USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the provincial period. 1692-1775 v. II > Part 30
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tion of the repeal, the inhabitants of Boston, at a town meeting duly warn- ed, instructed the selectmen to fix a time for the general rejoicings ; and on the 16th of May they appointed Monday, the 19th. Circular, in Lib. Mass. Hist. Soc. For an account of the ceremonies, see J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. 195. " No rejoicings," says Hutchinson, iii. 147, " since the revolution, had been equal to those on this occasion."
1 James Otis, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Rowe, and iii. 148.
John Hancock. Drake's Boston, 719.
2 But four of these were dropped by the House ; one resigned of his own accord. The persons chosen in their stead were S. Dexter, J. Bowers, J. Otis, J. Gerrish, and T. Saunders. J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. 195; Bradford, i. 87, 88.
3 Otis, Sparhawk, Dexter, Saun- ders, Gerrish, and Bowers were the persons rejected. J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. 196, 204; Hutchinson,
323
REJECTION OF COUNCILLORS.
only crime is their fidelity to the crown, and is an ill-judged CHAP. and ill-timed oppugnation of the king's authority.1 XI.
The House, in their reply, repelled the charge of acting 1766. June 3.
from private interests and resentments, and declared that it had " ever been their pride to cultivate harmony and union," and that they had " given their suffrages according to the dic- tates of their consciences and the best light of their under- standings."2 If, by so doing, they had dropped some of the old board, they had " released the judges from the cares and per- plexities of politics, and given them opportunity to make still further advances in the knowledge of the law ; " and this, surely, " was not to deprive the government of its best and ablest servants, nor could it be called the oppugnation of any thing, but of a dangerous union of legislative and executive powers in the same persons."3 Thus the controversy contin- ued ; but the House was firm, and begged to be "excused from any unnecessary search for palliatives or expedients." The vacancies in the board, therefore, remained unfilled ; and from this time forward the Council, which had long been the conser- vative branch, joined with the House in promoting every meas- ure material to the cause in which they had engaged ; and James Bowdoin, who succeeded Hutchinson as head of the board, obtained greater influence than his predecessor had en- joyed, and devoted himself warmly to the cause of freedom.4
While this discussion was in progress, changes were taking place in the ministry in England. The Marquis of Rockingham, the chief minister, however well intentioned, was lacking in the qualities of a great statesman. The excellence of his measures, therefore, could not avert from his administration the evils aris-
1 Mass. Gazette Extra for May 29, 766; Hutchinson, iii. 148-150; Bradford, i. 87-89, and State Papers, 4; J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. :04.
2 " They had an undoubted right," ays Hutchinson, " to vote for whom hey thought fit."
3 Samuel Adams to De Berdt, 1766; Hutchinson, iii. 150-156; Bradford's State Papers, 76-81; Bancroft, vi. 8. 4 Hutchinson, iji. iii. 156. The House, at this session, opened a gallery for the public to attend its debates ; Brad- ford, i. 90 ; Bancroft, vi. 13.
324
CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY.
CHAP. ing from his personal deficiencies. The Duke of Grafton threw XI. up the seals as secretary of state ; and, after several peers had 1766. refused them in succession, they were conferred upon the self- May 23. confident Duke of Richmond.1 At the close of the session, the June 6. symptoms of dissolution had alarmingly increased ; and, in the July 7. ensuing month, an invitation was extended to Pitt to return to the cabinet. This invitation was accepted ; and, at a later July 30. date, a new ministry was organized, the chief posts being filled by the friends of Pitt and the members of the late administra- tion. The Duke of Grafton became the head of the treasury ; Charles Townshend was appointed chancellor of the exchequer ; General Conway was continued secretary of state, with the Earl of Shelburne as his colleague ; 2 Sir Charles Saunders was placed at the head of the admiralty ; Lord Camden became chancellor, and Lord Northington president of the council ; and, in the lower ranks, places were bestowed on Lord North, and Mr. James Grenville, brother of Lord Temple, and on Colonel Barré, the ardent defender of the liberties of Amer- ica.3 " If ever a cabinet," wrote one who made politics his study, "can hope for the rare privilege of unanimity, it is this in which Pitt will see none but persons whose imagination he - has subjugated, whose premature advancement is due to his choice, whose expectations of permanent fortune rest on hin alone." 4
Behold how shortsighted are the wisest in their speculation upon the political conduct of men ! The seeds of dissolution were sown in the new ministry at the outset of its career and Pitt was the instrument in scattering them abroad. Th
1 MS. Letter of the Duke of Rich- mond to the Governor of Connecticut, May 23, 1766, in Trumbull MSS. ii. 87.
2 Conway was secretary for the northern department, and Shelburne for the southern. Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 159; Grahame, ii. 420 ; Ban- croft, vi. 5, 21.
3 Shelburne to the Governor o Connecticut, Aug. 9, 1766, in Trun bull MSS. ii. 110; Pitt to Shelburn July 23, 1766, in Chatham Corres iii. 14; Hist. of the War, 36, 37 Mass. Gazette for Sept. 25, 1760 Belsham's George III. i. 154-156.
4 Durand to Choiseul, July 3 1766, in Bancroft, vi. 22.
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325 .
PITT CREATED EARL OF CHATHAM.
"great commoner " had been respected by the people because CHAP. by his merits he had raised himself from their ranks to a post XI. of the highest honor and influence. He now signified his 1766. desire to be raised to the peerage ; and the king, in compliance with his wishes, created him Earl of Chatham.1 The col- leagues of Pitt, astonished and disheartened, blamed him for this step ; and, while some lamented it as an error, others de- nounced it as a crime. Certain it is that it weakened his influence at court ; and the eclipse of his career dates from this period. A twilight of popularity lingered around him ; but it faded away every moment. That he had earned the peerage, few, perhaps, will dispute, if distinguished merit can ever be considered as entitling one to that honor ; but he harmed him- self by accepting it, for there was a manifest impolicy in his quitting the House, which needed his presence, and upon whose floor his laurels had been won. It was esteemed a desertion of the popular cause ; and many, who had idolized, could never forgive him. He was no longer the exponent of the enthusi- asm of the nation, and had cut himself loose from the sympa- thy of the masses. None rallied around him as cordially as before ; and he was left like the storm-beaten oak, scarred by conflicts waged with the elements, shorn of its primitive vigor and glory.2 All his labors in every department of reform were unsuccessful. His position debarred him from diminish- ing the ascendency of the aristocracy in England ; the envy of his associates led them to thwart his favorite plans ; and nei- ther the liberties of America, of which he had been the guar-
1 There had been rumors for some time of Pitt's aspiring to a high- er rank. See Mass. Gazette for 1765, 1766. " A great commoner, it is said, intends speedily to apply for leave to assume the name and arms of a lately deceased baronet, who left him a large fortune." Extract from a etter of March 26, 1765, in Mass. Gazette for May 16, 1765.
2 On the elevation of Pitt, see Lord
Orford's Mems. George III. ii. 338 ; Chatham Corresp. iii. 21; Lond. Ga- zette for July 30, 1766 ; Mass. Gazette for Sept. 25, 1766; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 154-162; Belsham's George III. i. 159, 160, 193; Ban- croft, vi. 18-25. The Mass. Gazette for Sept. 25 and Oct. 2 contains ex- tracts from London letters, reflecting severely on Pitt for accepting the peerage.
326
VIEWS OF THE KING.
CHAP. dian, nor the liberties of India, which he was anxious to secure, XI. could be effectually promoted, because there were enough to 1766. throw obstacles in his path and to baffle him in the execution of his most promising schemes. The infirmities of age, too, were creeping upon him ; his hereditary disease had made sad havoc with the remnants of his strength ; and he stood as one tottering on the brink of the grave, grasping the shadow of power for support, while the substance was rapidly vanishing before him.1
The repeal of the stamp act had been consented to by the king as a measure of expediency and mercantile convenience ; but he ever lamented it as a "fatal compliance " which had " planted thorns " under his pillow, and preferred the hazard of losing the colonies to relinquishing the claim of absolute authority.2 His natural temperament inclined him to insist upon the maintenance of his prerogative ; and if, to some, he realized the idea of a "patriot king,"3 there were others to whom his course was the embodiment of selfishness. In the colonies, in particular, while a tender regard for his person was expressed, the violence of the measures which had been sanctioned by his seal was severely reproved ; and, as the May 26. means of security against further aggressions, Boston proposed a closer union of the different governments.4 The necessity of such union had long been foreseen ; and if the advances
1 " I wish," wrote Chesterfield to Stanhope, " I could send you all the pamphlets and half-sheets that swarm here upon this occasion; but that is impossible, for every week would make a ship's cargo. It is certain that Mr. Pitt has, by his dignity of earl, lost the greatest part of his popular- ity, especially in the city ; and I be- lieve the opposition will be very strong, and perhaps prevail, next session, in the House of Commons - there be- ing now nobody there who can have the authority and ascendant over them that Pitt had." Chatham Corresp. iii. 21, note. See also an extract from a
letter of Sir Andrew Mitchell, in ibid. 42, note.
2 A Short History, &c., 18, 19; Considerations on the Present State of the Nation, 50; Lloyd's Conduct of the late Admin.
3 Bernard to the General Court, and the Reply of the House; also, Belsham's George III. i. 3.
4 Instructions to Representatives, in Mass. Gazette for May 29, 1766; Hutchinson to Jackson, June 11, 1766, in MS. Corresp. ; Mayhew to Otis, June 8, 1766, in Bradford's Life of Mayhew, 428, 429.
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327
BERNARD AGAINST THE CHARTER.
towards it had hitherto failed, it was not because the scheme CHAP. was impracticable, but because the time for effecting it had not XI. arrived. The conduct of the governor hastened this time. 1766. For years he had insisted upon the more perfect subordination of the colonies to the crown; 1 and, as the charters were ob- stacles in the way, concurrently with Townshend he declared war against them, and in his letters to the ministry complained of the elective character of the Council as the " fatal ingredient in the provincial constitution." "The only anchor of hope," he writes, "is the sovereign power, which would secure obe- July 7. dience to its decrees, if they were properly introduced and effectually supported." 2
The effect of these representations was to deepen the dis- pleasure of the people of Massachusetts. The repeal of the stamp act had led them to hope that their rights and liberties would be once more restored ; for " every newspaper and pam- phlet, every public and private letter, which arrived in Amer- ica from England, seemed to breathe a spirit of benevolence, tenderness, and generosity."3 But the enemies of America were not silenced ; and, still resolute to enforce the authority of Parliament, Governor Bernard renewed his complaints of " illicit trade," and endeavored to compel obedience to the laws. The anniversary of the outbreak against the stamp act Aug.14 was celebrated in Boston with great parade ; and the reports ' sent to England set forth in glowing terms the " treasonable " conduct of the " Sons of Liberty," who had drunk to the health of Otis, "the American Hampden, who first proposed the con-
1 See his letters and speeches.
2 Bernard to the Lords of Trade, July 7, 1766 ; Bancroft, vi. 16.
3 John Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. 203. "The utmost delicacy," he adds, " was observed in all the state papers in the choice of expressions, that no unkind impression might be left upon the minds of the people in America. The letters from the min- istry to the governor recommended
the mildest, softest, most lenient and conciliating measures; and even the resolve of the House of Commons and the recommendation of his majesty, concerning an indemnification to the sufferers, was conceived in the most alluring language. Oblivion of every disagreeable circumstance which had happened through the warmth of the people, in the late unhappy times, was recommended in the strongest terms."
328
REQUISITIONS OF THE MINISTRY.
CHAP. gress ;" to "the brave sons of liberty throughout America ; "
1766.
XI. to " the spark of liberty kindling in Spain ; " and "success to Paoli and the struggling Corsicans." 1
The requisition of the ministry, forwarded in a letter from Secretary Conway,2 that compensation should be made to the „sufferers by the "riots" of the preceding year, was briefly con- June 3. sidered by the General Court in the summer, and more fully Nov. in the fall ; but, though most of the towns left the matter to the discretion of their representatives,3 a majority of the House determined against a compensation by tax. The discussion on this point was sharp and spirited. Joseph Hawley, a law- yer of Northampton, of unblemished integrity, was the princi- pal speaker ; and he opposed relief except on condition of a general amnesty. "Of those seeking compensation," said he, " the chief," referring to Hutchinson, "is a person of unconsti- tutional principles, as one day or other he will make appear." The resolves of Parliament were cited in vain. "The Parlia- ment of Great Britain," was the reply, "has no right to legis- late for us." At these words Otis sprang to his feet, and, bowing to the speaker, thanked him, saying, "He has gone further than I myself have as yet done in this House."4 At length, as an act of generosity rather than of justice, a grant was proposed to be passed through the formalities of a law, which should concurrently extend a free pardon to those who
1 Oliver to -, May 7, 1767 ; Mass. Gazette for Aug. 14 and Aug. 21, 1766. Loyal toasts were not for- gotten ; for the health of the king and his family was drunk, and one of the sentiments expressed the wish that "the union between Great Britain and the colonies " might " never be dissolved."
2 The letter of Conway, dated March 31, was received May 31, and laid be- fore the House June 3. Mass. Ga- zette Extra for June 4, and Gazette for June 5 and 12; Prior Doc'ts, 103 -108; Bradford State Papers, 81-91,
93-96. The message of Bernard, on presenting this letter, was conceived in the haughtiest terms; and "it seemed," says Grahame, ii. 414, " as if, in the fervor of his zeal for British dignity, he sought to repudiate every semblance of approach to courtesy or condescension towards the colonists."
3 The instructions of the town of Boston to its representatives are given in the Mass. Gazette for Oct. 9, 1766. 4 Hutchinson to Williams, Dec. 7, 1766, in Williams MSS. 161; Ber- nard to Shelburne, Dec. 24, 1766.
329
LAWS OF TRADE.
had been engaged in the "riots." The bill for this purpose CHAP. was ordered to be printed, and sent to the towns ; and, after XI. a short recess, when the court again met, it was passed to be 1766. Dec. 6. enacted by a vote of fifty-three to thirty-five ; the Council concurred ; and the governor, after some hesitation, gave his assent.1
The laws of trade, which the governor sought to enforce, had always been oppressive. It was a narrow policy which led to the passage of these laws; and the distinctions made between citizens of America and citizens of England could not but give offence to the colonies. The duties imposed upon articles imported into the provinces were so high, that, with the added restrictions on commercial enterprise, no profits accrued. To these laws, which had been recently revised in England,2 attention was now turned; and committees were appointed by the General Court to consider the difficulties Nov.13. which embarrassed the commerce of the country, and to pro- pose measures for remedying these evils.3
Nor was this the only step which awakened resentment. Towards the close of the year, two companies of royal artillery Dec. were driven into the harbor of Boston by " stress of weather ;" and, as the General Court was not then in session, the gov- ernor, by advice of Council, directed that provision should be nade for them at the barracks, at the expense of the province. For this assumption of authority he was called to an account ; Jan. 30. 1767.
1 Hutchinson, iii. 150-160; Brad- ord's State Papers, 97-101; Mass. Gazette for Nov. 20, 1766; Prior Doc'ts, 113-118, 123, 134, 135 ; Shel- urne to Pitt, Feb. 1, 1767, in Chat- am's Corresp. iii. 186. Some of the owns opposed making a compensa- on, J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. 04. The act was annulled by the ing; but the annulment obtained lit- e notice, and produced no effect. rior Doc'ts, 134-142; Chatham Cor- sp. iii. 255; Stedman's Am. War, i. ); Adolphus, i. 260 ; Lord Mahon's
Hist. Eng. v. 181. According to Hutchinson's statements, Bernard was partly governed by policy in assent- ing to this bill, as he knew that the clause relating to the compensation of the sufferers would go into im- mediate effect, and could not be re- called even if the act was subsequently rejected.
2 Debates in Parl. iv. 354 et seq. ; Hutchinson, iii. 164.
Jour. H. of R. for 1766; Mass. 3 Gazette for Nov. 20, 1766 ; Bradford, i. 93.
330
CHANGES IN ENGLAND.
CHAP. and, though he pleaded in his justification the necessity of the XI. case and the act of Parliament, the requirements of which he 1767. had followed, the court protested against his proceedings, and declared that with them alone, and not with the chief magis- trate, resided the power of raising and appropriating supplies for the public service.1 The presence of an armed soldiery in their midst the people were little disposed to view with favor ; and it was apprehended - and justly - that disturbances would be increased rather than diminished.2
Meanwhile, in England, the political elements were in an unsettled state; and the scramble for office and the emolu- ments of office had reached such a height that patriotism was merged in selfishness and cupidity. The conduct of the minis- try was fickle and inconstant. Pitt, who had been driven into retirement by nervous prostration, and who with a trembling hand, but a sincere heart, had attempted to guide the course of affairs, was absent from his post; and events were left to shape themselves. The cabinet was divided ; Parliament was unruly ; private dissensions and bickerings arose ; a deadly jealousy was kindled between Grafton and Shelburne ; Towns hend assumed to himself airs of importance ; and the trusties men were sadly perplexed.3 The parties out of office rallied
1 Bernard to Shelburne, Dec. 6 and 24, 1766; Prior Doc'ts, 126-129, 133, 134; Jour. H. of R. for 1766; Brad- ford, i. 97, 98, and State Papers, 105 -108; Hutchinson, iii. 168-171; Bos- ton Gazette for Feb. 9, 16, and 23, 1767; Mass. Gazette for Feb. 5, 19, and 26, and March 12, 1767. In May, 1767, a few recruits for the 14th regi- ment arrived in Boston, and were quar- tered by the governor at the Castle, and the controversy was renewed. Bradford's State Papers, 109-112.
2 " Nothing," says Thomas Cush- ing, (letter of May 9, 1767, in MS. Letters and Papers, 1761-1776, in Lib. Mass. Hist. Soc.,) " would have so direct a tendency to bring us into such a state as sending troops here to
enforce an act of Parliament. Noth ing would so soon throw the peopl into a flame. No one measure I coule think of would so effectually driv them into resolutions which, in th end, would prove detrimental to Grea Britain - I mean, living as much af possible within ourselves, and using a. few as possible of your manufactures.
3 See Chat. Corresp. iii. 136-139 and notes. " Such a state of affairs, wrote Chesterfield, " was never see before, in this or in any other country When this ministry shall be settled, will be the sixth in six years' timc. " We have had a busy month," wrot Horace Walpole, "and many grun bles of a state-quake." "Never. wrote Lord Charlemont, Feb. 1:
-
331
COURSE OF TOWNSHEND.
for a new struggle ; and of those in office, some broke loose CHAP. from all restraint. Townshend, in particular, whose indiscre- XI. tion forbade esteem, but whose good humor dissipated hate, 1767. as if hurried away by the levity of his temper, delivered in the House of Commons several speeches, both admired for their eloquence and censured for their wildness. In one of these speeches, styled his " Champagne Speech," because delivered on his return from a convivial dinner, he descanted upon the times, the parties, and their leaders, and declared that "the government had become what he himself had been often called - a weathercock." 1 In another of his vain and capricious moods, he threw out a pledge that he would find means to Jan. 26 raise a revenue from America which should be free from of- fence. "I am still," said he, "a firm advocate for the stamp act - for its principle, and for the duty. I laugh at the dis- tinction between internal and external taxes. I know no such distinction. It is perfect nonsense." Then, looking to the galleries, where the agents of the colonies were seated, he add- ed, " I speak this aloud, that all you in the galleries may hear ne." In conclusion, he struck his hand upon the table, and said, " England is undone, if this taxation in America is given ıp." 2 Nor did Townshend stand alone. Even Camden, who
767, " was known such disunion, such want of concert, as visibly appears n both sides. How it will end Heav- n only knows. One thing, however, ppears very extraordinary, if not in- ecent. No member of the opposition peaks without directly abusing Lord hatham, and no friend ever rises to ke his part. Qui non defendit alio ulpante is scarcely a degree less black lan absentem qui rodit amicum." omp. further the brilliant speech of dmund Burke on American taxa- on, delivered in 1774, especially the urts referring to Chatham and Towns- end.
1 Lord Orford's Mems. George III. 24 and 26, note; Lord Mahon's ist. Eng. v. 179. "In what little isiness has hitherto been done in the
House of Commons, Charles Towns- hend has given himself more ministe- rial airs than Lord Chatham will, I believe, approve of." Chesterfield to his Son, Feb. 19, 1767, in Chatham Corresp. iii. 170, note.
2 Johnson to Pitkin, Feb. 12, 1767 ; Cavendish Debates, i. 213; Chatham Corresp. iii. 178, 184, 185 ; Belsham's George III. i. 201, 202 ; Wirt's Pat- rick Henry, 96; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 180; Bradford, i. 93. The Mass. Gazette for July 2, 1767, con- tains an extract from a letter dated London, May 11, in which Townshend is represented as holding entirely dif- ferent language, declaring that he would cut off his hand before he would vote for taxing America.
332
DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY.
CHAP. had once boldly maintained that taxation and representation XI. were clearly inseparable, now retracted, and declared that his
1767. " doubt respecting the right of Parliament to tax America was Feb. 25. removed by the declaration of Parliament itself, and that its authority must be maintained."1 Encouraged by this avowal, the friends of Bedford, of Grenville, of Rockingham, and of Newcastle forgot for the moment their personal feuds, uniting " with others, who had county or popular elections," for the overthrow of the ascendency of Chatham; and so well did Feb. 27. they succeed in rallying their forces that, in a division on the question of a reduction in the land tax, proposed by Towns- hend, they were enabled to cast two hundred and six votes against one hundred and eighty-eight for the ministry.2 This defeat, the first of importance which the government had sus- tained since the days of Sir Robert Walpole, prepared the way for the withdrawal of Chatham ; and, though he continued at the head of the ministry for over a year, from this time forward he remained in seclusion, leaving the factions to shape their own courses and fight their own battles.
Yet the confidence of Massachusetts in the justness of her cause strengthened, instead of wavering, as the schemes of the ministry were more fully developed ; and Otis, and Adams, and Hawley, and others scanned more closely and resisted more strenuously every measure which could imply their consent to the right of taxation of the colonies by Parliament.3 The crown officers, indeed, both here and elsewhere, labored to
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