 1627. sundry friends - especially Mr. James Shirley -he had effected a composition with the Adventurers, signed by forty-two of them, a copy of which he brought for inspec- tion. The terms of this compact were, that, for £1800, to be paid at the Royal Exchange every Michaelmas, in nine equal annual installments-the first in 1628 -the Com- pany sold to them all their interest in the plantation, inclu- ding merchandize and lands. Having many other engage- ments on hand, the colonists were at first doubtful of their ability to bear this additional burden ; but the agreement was finally sanctioned, and several of the chief planters entered into bonds for the fulfilment of the contract.
In consequence of this arrangement, a new partnership was formed, into which every head of a family and every prudent young man was admitted ; the trade was to be managed as before ; and provisions were made for the pay- ment of the debts of the colony, and the division of the neat cattle and lands among the settlers.1 The success of these negotiations was estecmed a " great mercy," and gave good satisfaction ; and such was the impetus given to enter- prise, that a new pinnace was built at Manomet, and a house erected, where servants were kept, who planted corn raised swine, and were ever in readiness to go out with the boat. This was the beginning of Sandwich.2
As it was the design of the first emigrants to Plymouth to aid the rest of the Leyden church in their removal to America, and as the difficulties with the Merchant Adven- turers and the want of funds had alone prevented the
1 The records of this division are ? Bradford, in Prince, 167-8; 1 in Baylies, 1. 257-65; Davis's Mor- M. H. Coll., 3. 48; 3 M. H. Coll., ton, 376-86; Russell's guide, 134-9. 3. 28. See also IIubbard, 98.
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140
MR. ALLERTON SENT TO ENGLAND.
CHAP. accomplishment of this object, now that the colonists were V. free to act for themselves, arrangements were immediately made for their reception. Eight of the principal men hired · the trade of the colony for the period of six years, for which, with the vessels and merchandize on hand, they assumed debts to the amount of £2400, and agreed to furnish £50 worth of goods annually to the planters, and to sell corn for 6s. per bushel; and, at the end of this time, the trade was to be restored free of charge.
1627. In accordance with this arrangement, Mr. Allerton was once more sent to England, taking with him such furs as had been collected ; and he was empowered to bargain with the Adventurers, deliver the bonds, and receive their con- veyance. He was also instructed to obtain, if possible, a " patent for the Kennebec," and to interest friends to join with the eight undertakers, for the discharge of the debts of the colony, and the removal of their Leyden friends. 1628. Succeeding in his mission, he returned the following spring, having paid the first installment of £200, and enlisted Messrs. Shirley, Beauchamp, Andrews, and Hatherly, in the trading adventure. He brought, likewise, a patent for the Kennebec, but so ill-bounded that it was necessary the next year to have it enlarged ; and an attempt was then made to obtain a new patent for Plymouth itself. Thus the partnership with the Adventurers was dissolved, and the colonists had made safe provisions for the payment of their debts, the prosecution of trade, and the reception of their brethren still resident in Holland. Cheerfulness, animation and industry prevailed ; and strong hopes were entertained that the clouds, which had so long lowered upon their pros- pects, were forever chased away, and that the period of their suffering and struggles was over.1
1625 8. Cotemporary with these events, a memorable episode in
1 Bradford's Letter Book, in 1 M. II. Coll., 3 .; Prince, 168, 171, 172.
141
SETTLEMENT AT MOUNT WOLLASTON.
the history of the colony occurred, of which it is proper CHAP. we should here give an account. So early as 1625, one~ Capt. Wollaston - of whom but little is known - accom- 1625. panicd by a few persons of good standing, and a number of servants-in all about thirty 1- began a plantation on an eminence in Quincy, still known as Mt. Wollaston, not far from the residence of the late President Adams. Among his companions was Thomas Morton, a lawyer, who seems to have first visited America in 1622, and who may have been of Weston's company, which settled at Wessagusset. 2 No mention is made of a patent to Wollaston, nor is it stated from what place his colony came. It was probably a private enterprise, undertaken upon his own responsi- bility, or he may have been connected with Gorges, the proprietary of those parts. After being seated here a year, Wollaston himself left for Virginia, taking with him part of his servants, and wrote Mr. Rasdall, his partner, to come with another part, appointing Mr. Filcher or Fitcher as his agent, until he or Rasdall should return.
No sooner was Rasdall gone, than Morton, the chief actor in the ensuing drama, and, at the best, a man of ques- tionable principles, plied the servants with liquor, and excited them to depose Filcher, and set up for themselves. Falling in with his plans, the former agent was driven out, and compelled to seek his bread among his neighbors, and a scene of licentiousness and debauchery commenced, such as these western wilds had never before witnessed. The name of the place was changed to Merry Mount; a May Pole was erected, "with revels and merriment after the old English custom;" and a course of dissipation ensued until the stock of the colony was consumed. Morton be- came the "Lord of Misrule;" Bacchanalian revelry reigned
1 Dudley's Let., 10, ed. 1606. law to Capt. Jno. Mason. Belknap's N. H., 1. 27.
2 See his N. Eng. Can .-- There was a John Wollaston, brother-in-
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142
MORTON OF MERRY MOUNT.
CHAP. triumphant ; and around the tall May Pole, decked with V. garlands, the leader of the party, with his companions, and
1625-8. the dissolute Indian women of the vicinity, like so many Hecates, danced the Saturnalia of wantonness and lewd- ness.1 Merry Mount became the school of Atheism, the asylum of the vicious, and the resort of the profligate. It was not the Gerizim of worship, 2 nor the Areopagus of Justice, but the High Place of Baal, the Gilgal of sacrifice. His May Pole was termed " an Idol," the " Calf of Horeb," and the colonists threatened to make it "a woful mount and not a merry mount."
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