USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the provincial period. 1692-1775 v. II > Part 8
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In consequence of this rivalry of England and France, the colonies at the north were early involved in difficulties and contentions ; and these difficulties increased as the conflict of interests brought them into collision. Hence before the con- federacy of 1643, apprehensions of hostilities were entertained 1632-43. in Massachusetts ; and from that date to the union of the col- onies of Plymouth and Massachusetts, these apprehensions 1692. continued to disturb the people, and resulted, at length, in vig- orous action on the part of the English to uproot their rivals, and drive them from their possessions.
If New England was the "key of America,"1 New France might, with equal propriety, claim to be the lock ; for Canada, with the chain of fresh water lakes bordering upon its terri- tory, opened a communication with the distant west; and the
1 3 M. H. Coll. i. 100.
76
RIVALRY OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
V
CHAP. Jesuit missionaries, Marquette, Joliet, La Salle, and Hennepin, IV. by their explorations on the Mississippi, the "Father of Waters," 1673-98. brought the vast region watered by that stream and its tribu- taries under the dominion of the Bourbons, and backed all British America with a cordon of military posts, hovering upon the outskirts of the northern settlements with their savage allies, greatly to the alarm of the English, who were exposed to their depredations, and from whose incursions they could defend themselves only by an expenditure of money and strength which impoverished them in their weakness and imperilled their safety.
1629. 1632. Mar. 29. 1654. 1669. 1666.
Behold, then, the two nations, rivals for centuries, upon the eve of a fresh struggle upon the new field of action. Acadia and Canada were wrested from the French before the settle- ment of Boston, but were restored by the treaty of St. Ger- main.1 Acadia was again conquered under the commonwealth, but by the treaty of Breda was subsequently restored.2 Under Charles II. the conquest of Canada was a second time at- tempted ; but the difficulties of the enterprise prevented its success.3 Again, under James II., a third attempt for its conquest was made, but with a like want of success.4 The accession of William of Orange to the English throne was the signal for a new war with France, growing out of a "root of enmity," which Marlborough described as "irrecon- cilable to the government and the religion" of Great Brit- ain ; 5 and on the occurrence of this war, a fourth expedition to Canada was projected, which was attended with important results.
1686.
1689. May 7.
1 Hazard, i. 285-287 ; Charlevoix, vol. iii. ; Importance of Cape Breton, &c., 15, 16; 3 M. H. Coll. i. 232, and vi. 215 ; Haliburton's Nova Scotia, vol. i .; Williamson's Me. vol. i .; Bancroft's U. S. i. 335; Hildreth, vol. i.
2 Palairet, Concise Description, p. 18, ed. 1755; Mems. Last War, p.
12, 3d ed .; Importance of Cape Bre- ton, &c., p. 17; 3 M. H. Coll. i. 233 ; Haliburton's N. S. i. ; Beginning, Prog- ress, &c., of Late War, Lond. 1770, 4to., p. 4 ; Williamson's Me. i .; N. H. Hist. Coll. i. 63.
3 2 M. H. Coll. viii. 109.
4 Bancroft's U. S. ii. 422.
5 Bancroft's U. S. iii. 175.
77
DIFFICULTIES WITH THE FRENCH.
The settlers of New England, as Protestants, had, for a long CHAP. time, viewed with jealousy the insidious advances of their IV. 1690. Catholic neighbors at the north and at the west. In point of population, indeed, the English outnumbered the French at least ten to one.1 It was not, therefore, in this respect that their power was dreaded. They were more formidable from their influence over the Indians within their borders. Their missionaries, with a zeal which has been highly applauded, had planted the cross in every village, and had scores of converts in every tribe ; 2 yet, with the craft and duplicity which distin- guished the Jesuits, instead of seeking to allay the brutal ferocity of the savages, they had instilled into them their own hatred of the English and their religion. The natural aversion of the tribes to the progress of the white race facilitated their plans ; and no mass so vast and so combustible ever waited long for a spark to inflame it. As rivals in the fur trade, and rivals in the fisheries, collisions had frequently arisen ; and the fires of discord were smouldering in New England, and in Acadia and Canada.
In one respect, the difference in the condition of the colonies was of striking significance. The colonies of the French were planted by the crown, and were founded and fostered for the extension of its dominions, and the increase of its commerce. Their dependence upon the parent state was direct and imme -. diate ; and their connection with the propagation of the Cath- olic faith was open and avowed. These colonies were parts
1 Bradstreet, in 3 M. H. Coll. viii. 334, computes the population of New France in 1680 at 5000 men. Hali- burton, N. S. i. 68, estimates it, in 1690, at 5815 souls. But Bancroft, U. S. iii. 177, estimates it, in 1688, at 11,249 persons. The tract entitled " The Importance of Cape Breton," &c., published in 1746, p. 102, con- tains extracts from a letter of M. Vau- dreuil, estimating the soldiers of New France, in 1714, at 4480. See also Charlevoix, iv. 150.
2 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, 49, says, " The zealous fathers reckon- ed the number of conversions by the number of baptisms ; and, as Le Clercq observes, with no less truth than can- dor, an Indian would be baptized ten times a day for a pint of brandy or a pound of tobacco." Bancroft, U. S. iii. c. 20, gives a characteristically glowing description of the progress of the Jesuit missions, equalling in fer- vor the accounts of the Jesuits them- selves.
-
78
ATTACK UPON PORT ROYAL.
CHAP. of the dominion of France, controlled by the government, and IV. subject to its decrees. The colonies of the English were more 1690. independent. Established for religion's sake, they were founded by the people ; and the charters, which were the sanction of their authority, were the chief bond of union between them and the parent state. They looked less abroad for aid, and relied more upon their own resources. Living within them- selves, and shaping their own destiny in a measure, it was always with reluctance that they submitted to interference in their affairs ; and up to this date they had gone on, with very little help from England, settling their own disputes and fight- ing their own battles.
The offer of colonial neutrality made by France at the open- ing of the war being rejected by England, the project of the invasion of Acadia and Canada was conceived by Massachu- setts ; and, in the winter of the same year that Andros was 1689. overthrown, the General Court, inspired with dazzling dreams of conquest, meditated an attack upon Port Royal and Quebec. Sir William Phips, afterwards governor of the province, and a native of Pemaquid, had recently arrived in the country under his appointment as high sheriff for New England; and, as he was an experienced seaman, the command of the colonial forces was intrusted to his carc. Eight small vessels and seven or eight hundred men constituted the armament sent to Port Royal ; and sailing from Boston carly in the spring, in about two weeks he reached his destination ; the fort surren- dered with but little resistance, yielding plunder sufficient to pay expenses ; Sir William took possession of the whole sea coast from Port Royal to New England ; 1 and three weeks May 30. later he returned to Boston.
1690. Apr. 28. May 10.
The success of this enterprise encouraged the prosecution of the design upon Canada ; and the expedition was hastened
1 MS. Continuation of Chalmers's N. Y. Colon. Doc'ts, iii. 720, and ix. Polit. Ann. Pt. II. ; Mather, Life of 474, 475 ; Williamson's Me. i. 596.
Phips, § 10; Dummer's Defence, 29;
79
THE CANADA EXPEDITION.
by the horrible ravages of the Indians and French upon the CHAP. frontier settlements, and by the desire of the colonists to com- IV. mend themselves to the favor of the king, from whom they were expecting a renewal of their charter. So early as April,' 1690. April 1. a small vessel had been sent to England with despatches in- forming his majesty of the proposed expedition to Port Royal, and of the contemplated invasion of Canada, should it meet his approval, and praying for a supply of arms and ammunition, and a number of the king's frigates to attack the French by sea, while the forces of the colony attacked them by land. Engrossed by the war in Ireland, however,2 the circumstances of the mother country were such that the request could not be complied with ; and Massachusetts, forming an immediate alliance with Connecticut and New York, at a "congress " held in the May 1. latter colony determined to proceed on her own responsibility, and, while a land army of eight hundred men was to march by Lake Champlain to attack Montreal, her forces, consisting of upwards of thirty vessels, and about two thousand men, were to fall upon Quebec.3
It was late in the season when this fleet sailed from Nantas- Aug. 9. ket, and contrary winds delayed its progress, so that it did not reach Quebec until the opening of autumn. Intelligence of the Oct. 5. proceedings of the troops from Connecticut and New York had, in the mean time, reached Montreal ; and the aged Fron-, tenac, being informed by La Plaque, an Indian runner, that the Iroquois, the enemies of the French, were busy in constructing canoes on Lake George, prepared, without a moment's delay, for the defence of the place ; and placing the hatchet in the hands of La Plaque, and grasping in his own hands the death-
1 MS. Letter of Governor Brad- street to Lord Shrewsbury.
2 On the 30th of May, Cooke and Oakes requested of the committee of plantations that a vessel should be sent, &c. 3 N. Eng. Ent's, in the state paper office, bund. 5, quoted in
the MS. Continuation of Chalmers's Polit. Ann. Pt. II.
3
MS. Continuation of Chalmers's
Polit. Ann. Mather, Life of Phips, § 11, and Dummer, Defence, 30, say the land expedition consisted of 1000 English, from New York and Connec- ticut, and 1500 Indians.
80
THE CANADA EXPEDITION.
CHAP. dealing tomahawk, he chanted the war song and danced the IV. war dance as a pledge of cooperation in repelling the invaders.1
1690. But the alarm was premature ; for, by dissensions among the English, which ended in mutual recriminations, and other dis- appointments which paralyzed their strength, the land forces retreated, and fell back to Albany. Had it not been for this discomfiture, or had the fleet under Phips arrived three days earlier, the fate of Quebec would have been sealed. But the failure of the land expedition gave Frontenac time to rally ; Oct. 4. and, hastening to the post of honor at the Castle of St. Louis, by his orders M. de Ramsey and M. de Callières mustered the militia of Three Rivers and the adjoining settlements, and marched to reënforce him with all possible despatch.
Major Provost, the commandant at Quebec, had previously prepared for the defence of the town, so that it was only neces- sary to continue the works, and render them more tenable. A party under M. de Longueuil was accordingly sent down the river to watch the motions of the English, and prevent their landing ; two canoes were despatched by the Isle of Orleans to seek for the supply ships which were daily expected from France ; and the soldiers and militia were employed on the fortifications. The castle itself was, by its natural position, almost impregnable ; but for further security, lines of palisades, armed with small batteries, were formed round the crown of the lofty headland environing the town ; the gates were barri- caded with beams of timber, of massive size, and casks filled with earth ; cannon were mounted at every advantageous posi- tion ; and a large windmill of solid masonry was filled up as a cavalier. The lower town was protected by two batteries, each of three guns ; and the streets leading up the steep, rocky face of the height were embarrassed with intrenchments and rows of chevaux-de-frise. With these arrangements completed, Frontenac awaited the approach of the fleet.2
1 Charlevoix, iii. 87; N. Y. Colon. 2 N. Y. Colon. Doc'ts, ix. 455, 484, Doc'ts, ix. 455. 485.
81
THE CANADA EXPEDITION.
At daylight on the fifth of October the white sails of the CHAP. English ships were descried rounding the headland of Point Levi, IV. and crowding to the northern shore of the river near the vil- 1690. Oct. 5. lage of Beauport. At ten o'clock they dropped anchor, lowered their canvas, and swung round with the tide. In this position they remained until the following morning, when Sir William Phips, the commander-in-chief, despatched a messenger with a summons to the French general imperiously demanding an un- conditional surrender in the name of King William. "Your answer positive in an hour, by your own trumpet, with the return of mine," were the closing words of the summons, "is required upon the peril that will ensue." 1
The officer who bore this summons was led blindfold through the town, and, on reaching the castle, was ushered into the presence of the aged Frontenac, who was surrounded by the Jesuit bishop, the intendant, and the military officers composing his council. "Read your message," was his direction to the envoy. It was read ; and at its conclusion the English officer, taking out his watch,2 added, "It is now ten; I await your answer for one hour." A burst of indignation greeted the close of this speech ; and Frontenac, with difficulty suppressing his own rage, exclaimed, "I know not King William; but I know that the Prince of Orange is a usurper, who has violated the most sacred rights of blood and religion. He has de- stroyed the laws and privileges of the kingdom, and overthrown the English church ; and the Divine Justice will one day pun- ish him for his crimes."3 Unmoved by this outburst of fury and passion, the officer requested a written answer to return to his chief. " I will answer him at the cannon's mouth," was the haughty reply ; and the conference ended.
On the return of the messenger an immediate attack was
1 Charlevoix, iii. 115, 116; Mather, Life of Phips, § 11; N. Y. Colon. Doc'ts, ix. 455, 486.
Charlevoix, iii., and the N. Y. Colon. Doct's, ix. 456.
VOL. II. 6
3 Charlevoix, iii. 117, 118, and Mather, Life of Phips, § 11, give an account of this interview. See also N. Y. Colon. Doc'ts, ix. 456, 486.
82
THE CANADA EXPEDITION.
CHAP. determined ; and at noon on the eighth, thirteen hundred IV. men 1 were embarked in the boats of the squadron, under the 1690. command of Major Walley. These landed without opposition Oct. 8. at La Canardière, a little to the east of the St. Charles ; and, while the main body formed on the muddy shores, four compa- nies pushed on towards the town in skirmishing order to clear the way. But scarcely had they begun the ascent of the sloping banks when a galling fire was poured in upon them by two or three hundred of the Canadian militia, securely posted among the rocks and bushes on both flanks, and in a small hamlet to the right. The English were, for a moment, thrown into con- fusion ; but the officers rallying, and gallantly leading the way in person, the soldiers followed at a quick pace, and the French troops scattered. Major Walley then advanced with his whole force to the St. Charles, where he bivouacked for the night, while the enemy, for security, retreated to their garrisons.
Oct. 8. The same evening the four principal vessels of the squadron, having pushed boldly up the river, anchored before the town, and, opening their batteries, commenced firing. Their shot, however, which were chiefly directed against the lofty emi- nence of the upper town, fell almost harmless ; while a vigor- ous cannonade from the numerous guns of the fortress, under the skilful direction of St. Helene, replied with overwhelm- ing power. By eight o'clock the firing from the English ves- sels ceased, and on examination it was found that they had suffered severely from the enemy's shot, the rigging being badly Oct. 9. torn, and many of their best men slain. At daybreak the attack was renewed, but with no better success. The black muzzles of the cannon thrust from the bastions of the castle poured forth incessant volleys, while the guns of the ships, though constantly plied, made little impression. By noon, fully satisfied that the contest was hopeless, the assailants weighed
4 Walley, in Hutchinson, i. 472, iii. 120, says 1500; and the N. Y. says 1300 men ; Mather, Life of Colon. Doc'ts, ix. 457, 487, say 2000 Phips, § 11, says 1400 ; Charlevoix, men.
83
THE CANADA EXPEDITION.
anchor, and, with the receding tide, floated their crippled vessels CHAP. IV. out of the reach of the enemy's fire ; but not without the loss of the flag of the rear admiral, which was shot away, and, as 1690. it drifted towards the shore, was seized by a Canadian, who swam out into the stream and brought it in triumph to the castle, where, for many years, it was hung up as a trophy in the church of Quebec.1
The troops under Major Walley, through some unaccount- able delay, remained inactive during this combat with the squadron of Phips ; but at length, about noon,2 they advanced upon the stronghold on the left bank of the St. Charles, pre- Oct. 9. ceded by their savage allies, who plunged into the bushes to prevent an ambuscade. For some time their march was unmo- lested ; but suddenly they were attacked by two hundred Canadian volunteers, under De Longueuil and St. Helène ; the Indians were swept away, the skirmishers were overpowered, and the English column itself was forced back by the impet- uous charge. Walley, however, rallied his reserve, and, by a quick movement, checked the enemy, and compelled them to retreat. Frontenac at this time was posted upon the opposite bank of the river, but evinced no disposition to cross the stream ; and at night the English troops, wearied from the fatigues of the day, depressed in spirits, and suffering from hunger, again bivouacked in the marshes, exposed to the frosts, which, at that season, are remarkably severe, and which still farther weakened them, and increased their distress.
Undaunted by former reverses, on the following day Walley Oct. 10. once more advanced upon the French positions, in the hope of breaching their palisades by the firing of his field pieces ; but the attempt was unsuccessful. His flanking parties were am- bushed, and the main body of his troops was repulsed by a severe fire from a fortified house on a commanding eminence,
1 N. Y. Colon. Doc'ts, ix. 457, 488 ; Doc'ts, ix. 457, says this was on the 20th, N. S., corresponding to the
Hawkins, Picture of Quebec.
2 The account in the N. Y. Colon. 10th, O. S.
1
84
RETURN OF THE FLEET.
CHAP. to which the enemy had retreated, and which he ventured to IV. attack. Utterly discouraged, the assailants withdrew ; and 1690. reembarking in their vessels in the utmost confusion, exposed to the fire of the French, and abandoning their guns and the remnant of their stores, they prepared to return home, humbled and disappointed. Nor was the return voyage without dam- age; for, unacquainted with the passes of the river, nine vessels were wrecked among the shoals of the St. Lawrence.1
Nov. 19.
The arrival of Sir William at Boston, with the remnant of his fleet, spread an unusual gloom over the community. He had gone forth rejoicing, sanguine of success ; he returned bro- ken spirited, and with his men in a mutinous state, demanding their pay. The distress of the government, impoverished by Philip's war, and burdened with debt, was at its height; and finding it impracticable to raise money by ordinary means, bills of credit were issued - the first paper currency of New Eng- land.2 The joy of the French at the withdrawal of the assail-
ants was unbounded ; and with a proud heart the gallant Frontenac penned the despatch which informed his master of the victory which had been achieved. To commemorate this victory a medal was struck, bearing the inscription, “ Francia in novo orbe victrix : Kebeca liberata. - A. D., M.D. C. X. C .; " and in the lower town a church was built, which was dedicated to " Notre Dame de la Victoire." 3
Thus ended the Canada expedition of 1690 - disastrously to New England, which was humiliated by its defeat. The bor-
1 On this expedition, see N. Y. Co- lon. Doc'ts ; Hutchinson, i. 352-356, and Walley's Narr. in ibid. 470-478; 2 M. H. Coll. iii. 256-260; Dum- mer's Defence, 30. The original jour- nal of Phips's expedition was given to Admiral Walker, in 1711, who was then about to sail for Quebec, and was lost, with other papers, on board the Edgar. Walker's Journal, 87.
2 Dummer, Defence, 30, says the cost of the expedition was £150,000 in money, and the loss of 1000 men.
In 2 M. H. Coll. iii. 260, it is said the expedition brought Massachusetts alone £50,000 in debt. The form of the bills issued at this time may be seen in ibid. 261. See further Math- er, Life of Phips, § 12.
3 The letter of Frontenac is given in full in N. Y. Colon. Doc'ts, ix. 459 -462. Comp. also Warburton's Con- quest of Canada, i. c. 14. The sketch of Warburton is exceedingly graphic, and I have been indebted to it for several particulars given in the text.
85
DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS.
der towns of the colonies were once more exposed to the forays CHAP. of the French ; and, from the exasperation of feeling which IV. the invasion had awakened, nothing could be expected but a 1690. series of retaliatory incursions, marked with the barbarities inflicted by the Indians, who, involved in disputes relative to their lands, had wrongs of their own to avenge, as well as to prove their fidelity to their confederates.1 The war at the eastward, however, which followed, and which occupied the time of the last ten years of the seventeenth century, belongs more properly to the history of Maine than to that of Massa- chusetts, although Maine soon became, and for a long period continued, a part of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and was defended from the incursions of the Indians by the troops of the province, especially by the gallant Church, who had already signalized himself by his courage in Philip's war.2 That the sufferings of the people were severe, will be doubted by no one who reads the narratives of their perils and massacre. In a few cases, as at Groton, Billerica, Newbury, Lancaster, 1694-98. Andover, Haverhill, and elsewhere, the savages penetrated nearer Boston ; and the escape of Hannah Dustin, the heroine of Haverhill, is an episode of thrilling interest, showing what. a mother will do, when torn from her family, to restore herself to the embraces of her husband and children.3
The defeat of the expedition of 1690 was probably attributa- ble to the want of concert on the part of the troops from Con-
1 For an account of the origin of these difficulties, see Belknap's N. H. ii. 43 et seq. This writer represents the inhabitants of the eastern parts of New England as "not of the best character for religion," and "ill adapt- ed to engage the affections of the In- dians by their example." Without doubt, there is some truth in this charge ; yet, when it is borne in mind that the people of New England gen- erally purchased of the Indians the lands on which they settled, and the 95. latter had little knowledge of the Eng-
lish modes of transacting business, and each generation renewed the claims of its predecessor for a compensation, it will appear quite likely that a share of the blame of these disturbances is to be attributed to the Indians, and to the French, who instilled into them their own hatred of the English.
2 Life of Church.
3 Hutchinson, ii. 80, 86, 100-102; Neal's N. E. 553, 554 ; 3 M. H. Coll. vi. 240 ; Mirick, Hist. Haverhill, 86-
Wire
86
SECOND CANADA EXPEDITION.
CHAP. necticut and New York and those from Massachusetts, and the IV. failure of the supplies which were sought from England. Had 1690. the forces which were levied to march to Montreal succeeded in reaching their destination, or had they remained at Lake George, Frontenac would have been sufficiently occupied to have prevented his relieving Quebec ; and had seasonable sup- plies been forwarded from the mother country, and the fleet under Phips arrived sooner before the fortress, while the gar- rison was small and the works were incomplete, the place would doubtless have speedily fallen into his hands, and Can- ada would have been conquered. But there was mismanage- ment on all hands in the conduct of the expedition; and it seems to have been predestinated that New England should not be delivered from the presence of the French at the north, until time had wrought the necessary changes which were to render the conquest of that country available for the promo- tion of still more important ends. Hence a new expedition, 1692. projected two years later, and resolved to be prosecuted in the 1693. following year, was attended with the like circumstances of mortification and defeat.
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