USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the provincial period. 1692-1775 v. II > Part 29
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310
SPEECH OF PITT.
CHAP. greatly agitated, his opening words were scarcely audible. X. But, warming as he proceeded, his voice increased in volume 1766. and power, and he poured forth one of those brilliant harangues which distinguished him as the most powerful orator of his day.
" I stand up in this place" - such were his words - "single and unconnected. As to the late ministry," - and here he turned to Grenville, who sat within one of him, - " every cap- ital measure they have taken has been entirely wrong. As to the present gentlemen, to those, at least, whom I have in my eye," - and here he looked at the bench where Conway sat with the lords of the treasury, - " I have no objection. Their characters are fair ; but, notwithstanding, I love to be explicit : I cannot give them my confidence. Pardon me, gentlemen ; confidence is a plant of slow growth in an aged bosom ; youth is the season of credulity.
" It is a long time since I have attended in Parliament. When the resolution was taken in the House to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to have been car- ried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor, to have borne my testimony against it. It is now an act that has passed. I would speak with decency of every act of this House ; but I must beg the indul- gence of the House to speak of it with freedom.
"I hope a day may be soon appointed to consider the state of the nation with respect to America. I hope gentlemen will come to this debate with all the temper and impartiality that his majesty recommends and the importance of the subject requires - a subject of greater importance than ever engaged the attention of this House, that subject only excepted, when, near a century ago, it was the question whether yourselves were to be bond or free. In the mean time, as I cannot de- pend upon health for any future day, such is the nature of my infirmities, I will beg to say a few words at present - leaving the justice, the equity, the policy, the expediency of the act to
311
SPEECH OF PITT.
another time. Some gentlemen," alluding to Mr. Nugent, CHAP. " seem to have considered it as a point of honor. If gentle- X. men consider it in that light, they leave all measures of right 1766. and wrong, to follow a delusion that may lead to destruction. It is my opinion that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies - to be sovereign and supreme in every cir- cumstance of government and legislation whatsoever. They are the subjects of this kingdom, equally entitled with your- selves to all the natural rights of mankind and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen, equally bound by its laws and equally participating of the constitution of this free country. The Americans are the sons, not the bastards of England. Taxa- tion is no part of the governing or legislative power. The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the Commons alone.
" There is an idea in some that the colonies are virtually represented in this House. I would fain know by whom an American is represented here. Is he represented by any knight of the shire in any county in this kingdom ? Would to God that respectable representation was augmented to a greater number. Or will you tell him that he is represented by any representative of a borough - a borough which, perhaps, no man ever saw ? This is what is called the rotten part of the constitution. It cannot continue a century. If it does not drop, it must be amputated. The idea of a virtual representa- tion of America in this House is the most contemptible idea that ever entered into the head of man. It does not deserve a serious refutation." 1
On the close of this speech there was a long pause. Then General Conway arose, and expressed his concurrence in the views of Mr. Pitt. Grenville was the next speaker ; and he brought to the task all his energies. In the outset he censured the ministry severely for not giving earlier notice of the dis- turbances in America ; "for," said he, "they began in July, and
1 Parl. Hist. Eng. iv. 288-291; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 130-132; Bancroft, v.
312
SPEECH OF GRENVILLE.
CHAP. now we are in the middle of January. Lately they were only X. occurrences ; they are now grown to disturbances, to tumults, 1766. and riots. I doubt they border on open rebellion ; and, if the doctrine I have heard this day be confirmed, I fear they will lose that name, to take that of revolution. The government over them being dissolved, a revolution will take place in America."
" I cannot," he continued, "understand the difference between external and internal taxes. They are the same in effect, and only differ in name. That this kingdom has the sovereign, the supreme legislative power over America, is granted ; it cannot be denied ; and taxation is a part of that sovereign power. It is one branch of the legislation. It is, it has been, exercised over those who are not, who were never represented. It is exercised over the India Company, the merchants of London, the proprietors of the stocks, and over many great manufactur- ing towns. It was exercised over the palatinate of Chester and the bishopric of Durham before they sent any representa- tives to Parliament. I appeal for proof to the preambles of the acts which gave them representatives.
" When I proposed to tax America, I asked the House if any gentleman would object to the right. I repeatedly asked it ; and no man would attempt to deny it. Protection and obedience are reciprocal. Great Britain protects America ; America is bound to yield obedience. If not, tell me when these Americans were emancipated. When they want the protection of this kingdom, they are always very ready to ask it. That protection has always been afforded them in the most full and ample manner. The nation has run itself into an immense debt to give them their protection ; and now they are called upon to contribute a small share towards the public expense, an expense arising from themselves, they renounce your authority, insult your officers, and break out, I might almost say, into open rebellion." 1
1 Debates in Parl. iv. 292, 293.
313
REPLY OF PITT.
No sooner had Grenville closed than Pitt rose to reply, and, CHAP. by the indulgence of the House, was permitted to proceed. X. 'The gentleman tells us " - such were his words -" America 1766. is obstinate ; America is almost in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of the rest. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breasts, in the day of their distress, perhaps the Americans would have submitted to the imposition ; but it would have been taking an ungenerous, an unjust advantage. I am no courtier of America ; I stand up for this kingdom. I maintain that the Parliament has a right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power over the colonies is sovereign and su- preme. When it ceases to be sovereign and supreme, I would advise every gentleman to sell his lands, if he can, and embark 'or that country. When two countries are connected together, ike England and her colonies, without being incorporated, the ne must necessarily govern ; the greater must rule the less ; but so rule it as not to contradict the fundamental principles hat are common to both.
" The gentleman asks, When were the colonies emancipated ? But I desire to know when they were made slaves. He must ot wonder he was not contradicted when, as the minister, he sserted the right of Parliament to tax the colonies. I know ot how it is, but there is a modesty in this House which does ot choose to contradict a minister. Even your chair, sir, boks too often towards St. James's. I wish gentlemen would et the better of this modesty. If they do not, perhaps the ollective body may begin to abate of its respect for the rep- esentative.
" A great deal has been said without doors of the power of merica. It is a topic that ought to be cautiously meddled ith. In a good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this untry can crush America to atoms. I know the valor of
314
REPLY OF PITT.
CHAP. your troops ; I know the skill of your officers. There is no X. a company of foot that has served in America, out of which 1766. you may not pick a man of sufficient knowledge and experience to make a governor of a colony there. But on this ground on the stamp act, when so many here will think it a crying injustice, I am one who will lift up my hands against it. In such a cause, your success would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like a strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution along with her. Let prudence and temper come first from this side ;
' Be to her faults a little blind ; Be to her virtues very kind ;'
and I will undertake for America that she will follow the example.
" Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the House wha is really my opinion. It is, that the stamp act be repealed - absolutely, totally, and immediately ; that the reason for th repeal be assigned - because it was founded on an erroneou; principle. At the same time, let the sovereign authority o. this country over the colonies be asserted in as strong term as can be devised, and be made to extend to every point o legislation whatsoever - that we may bind their trade, col fine their manufactures, and exercise every power whatsoeve except that of taking their money out of their pockets withou their consent." 1
Thus he closed ; and his words of fire fixed at once th Jan. 14. minds of the wavering. The same day, large extracts froi the recent correspondence with America were laid on tl Jan. 17. table ; 2 and, three days later, petitions for the repeal from tl merchants of London trading to North America, and simila petitions from Birmingham, Coventry, Bristol, Liverpool, Ma
1 Debates in Parl. iv. 294-298; Mass. Gazette for May 8, 1765.
2 This correspondence is given Parl. Debates, iv. 301 et seq.
315
EXAMINATION OF FRANKLIN.
chester, and other towns, were presented.1 Towards the last CHAP. of the month the House resolved itself into a committee of the X. whole to consider these petitions ; and the sittings of the com- 1766. mittee were continued into the next month. Before this com- Feb. 3. mittee 2 Dr. Franklin was summoned; and his examination excited the surprise of his auditors. No previous event, indeed, had given him such celebrity. The promptness and bertinency of his replies, the breadth and soundness of his political views, and the boldness and candor with which he expressed them, were regarded with admiration when the results of the examination were published.3 "The American people," aid he, "will never submit to this act, unless compelled by orce of arms. Before this act passed the temper of that people owards Great Britain was the best in the world. They sub- mitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in heir courts, obedience to the acts of Parliament. Natives of Britain were always treated with particular regard. To be an Old England man was of itself a character of respect, and ave a kind of rank among us. The authority of Parliament as allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should lay ternal taxes. They considered the Parliament as the great ulwark and security of their liberties and privileges, and ways spoke of it with the utmost respect and veneration. rbitrary ministers, they thought, might possibly, at times, tempt to oppress them ; but they relied on it that the Parlia- ent, on application, would always give redress. But that spect is now greatly lessened ; and a concurrence of causes s contributed to produce this result, among which the stamp t is most prominent. This act, even if modified, will never submitted to ; and any other act, based upon the same prin- ples, will be received in the same way. The manufactures
On the 13th December, 1765, the frchants of London waited upon the Thistry to solicit a repeal of the stamp &. Mass. Gaz. for Feb. 13, 1766.
2 The date is February 3 in Sparks, February 13 in Bancroft.
3 Sparks's Franklin, iv. 161.
316
EXAMINATION OF FRANKLIN.
CHAP. of England are not absolutely necessary ; for there is not X. single article imported into the northern colonies but wha
1766. they can either do without or make themselves. With industr and good management, they may very well supply themselve with all they want. In manufactures they have made a su: prising progress already. And I am of opinion that, befor their old clothes are worn out, they will have new ones of the own making. In three years wool enough can be raised t supply their wants. Should a military force be sent to Ame ica to enforce this act, it will be of no avail. They will fin no one in arms ; what are they then to do ? They cannot for( a man to take stamps who chooses to do without them. The will not find a rebellion ; they may indeed make one. If th act is not repealed, I foresee a total loss of the respect ar affection the people of America bear to this country, and of a the commerce that depends on that respect and affection. Pe ple will pay as freely to gratify one passion as another - the resentment as their pride. They will pay no internal tax but requisitions may be granted on application in the usu form. They will never repeal the resolutions which have be passed in their assemblies, and acknowledge the right of Pa liament to lay internal taxes. No power, how great soeve can force them to change their opinions. And whereas it w once the pride of the people of America to indulge in t fashions and manufactures of Great Britain, it is now the pride to wear their old clothes over again, until they can ma new ones." 1
For some time the question of repeal remained in suspen The friends of Grenville joined with him in denouncing t measure, and insisted that the stamp act should be rigidly forced ; and once, in both Houses, they succeeded in obtaini a majority on their side.2 But the friends of America cont
1 Sparks's Franklin, iv. 162-198; or Documents, 64-81, &c. Debates in Parl. iv. 323-345 ; Pri- 2 Bancroft, v. 413, 417.
317
DEBATE ON THE REPEAL.
ued inflexible, and, watching every opportunity to accomplish CHAP. their purpose, when Grenville, to test the temper of the Com- X. mons, introduced a resolution tending to enforce the execution 1766. Feb. 7. of all acts, - meaning specially the stamp act, - Pitt sprang to his feet, and called on the House not to order the enforce- ment of the stamp act before they had decided the question of repeal. Grenville replied, and denounced bitter curses on the ministers who should sacrifice the sovereignty of England over er colonies ; but when the question was taken on his motion to enforce the act, it was rejected in a full House by more han two to one.1 This triumph paved the way for further measures ; and, two weeks later, the crisis came. Every seat Feb. 21. n the House was occupied. Between four and five hundred members were present. Pitt was there, notwithstanding his Ilness. Merchants from all parts thronged the gallery, the obby, and the stairs. Many Americans were likewise in at- endance. Conway led the debate; and, in the name of the government, moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the tamp act. If the act was not repealed, he predicted both France and Spain would declare war, and protect the malcon- ents. Jenkinson, on the other side, moved a modification of he act, and insisted that its repeal would be the overthrow of the authority of Great Britain in America. Burke replied n his happiest manner ; and a visible impression was made y his speech. At length, about eleven, Pitt rose ; and his peech was at once both fervid and winning. Avoiding ex- pressions which might give offence, and candidly acknowledg- ng the perplexity of his own mind in choosing between two neligible alternatives, he yet pleaded for the repeal of the act s due to the people of America, and as a measure of leniency which would tend to conciliate. The reply of Grenville was n his customary strain. " America must learn," said he, in onclusion, " that prayers are not to be brought to Cæsar hrough riot and sedition." 2
1 Bancroft, v. 423, 424.
2 Bancroft, v.
318
THE STAMP ACT REPEALED ..
CHAP.
At half past one on the ensuing morning the division took
X. place, and Conway's motion was triumphantly carried. The 1766. Feb. 22. votes against it were one hundred and sixty-seven ; those in its favor were two hundred and seventy-five.1 As Pitt stepped forth from the House that night, the huzzas of the crowd greeted his appearance. Every head was uncovered ; and many, in token of their respect and gratitude, followed his chair home.2 But Grenville was saluted with scorn and hisses. Swelling with rage and mortification, he seized the man near- est to him roughly by the collar. "If I may not hiss," said he, " at least I may laugh ; " and he laughed aloud in Gren- ville's face. The jest caught, and the multitude applauded.3 The last division on the repeal of the act was still more deci- Mar. 4. sive ; and at midnight, on the fourth of March, the question, in the House of Commons, was disposed of by a vote of two hundred and fifty in favor of the repeal, and one hundred and twenty-two in opposition.4 In the House of Lords the bill Mar. 17. was debated ; but even there it was carried by a majority of thirty-four.5
Mar. 18. On the eighteenth of March the repeal of the stamp act was sanctioned by the king. The friends of America were
1 For the names of the members voting against the repeal, see Debates in Parl. iv. 346-350.
2 Bancroft, v.
3 Lord Orford's Mems. ii. 299; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 141, note. H. Lyman, of Connecticut, in a letter to Governor Fitch, dated February 26, gives an account of the repeal of the act. "'This act," says he, " had taken so strong hold of the people's minds by the artifice of the late ad- ministration and their tools, that but very few here thought it in the power of this wise administration to procure a repeal. Yet, sensible of the jus- tice of the cause, they undertook it, though they knew it would cost them their posts if it failed. The merchants of London, and mechanics throughout the kingdom, gave all the assistance
in their power, and the Americans who are here have contributed every thing they could to the same purpose. The Grenvillian party did all they could to defeat the design ; but in spite of their efforts, a committee of the whole House of Commons came into the to- tal repeal of the act, by 275 against 167 ; and after reporting to the House,' the dispute was revived by a thinner House, and was carried, 240 against 133. Every inch of ground was dis- puted." Trumbull MSS. in Lib. Mass. Hist. Soc. ii. 78. See also R. Jack- son, in ibid. ii. 78, under date Feb. 27; and Conway to Fitch, March 1, in ibid. ii. 79.
4 Bancroft, v. 445.
5 Debates in Parl. iv. 367; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 142; Bancroft, v. 453.
14.
Fo
319
REPEAL OF THE STAMP ACT.
transported with joy ; Bow Bells merrily clanged the peal of CHAP. triumph ; the ships on the Thames displayed all their colors ; X. bonfires blazed as night set in ; and houses were illuminated all 1766. over the city. It is an honor to the English nation that the people at large entered so fully into the spirit of the occasion. Grenville was defeated ; but liberty had triumphed.1
1 For particulars relative to these proceedings, see Mass. Gazette for April 3 and 25, 1766; and comp. Bancroft, v. 454. On the 3d of April
a preliminary meeting was held in Boston upon the repeal; but the news of the passage of the bill had not then arrived.
CHAPTER XI.
THE REVENUE ACT. TROOPS IN BOSTON.
CHAP. THE repeal of the stamp act awakened in America the live XI. liest joy.1 The declaratory act with which it was accompa
May 16.
1766. nied, which asserted the authority of Parliament to "bind the colonies and people of America in all cases whatsoever," was less acceptable.2 Intelligent patriots saw in this act enough to excite serious alarm ; and the display of lenity on the par of the ministry was viewed as a politic stroke - a sort of spe cific to close over the wound which was far from being healed. The statesmen of England, at least the advocates of arbitrary measures, could brook no acknowledgment that they had faller, into an error. A majority, indeed, of the House of Commons and of the House of Lords, chose to temporize rather thar resort to open violence. Yet, sincere in their conviction tha the power of Parliament was indisputable and absolute, the only questions seriously discussed were the expediency of exer cising that power, and how far it should be pushed. To asser without maintaining the supremacy of Parliament, it was ac knowledged, would be a dereliction of the honor and dignity of government. Hence the declaratory act was intended to be significant. True, in one sense it was a "salvo to the wounded pride of England," - that " bridge of gold " which
1 " It hushed into silence almost every popular clamor, and composed every wave of popular disorder into a smooth and peaceful calm." J. Ad- ams's Diary, in Works, ii. 203.
2 The repeal and the declaratory
act were published in the Mass. Ga- zette for May 22, 1766. See also Conway to the Governor of Connecti cut, March 31, 1766, in MS. Letter and Papers, 1761-1776.
(320)
321
CELEBRATION OF THE REPEAL.
according to the French saying, should always be allowed to a CHAP. retreating assailant,1 - but, at the same time, it was designed XI. to preserve the form of authority ; and it was well understood 1766. that, if it had not been for this, the stamp act would never have been repealed.2
But if the declaratory act was unacceptable to America, it did not prevent the colonies from acknowledging the relief afforded by the repeal of the stamp act. Hence, at the session of the General Court, an address to the king was prepared Jun. 19. by a committee, of which Cushing was chairman ; 3 a vote of thanks to William Pitt was unanimously passed, "for his noble and generous efforts in behalf of the common rights of mankind and the liberties of Great Britain and her colonies ; " 4 and the grateful acknowledgments of the province were ten- dered to other distinguished gentlemen.5 For the rejoicings of the people a day had been previously appointed and ob- served. Liberty Tree was the centre of attraction ; and thither May 19. the multitude was called at an early hour by the ringing of bells and the booming of cannon. Vast crowds paraded the streets ; pendants waved in every direction ; and the steeples of churches were hung with banners. In the evening the whole town was brilliantly illuminated ; images of the king, of Pitt, of Camden, and of Barré were exhibited in the houses ; and Liberty Tree was loaded with lanterns.6
1 Belsham's George III. i. 147; Grahame, ii. 413 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 144. Comp. Hutchinson, iii. 147, and Bradford, i. 81.
2 The merchants of London en- treated their brethren in America to take no offence at this act, but could give no assurance that it would not be enforced. See Hutchinson, iii. 147; Bancroft, v. 456.
3 For the address, see Bradford's State Papers, 91.
4 For this vote, and the reply of Pitt, see Mass. Gazette for April 16, 1767; and comp. Bradford, i. 84, and State Papers, 92.
VOL. II. 21
5 To the Dukes of Newcastle, of Grafton, and of Richmond, Lord Stan- hope, the lord high chancellor, Gen- eral Conway, the Marquis of Rock- ingham, Lord Edgcomb, the Earls of Dartmouth, Powlett, Shelburne, Cam- den, and Egmont, the Hons. George Onslow, Arther Onslow, George How- ard, Charles Townshend, William Dowdeswell, and Isaac Barré, Sir William Meredith, Sir William Baker, Sir George Saville, and George Cooke, Esq. Bradford, i. 84; State Papers, 92. For the answers of these gentle- men, see Bradford, i. 395-398.
6 On the 21st of April, in anticipa-
322
THE ANNUAL ELECTION.
CHAP.
XI. The annual election took place before the news of the repeal of the stamp act arrived ; but, in expectation of that event, the people of Boston, vigilant to preserve the liberties of the prov-
1766.
May 6? ince, selected as their representatives five of the ablest patriots May 28. of the town.1 In the House, the list of councillors was revised ; and the names of five- Hutchinson, the Olivers, Trowbridge, and Lynde- were dropped.2. This step, and the course of the House in choosing for their speaker James Otis, displeased the governor ; and, as he had given notice of his intention to “ play out his part " as chief magistrate while he had the power, he negatived the choice of Otis, and rejected six of the new board of councillors.3 As the explanatory charter sustained him in this course, the House acquiesced in the rejection of their speaker, and chose in his place Thomas Cushing. The rejec- tion of the councillors was also submitted to ; but the governor, finding no new choice was made, sought to constrain the elec- May 29. tion of those who had been dropped, and, in his message, not only predicted the royal displeasure if they persisted in their - course, but accused them of having determined their votes from "private interests and resentments, and popular discontent." " It were to be wished," he added, "that a veil could be drawn over the late disgraceful scenes. But that cannot be done until a better temper and understanding shall prevail. The recent election of councillors is an attack on government in form, depriving it of its best and most able servants, whose
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