USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the provincial period. 1692-1775 v. II > Part 13
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The governor approved this bill, but it failed to pass ; and from that time forward, despairing of success, he applied him- April. self to obtain a relaxation of his instructions. In this he suc- ceeded so far as to have leave from the Duke of Newcastle to Aug. receive the sum granted for one year, and eventually a general leave to receive such sums as should be granted was forwarded 1735. Aug. to him. Thus terminated one of the most memorable, and in some respects interesting, conflicts, between the crown and the province, which its political history hitherto affords. The Gordian knot remained untied.2
The war with Spain, which broke out before the close of the administration of Mr. Belcher, exerted some influence upon the destinies of New England. It was resolved by the British court to undertake an expedition to Cuba ; and Governor Belcher received orders to encourage the enlistment of men 1740. from Massachusetts. Admiral Vernon had already appeared before Porto Bello ; in a few days he took possession of the town and the castle, and subsequently took and demolished Fort Chagre. It was for his relief that the present supplies were
1739. Oct. 23.
Apr. 29. 1739. Nov.
1 .Hutchinson, ii. 337.
2 Hutchinson, ii. 338 ; Minot, i. 62 ; Chalmers, Revolt, ii. 134, 139.
132
THE LAND BANK COMPANY.
CHAP. destined ; and the northern colonies were required to contrib- V. ute four battalions to the armament. No colony refused its
1740. quota ; and Massachusetts, ever prompt to testify her loyalty, sent forth, both from the old colony and from towns in the vicinity of Boston, a body of five hundred of her young men, many of whom fell victims to the unhealthiness of the climate, or came home with shattered constitutions to die.1 The result of this war was still further to impoverish the province, and embarrass its finances.
The pecuniary controversies which followed filled up the remainder of the administration of Mr. Belcher. He had been instructed by the king not to consent to the issue of bills of credit to remain current beyond the year 1741; but, in spite of these instructions, and as a protection against the legisla- tion of Rhode Island, which had issued one hundred thousand 1733. pounds in bills of credit, a number of the merchants of Boston organized a company, and issued one hundred and ten thousand pounds, redeemable in ten years at a certain fixed rate.2 At a later period a new scheme was devised, said to have been 1741. 1739 to approved by Rev. Mr. Colman, and a company of eight hun- dred members was organized, known as the "Land Bank Company," with a capital of one hundred and fifty thousand pounds lawful money.3 This scheme was opposed by the gov- ernor, and a large number of the statesmen of the province apprehended evil from it ; but it was popular with many, per- haps with a majority ; and threats of civil disturbance were made if its operations were suspended.4 At this stage Parlia- ment interposed, and declared that "the act of King George
1 Mass. Rec's ; Belknap's N. H. ii. 173, 174 ; Marshall's Washington, i. 333; Chalmers, Revolt, ii. 235; Ban- croft, iii. 438-442; Hildreth, ii. 377- 379; Winsor's Duxbury, 116, 117. Franklin, Works, iv. 188, says the colonies sent 3000 men to join the army in the expedition against Car- thagena.
2 Laws of the Province, ed. 1726; Mass. Rec's ; Hutchinson, ii.
3 Mass. Rec's; MS. documents in the possession of the author; Account of the Rise, Progress, and Conse- quences of the Land Bank Scheme, pub. 1744; Hutchinson, ii.
4 Hobart's Hist. Abington, 170.
133
OPPOSITION TO GOVERNOR BELCHER.
I., chap. 18, did, does, and shall extend to the colonies and CHAP. plantations in America ;" and the company was dissolved.1 V.
The boundary lines between Massachusetts and New Hamp- shire, and Plymouth and Rhode Island, had been in dispute from the first settlement of the country ; and though frequent attempts had been made for their adjustment, one party or the other remained dissatisfied, and the controversy was opened afresh. These lines were settled during this administration, adversely to Massachusetts, which lost a large tract to the north, assigned to New Hampshire, and another to the south, assigned to Rhode Island.2
1737 and 1741.
The opposition of Mr. Belcher to the currency schemes of the province, and his agency in their defeat, rendered him obnoxious to their numerous favorers ; and these, joined to other measures, afforded a sufficient inducement to his enemies to solicit his removal. By forged and anonymous letters, and the help of unscrupulous falsehoods, his friends in England were prejudiced against him ; and, as he had failed to fulfil the expectations which had been formed of him, little difficulty was experienced in obtaining the consent of the lords of trade to his displacement.3 How far he would have succeeded in the . management of affairs under the new state of things, about to be introduced, it may be difficult to say. His qualifications for the chief magistracy were certainly as good as those of his predecessors. He was a native of New England, ac- quainted with its institutions, and to a certain extent imbued with its prejudices. He had early enjoyed the advantages of a good education, which were improved by travel, and by inter- course with intelligent circles in Europe. Graceful in his per- son, and generous in his hospitality, he was a favorite with all with whom he associated ; and, ambitious of distinction, he was enabled by his wealth to gratify his taste for public display.
1 Hutchinson, ii. 352-355. 3 Hutchinson, ii. 355-358 ; Bel-
2 Hutchinson, ii. 342-350, 358- knap's N. H. ii. 174-180 ; Hildreth, ii. 380.
360.
134
HIS REMOVAL.
CHAP. Condescending in his manners, he was popular with the mass- v. es ; and, though he was a known friend to the prerogative, and 1741. a moderate supporter of the claims of the crown, he was not suspected of disloyalty to liberty, or of a want of regard to the welfare of New England. Perhaps, on the whole, it was for- tunate for him, and fortunate for the province, that his admin- istration terminated before he had done any thing to deserve the public censure. To the weak points in his character little prominence had been given ; but had he been involved in some sterner conflict, in which the crown and the province were alike interested, he would have been compelled to elect between the frowns of the monarch and the aversion of his countrymen - to " luff for the one or bear away for the other ; "1 and whichever way his choice fell, his position would have been embarrassing. His integrity was vindicated in England ; and, 1747. receiving an appointment as governor of New Jersey, there he passed the remainder of his life in comparative repose.2
1 Governor Belcher to the Earl of Leven after his appointment as gov- ernor of New Jersey.
2 Hutchinson, ii. ; Belknap's N. H.
ii. 180; Mulford's New Jersey, 349. His death occurred in August, 1757. Mulford, 360.
CHAPTER VI.
ADMINISTRATION OF SHIRLEY. THE GREAT AWAKENING. CAPTURE OF LOUISBURG.
THE successor of Mr. Belcher, destined for a long time to CHAP. act a conspicuous part in American affairs, was William Shirley,
VI. a native of Sussex, in England, and a lawyer of respectable 1741. talents, who had resided in Boston for the last eight years. The news of his appointment arrived during his absence at July. Rhode Island, as counsel before the commissioners to adjust the boundary line in dispute between the governments ; and immediately upon its reception he hastened home, to assume the charge confided to his trust. The affairs of the province were sadly perplexed. The derangement in the finances had been increased by the expenses of the late Spanish war ; the difficulties with the Land Bank party were at their height; . and in this dark hour it devolved upon him, as the chief magis- trate, to point out a remedy for the evils which existed, and evolve from chaos order and harmony. By his instructions, he was to consent to no act continuing the bills in circulation beyond the time fixed for their redemption ; but as this would 1741. have burdened the people with an unusual tax, a substitute was devised, which, while it preserved the spirit of his majes- ty's commands, violated their letter for the public relief. The project reported by the House, in which the governor con- curred, provided that all special contracts should be payable in silver at six shillings and eight pence per ounce, or gold in proportion ; and bills of a new form were issued, which were to be received in payment of public and private dues, with the understanding that, if they depreciated in value, a proportion-
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136
THE GREAT AWAKENING.
CHAP. ate addition should be made to the debts contracted for their VI. equitable cancelment. But this bill was unpopular, nor would 1741. it have effectually prevented the depreciation of the currency. Besides, the act of Parliament was stringent in its require- ments ; and, however strenuous the exertions for relief from its severity, no measures could be adopted which were sure to be sanctioned in England. By prudent management, however, immediate dangers were obviated, and the governor had the good fortune to allay the storm which threatened ruin, without losing the confidence of the people, or exciting a formidable opposition to his measures.1
1740-43.
It was during the administration of Mr. Shirley that the religious movement known as "the great awakening " agitated America. Massachusetts, as has been elsewhere remarked, was founded by Puritans, whose creed was the rigorous creed of Calvin. Their system of theology, whose influence is yet felt, and whose doctrines, in a modified form, are believed in our own day, was admirably adapted to the temper of the times, and was in keeping with the principles and policy of its advo- cates. It had its strong points, as has every system based upon the Scriptures ; and, if it did not contain the essence of all truth, it had enough to give to it vitality. Upon it the churches of the country had been reared. It had moulded the customs and laws of the colony. And no other faith, perhaps, would have been more serviceable at the time in strengthening and developing the character of the people. But, with the progress of settlement, and with the advancement of society, new forms of faith began to spring up ; and, before the close 1699. of the seventeenth century, a church was established,2 which has continued to this day to advocate views differing essen- tially from those of the Puritan creed. Indeed, entire uni- formity of belief never existed in New England. The first
1 Hutchinson, ii. 361-363. lished by Drs. Palfrey and Lothrop. See also 1 M. H. Coll. iii. 260, and Drake's Boston, 519.
2 The Brattle Street Church, sketch- es of whose history have been pub-
137
CHARACTER OF THE CONTROVERSY.
president of Harvard College was "heretical " on some points, CHAP. and his successor was equally obnoxious to censure.1 Antino- VI. mians, Anabaptists, Gortonists, and Quakers were early intro- 1743. duced into the colony ; the advocates of Episcopacy followed ; and, when Arminian and Socinian doctrines were advanced, it seemed to those who had been brought up in the "straitest. sect " of former days as if the floodgates of degeneracy were opened upon the world, and as if New England was to be buried beneath the waves of infidelity and apostasy.
Nor were such fears unnatural. Not that the new doctrines were in themselves reprehensible, - for there is, doubtless, more or less truth in all sectarian organizations, and each has its mission to perform in the world, - but changes in religion, in politics, and in natural science have been always denounced as rash and uncalled for ; and so deeply rooted is the conser- vative spirit, that a long time elapses before the world can be convinced that what is new is not necessarily evil, and may be an advance upon what had been formerly received.
The controversy once opened, it raged fiercely for years. The pens of the disputants were dipped in gall. To acrimo- nious language succeeded bitterness of feeling. Neither party . was remarkable for the moderation of its censures ; and the excesses of sectarian zeal, which were unhappily exhibited, fur- nish additional proof of the necessity of charity to temper our judgment of the past, to prevent us from hastily condemning what was rather the fruit of sincere conviction than the off- spring of malignity or personal depravity. It is refreshing to find occasionally one whose catholic spirit overlooked external forms, and discerned and commended the spirit of internal goodness. But if such cases were rare, they were not wholly wanting. There were a few who were willing that discussion should be tolerated, and who had no fears of the ultimate tri- umph of truth. It augurs well for the advancement of Chris-
1 Presidents Dunster and Chauncy, both of whom differed in opinion from
the Puritan fathers on the subject of baptism.
-
138
ADVENT OF WHITEFIELD.
CHAP. tianity when an eclectic spirit like this is displayed ; and when VI. men, reverencing the Scriptures above all creeds, seek to imbue their lives with the spirit of Jesus. The "millennium " will come when society is thus regenerated, but hardly before.
1734. Dec.
The advent of Whitefield brought to a crisis the struggle which had been secretly convulsing the community. Already " the Spirit of God " had begun " extraordinarily to set in, and wonderfully to work ;" and quite an excitement had been induced by the preaching and writings of Jonathan Edwards.1 By the giant intellect of this eminent man form was given to the faith of the past, and fluctuating opinions were reduced to a system which, if its premises are admitted, leads to conclusions of the highest importance. Perhaps, at a later date, the system of Hopkins, the ablest of his disciples, was more bold and startling. That of Edwards, if severe, was exquisitely symmetrical ; and all must respect the mind which framed it. It embodied the essence of Puritanism in its best days, and asserted the doctrines of the sovereignty of God and justification by faith.2
But if the system of Edwards was metaphysically exact, it was lacking in the elements which appeal to the affectional nature. In this respect Whitefield had greatly the advantage of him. His ardent enthusiasm wrought powerfully upon all. Gifted as an orator, and vain of his eloquence, which delighted the multitude, every where his progress was an ovation and a triumph. The excitement which his preaching produced was violent and intense ; and if it led to some extravagances, it was what might have been expected when the inflammable nature of our passions is considered, and the nervous diathesis developed by revivals. The ministers of the province were divided in opinion ; and, while some welcomed him as an ally, others denounced him as an "itinerant scourge." His adher- ents were the "new lights ;" his opponents were the " old
1 Edwards, Narr. Surprising Con-
versions ; the Great Awakening, 12.
2 See the published works of Ed- wards and Hopkins.
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e
1.
139
DIFFICULTIES WITH FRANCE.
lights ;" and between the two lay the party of reform, with CHAP. Chauncy at its head, who by his abilities was admirably fitted VI. to be the champion of progress. Edwards and Chauncy dif- 1743. fered in opinion as to the measures of Whitefield. The former was the advocate of the most rigid Calvinism. The tendencies of the latter were towards Universalism.1 The clergy who opposed Whitefield were chiefly Arminians. A few Calvinists joined in his censure ; but the body of the followers of Edwards were his friends.2
The dispute lasted long; and the press teemed with pam- phlets and more ponderous works,3 which were poured out in profusion upon the community. Nearly every clergyman in the country participated in the controversy, and wrote or preached on the one side or the other. Indeed, it was the most thorough " awakening " hitherto known in New England ; and, while it was attended with the evils which usually flow from such sources, there can be no doubt that its influence was in many respects salutary. It led to discussion, and hastened the progress of light and truth.4
The difficulties with France, which had broken out at inter- vals from the peace of Utrecht, were renewed by the declara- 1713. tion of war in 1744. Previously to the reception of this dec- Mar. 31. 1744. Mar. 20. June 2. laration in Boston, an armament was fitted out at Louisburg under Duvivier, which surprised the English garrison at Can- May 13. seau, took eighty prisoners, and broke up the fishery.5 Annap- olis, in Nova Scotia, was likewise threatened; and, as its defences were in a ruinous condition, at the solicitation of Mas- carene, the commander-in-chief, four companies of sixty men each were ordered to be raised in Massachusetts, and sent
1 See the writings of Chauncy, and Whittemore's Hist. of Modern Uni- versalism.
2 Hutchinson, Grahame, &c.
3 It would be impossible to enumer- ate these pamphlets, which amounted to some hundreds. I have seen and read a very large number on both sides of the controversy.
4 The details of this controversy can be best learned from consulting the contemporary pamphlets already alluded to.
5 Mems. Last War, 19, 20, 3d ed.,
1758; Hutchinson, ii. 364; Belknap's N. H. ii. 189; Haliburton's N. S. i. 107; Minot, i. 74.
-
140
EXPEDITION TO LOUISBURG.
CHAP. thither for the protection of the place.1 Louisburg, on Cape VI. Breton, was at this time the stronghold of the French at the
1744. east ; and, as the fortress was unfinished, and its capture was deemed of the utmost importance to New England, projects for its surprise were simultaneously started by several persons. April 9. Judge Auchmuty, of Boston, submitted proposals to the Eng- lish ministry for this object ; 2 and William Vaughan, of New Hampshire, advocated a like course ; 3 but Governor Shirley has been usually considered the planner of the expedition which was finally sent.4 Having learned the condition of the fortress from prisoners liberated on parole, and having sent to Nov. England for vessels of war to protect the east, and communi- cated with Commodore Warren at the Leeward Islands, so- 1744-45. liciting his aid, early in the winter, under an injunction of Jan. secrecy, the details of his plan were submitted to the legislature of the province for approval ; but so visionary did the scheme appear to many, that it was at first rejected, though, upon a reconsideration of the vote, at the urgent petition of merchants of Boston and Salem and the fishermen of Marblehead, it was Jan. 25. carried by a majority of a single vote. Arrangements were made for the immediate prosecution of the enterprise,5 and cir- culars were addressed to the other colonies, as far south as Pennsylvania, soliciting their aid ; but, with the exceptions of a grant of provisions from Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and a train of artillery from New York, no general assistance was furnished, and the charge of the expedition devolved upon New England.6
1 Mass. Rec's; Mems. Last War, 20-29; Hutchinson, ii. 364; Bel- knap's N. H. ii. 189; Haliburton's N. S. i. 108-110; Marshall's Wash- ington, i. 345.
See 1 M. H. Coll. v. 202-205.
3 Importance of Cape Breton, &c., Lond. 1746, p. 128; Journal of Pro- ceedings of N. Eng. Forces, pub. at Exeter; Hutchinson, ii. 364; Bel- knap's N. H. ii. 197, 198.
4 Prince's Sermon, Boston, 1745;
Chauncy's Sermon, p. 9; 1 M. H. Coll. vii. 69.
5 Mass. Rec's; Am. Mag. ii. 166; Mems. Last War, 34-37; Gibson's Jour. 16-19; Hutchinson, ii. 365- 368; Grahame, ii. 166-168. The proclamation of the governor for en- listments was issued January 26.
6 Mass. Rec's ; Hutchinson, ii. 369; Marshall's Washington, i. 348-351; Parsons's Life of Pepperrell, 57.
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141
TROOPS FOR THE SIEGE.
The troops from Massachusetts consisted of three thousand CHAP. two hundred and fifty men, exclusive of commissioned officers ; VI. Connecticut furnished five hundred and sixteen men ; New 1745. Hampshire furnished three hundred and four ; and Rhode Island three hundred, but the contingent of the latter did not arrive until the enemy had surrendered.1 The naval force, besides transports, consisted of three frigates of twenty guns each, a " snow " of sixteen guns, a brigantine of twelve guns, and five sloops mounting from eight to twelve carriage guns, provided at the expense of Massachusetts ; the armed sloops of Connecticut and Rhode Island, each of sixteen guns ; and a small vessel from New Hampshire. The military munitions consisted of eight cannon carrying twenty-two pound balls, twelve carrying nine pound balls, two twelve inch mortars, and two of less diameter, taken from the Castle, and ten eighteen pound cannon borrowed from New York.2
Such was the armament which left Boston, under the convoy of Captain Rous, for the capture of a fortress so formidable as to be styled the "Dunkirk of America." 3 Soon after reach- Mar. 24 to ing Canseau, however, by order of the Duke of Bedford, first April 4. lord of the admiralty, and afterwards secretary of state, the
Mems. Last War, 42; Gibson's Jour. 14-19 ; Prince's Sermon, 24; Journal of the Siege, 17; Shirley's Speech of April 3, 1745, in Am. Mag. ii. 167; Hutchinson, ii. 371. Among the Pepperrell MSS. is a letter from Brigadier Waldo, dated July 4, 1745, in which he says that Massachusetts sent 3027 men ; New Hampshire, 500, of whom 150 were in the pay of Mas- sachusetts ; and Connecticut, 500.
2 Mems. Last War, 37; Am. Mag. ii. 169. Rolts's Impartial Represen- tation, iv. 13, is quoted in 1 M. H. Coll. i. 110, as giving an account of this expedition and of the number of troops engaged in it. Also, attached to a volume of sermons on the expe- dition to Louisburg, in Lib. Mass. Hist. Soc., is a list of the naval arma- ment, which says Massachusetts sent
3 ships of 20 guns, 2 vessels of 16 guns, and 2 of 8 guns, with about 100 transports, besides 1 vessel of 20 guns and 1 of 16 hired from Rhode Island. 1 M. H. Coll. i. 15, speaks of 2 ves- sels from Rhode Island, both which were "miserable sailers." Bancroft, iii. 460, says the N. Eng. forces had but " 18 cannon and 3 mortars ; " but Parsons, Life of Pepperrell, 50, says the whole number of guns in the fleet was 204, which is probably nearly correct. Perhaps Mr. Bancroft makes a dis- tinction between the land and sea forces ; but even in this case, his estimate is below that given in the text.
3 Pepperrell MSS .; Prince's Ser- mon ; Belknap's N. H. ii. 195 ; Gra- hame, ii. 164.
ne 3
ne
9;
to
142
DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION.
CHAP. fleet from New England was joined by several of his majesty's VI. ships which had been cruising on the coast, and by the squad-
Apr. 23.
1745. ron under Commodore Warren, which sailed to the north to act against the French.1
The command of this expedition, destined to shed lustre upon the valor of the provincialists, after some hesitation on his part, on account of the circumstances of his family and business, was intrusted to William Pepperrell, a native of Kit- tery, who, familiar with the perils of Indian warfare, had served as a colonel in a regiment of militia, and who, by his unblemished reputation and engaging manners, was popular in the Bay province as well as elsewhere in New England. Whitefield, as Wesley had done to Oglethorpe, gave to New Hampshire the motto its flag bore -"Nil desperandum, Christo Duce ;" and, as the expedition was viewed partly as a crusade against heretics, one of the chaplains, " Parson Moody," bore with him a hatchet to hew down the altars and images in the French churches.2 Not a cloud dimmed the prospect of the adventurers as they embarked. A "guardian angel preserved the troops from the small pox," which was imported in one of the sloops taken into the service.3 The French, so far from April 4. crediting the rumors of an invasion, treated them as idle and visionary tales. And, upon reaching Canseau, every thing was found quiet ; and the soldiers had only to wait the arrival of their allies and the melting of the ice, to proceed to the attack. It was observed, as a mark of the uncertainty of the enterprise, that, "if any one circumstance had taken a wrong turn on the side of the English, and if any one circumstance had not taken
1 Letters in 1 M. H. Coll. i. 20, 21 ; Journal of the Siege, 19; Mems. Last War, 40-43; Am. Mag. ii. 167, 168; Hutchinson, ii. 371; Belknap, ii. 196; Minot's Mass. i. 75 ; Haliburton's N. S. i. 115 ; Parsons's Life of Pepperrell, 59. The forces from New Hampshire arrived first at Canseau; those from Massachusetts followed; and those from Connecticut arrived April 24.
2 Chauncy's Sermon, 10 ; Hutch- inson, ii. 369; Belknap's N. H. ii. 202 -205; Haliburton's N. S. i. 115; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 82; Grahame, ii. 169, 170; Parsons's Life of Pep- perrell, 51, 52, 128.
3 Douglas ; Prince's Thanks. Ser. 24; Prentice's Sermon, 33; Chaun- cy's Sermon, 15 ; Belknap, ii. 206.
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