USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the provincial period. 1692-1775 v. II > Part 33
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in Mems. of the Commissioners, June 16, 1768 ; Hutchinson to -, June 18, 1768, and Hist. iii. 190; Boston News Letter for June 16, 1768.
1 The officers, indeed, alleged more serious injuries ; but their account of the affair is in most respects exagger- ated. See Bernard to Hillsborough, June 11 and 13, 1768, and Mem. of the Commissioners, June 16, 1768; and comp. Mem. of Mass. in Prior Doc'ts, 222.
Bernard to Hillsborough, June 2 11, 1768; Hutchinson to -, June 18 and Aug. 1768, and Hist. iii. 191; Bancroft, vi. 157.
3 Mems. of the Commissioners, VOL. II. 23
June 16, 1768 ; Hutchinson, Hist. ii. 191; Grenville Corresp. iv. 322; Bradford, i. 155. " It has been usual for the commissioners to affect an ap- prehension of danger to themselves and their families, to serve the pur- poses they had in view." Vindic. of the Town of Boston, 5; comp. ibid. 14. 4 Bernard to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768. " This tree," says the gov- ernor, " has often put me in mind of Jack Cade's Oak of Reformation."
5 See the Commissioners' Report. Bernard, to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, says, " at least 4000 men, many having come out of the country for that purpose."
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354
A TOWN MEETING CALLED.
CHAP. great that Faneuil Hall would not hold all, they adjourned XI. to the meeting house of the Old South Church, of which Dr.
1768. Sewall was the pastor. James Otis was chosen moderator ; and upon his appearance he was " ushered into the hall by an almost universal clap of hands." An address to the governor was unanimously voted; and a committee of twenty-one, of which Tyler was at the head, was appointed to present it. Jun. 15. The meeting was then adjourned to the following day, at four o'clock in the afternoon ; and, on reassembling, Otis delivered a speech, recommending in the strongest terms the preserva- tion of order, and expressing the hope that the grievances they had suffered would be speedily redressed. "If not," he added, " and we are called on to defend our liberties and privileges, I hope and believe we shall, one and all, resist even unto blood. But I pray God Almighty that this may never so happen." 1
The committee appointed for that purpose2 waited upon the governor at his residence in Roxbury, - proceeding thither in a procession of eleven chaises, - and presented the address. The language of this address was pointed and clear. "To contend with our parent state"- such were its words -" is, in our idea, the most shocking and dreadful extremity ; but tamely to relinquish the only security we and our posterity retain of the enjoyment of our lives and properties, without one struggle, is so humiliating and base that we cannot support the reflection. It is at your option, we apprehend, in your power, and we would hope in your inclination, to prevent this distressed and justly-incensed people from effecting too much, and from the shame and reproach of attempting too little. We flatter ourselves, therefore, that your excellency will, in tenderness to the people, use the best means in your power
1 Bernard to Hillsborough, June 11, 16, and 18, 1768; the Commis- sioners to Commodore Hood, June 15, 1768, in Mems. ; also, Letter to the Commissioners, June 14, 1768, in
ibid. ; Boston News Letter for June 16 and 23, 1768.
2 " Which was in general very re- spectable," says Bernard.
355
ADDRESS TO THE GOVERNOR.
to remove the other grievances we so justly complain of, and CHAP. issue your immediate order to the commander of his majesty's XI. ship Romney to remove from this harbor, till we shall be ascer- 1768. tained of the success of our application." 1
The governor received this address with marked cbsequious- ness ; 2 but on the following day, in his reply, he refused to order the removal of the Romney, which, he said, was not subject to his direction, and cleared himself of the responsibil- ity of the affray which had occurred. In conclusion he re- marked, "I shall think myself most highly honored if I can be, in the lowest degree, an instrument in procuring a perfect rec- onciliation between you and the parent state." 3 The dignity of his excellency, however, was seriously shocked at the humil- iating position in which he was placed, and the wound which his pride had received rankled too deeply to be easily healed. Hence no sooner had he delivered this message than he joined with the officers in magnifying the " riot " into an "insurrec- tion," and in soliciting an armed force to be sent to their relief. The comptroller and the collector, as well as his excellency, reported a " general spirit of insurrection, not only in the town, but throughout the province ; " and the commissioners, in a body, applied to Commodore Hood, who was at Halifax, and to Gage, who was at New York, for further protection.4 Their despatches to England were of the same tenor ; and, after remarking that the "long-concerted and extensive plan of resistance to the authority of Great Britain " had broken out in " actual violence sooner than was intended," they urged that "nothing but the immediate exertion of military power
1 Boston News Letter for June 23, 1768; Bradford, State Papers, and Hist. i .; Prior Doc'ts, 263; Frank- lin's Works.
2 " I received them," says his ex- cellency, " with all possible civility, and, having heard their petition, I talked very freely with them upon the subject, but postponed giving a formal answer till the next day, as it should
be in writing. I then had wine hand- ed round ; and they left me, highly pleased with their reception, especially that part of them which had not been used to an interview with me."
3 Reply of Bernard, in Mass. Ga- zette, &c.
4 Gage and Hood to the Commis- sioners, in Mems., July 11, 1768.
1, er
ne re-
4,
356
COURSE OF THE CITIZENS OF BOSTON.
CHAP. could prevent an open revolt of the town of Boston, and prob- XI. ably of the provinces." 1
1768. The General Court was in session at this time, but did not interpose, leaving the people to settle the affair in their own way. But the inhabitants of Boston, though they deprecated Jun. 17. violence, did not hesitate to speak their minds freely, and drew up a series of instructions to their representatives, in which, after affirming their " fixed resolution to maintain their loyalty and duty to their most gracious sovereign, a reverent and due subordination to the British Parliament as the supreme legisla- ture in all cases of necessity for the preservation of the whole empire, and to use their utmost endeavors for the preservation of peace and order among themselves, - waiting with anxious expectation for a favorable answer to the petitions and solici- tations of the continent for relief, - they declared that it was their " unalterable resolution to assert and vindicate their dear and invaluable rights and liberties at the utmost hazard of their lives and fortunes," and expressed the "full and rational confidence that no design formed against them would ever prosper." In conclusion, they instructed them to "forward, if they thought expedient, in the House of Representatives, reso- lutions that every person soliciting or promoting the importa- tion of troops should be pronounced an enemy to the town and province, and a disturber of the peace and good order of both." 2
In the midst of this excitement, the instructions which had been sent over by the secretary of state, that Massachusetts should rescind her resolutions against importing goods from England, came to hand ; and the governor, after consulting
1 Mems. of the Commissioners, June 16, 1768. " Unless we have immediately two or three regiments, 'tis the opinion of all the friends to government that Boston will be in open rebellion." Letter of Paxton, June 20, 1768.
2 Bernard to Hillsborough, June 16 and 18, 1768 ; Boston News Let- ter for June 23, 1768; Hutchinson, iii. App. K. " They broke up quietly," says the governor, "and there is an end of the meeting."
357
INSTRUCTIONS FROM HILLSBOROUGH.
with Hutchinson and Oliver, sent to the House a message, CHAP. accompanied with extracts from the letter of Hillsborough.1 XI. This message was read once, and was ordered to a second reading in the afternoon, when floor and gallery were filled with auditors ; and Otis, whose clarion voice rang through the hall, in a masterly speech of two hours' length, filled with vol- canic bursts of passion, set forth his objections to a compliance with the requisition.2
It was well known that the governor had diligently corre- sponded with the secretary, and had misrepresented the views and the conduct of the people ; and, as he had communicated to the House but part of the letter just received, and none of his own letters, they desired him to lay before them, not only Jun. 23. the whole of the letter of Hillsborough and the king's instruc- tions, but that "he would be pleased to add copies of his own letters relating to the subject of the aforesaid message." With this request he was unwilling to comply. He was ready to Jun. 24. submit the letter of Hillsborough ; but his own letters, he as- sured them, he " would never make public but upon his own motion and for his own reasons." But this refusal availed him nothing. Copies of the letters had been obtained, and the House knew their contents.3 They were not, therefore, acting in the dark. They were well informed of his excellency's proceedings, and were determined to call him to an account. Hence their course was decided. The ministry, they were sen- sible, was bent on humbling them ; the eyes of all were fastened
1 Bernard to Hillsborough, June 25, 1768 ; Boston Gazette for July 4 and 18, 1768; Mass. Gazette for June 23 and July 7, 1768; Bradford, State Papers, 145-150; Prior Doc'ts, 203; Jour. H. of R. for 1768, 68, 72, 75. A similar controversy occurred earlier in this year, when a portion of the let- ter of Shelburne was communicated to the House. Bradford, State Papers, 113-118.
2 Bernard, to Hillsborough, June 25, characterizes this speech as " of
the most violent and virulent nature." " He abused all persons in authority," he adds, " both here and at home. He indeed excepted the king's person, but traduced his government with all the bitterness of words."
3 They were published in pamphlet form by "Edes and Gill, in Queen Street," in 1769. Resolve of H. of R. in Jour. for June, 1769, and Brad- ford, State Papers, 160. Comp. Hutch- inson, iii. 184, 195.
1768. Jun. 21.
358
MASSACHUSETTS REFUSES TO RESCIND.
CHAP. upon them ; and in the hour of peril should they shrink from XI. the encounter ? From Virginia, from New Jersey, from Con- 1768. necticut, and from Georgia letters had been received approving their proceedings, and tendering sympathy.1 Should they dis- appoint the expectations which had every where been formed ? Then would they deserve to be left to their fate.
For a full week the affair was in suspense. To comply with the mandate of the king was to give up all. And should Jun. 28. they retrace their steps when they had gone so far ? At length the governor demanded a definite answer, and informed them that longer delay would be construed as a refusal. The House Jun. 29. asked a recess to consult their constituents ; but it was refused. Upon this the question was taken viva voce ; and out of one hundred and nine votes cast, but seventeen were in the affirm- ative.2 A message was sent to the governor informing him of Jun. 30. this decision, and a long letter was draughted to be sent to Hillsborough.3 In accordance with his instructions, the gov- July 1. ernor prorogued the House, and the next day, by proclamation, dissolved the court.4 Thus Massachusetts was without a legis- lature, and the liberties of the people were at the mercy of their foes.
July.
In July, Hallowell, the commissioner of the customs, arrived in England as the accuser of the province. The letters he took with him were numerous, and great was the dismay caused by his appearance. At London, at Liverpool, at Bristol, and at other ports, the excitement was general. Stocks fell ; mer- chants grew anxious; and those who had debtors in the colo- nies fancied themselves ruined.5 The anger of the ministry
1 Jour. H. of R. for 1768, App. 6 et seq. ; Boston Gazette for June 27, 1768; Prior Doc'ts, 213-220 ; Hutch- inson, iii. 196 ; Bancroft, vi. 164.
2 Bernard to Hillsborough, July 1, 1768; Hutchinson, iii. 197; Jour. H. of R. for 1768, 85, 86, 88, 89-94. " Among the majority," says Bernard, " were many members who were scarce ever known upon any other occasion
to vote against the government side of a question - so greatly have infatu- ation and intimidation gained ground." 3 This letter is given in full in Brad- ford, State Papers, 151-158; Jour. H. of R. for 1768, App .; Prior Doc'ts, 206-210.
4 Bernard to Hillsborough, June 17 and July 1, 1768.
5 Hutchinson's Letter of Oct. 4,
359
PREDICTIONS OF POWNALL.
knew no bounds. To be thus bearded and set at defiance by CHAP. a "parcel of renegades," a "factious mob," a "rascally rabble," XI. was " a thing not to be endured ; " and the violent denounced 1768. " vengeance against the insolent town of Boston."1 " If the government," they urged, "now gives way, as it did about the stamp act, it will be all over with its authority in America."2 They had forgotten the memorable predictions of Pownall : " Believe me, there is not a province, a colony, or a plantation that will submit to a tax thus imposed. Don't fancy that you can divide the people upon this point. You will by this con- duct only unite them the more inseparably. The people of America, universally, unitedly, and unalterably, are resolved not to submit to any internal tax imposed upon them by any legisla- ture in which they have not a share by representatives of their own election. This claim must not be understood as though it were only the pretences of party leaders and demagogues ; as though it were only the visions of speculative enthusiasts ; as though it were the ebullition of a faction which must sub- side ; as though it were only temporary or partial. It is the cool, deliberate, principled maxim of every man of business in the country."3 Such words, spoken by one who knew the people, should have received more attention. But the states- men of England were too obstinately bent on humbling Amer- ica to listen to warnings ; and they preferred the risk of losing the colonies to yielding the claim of authority over them.
The examination of the collector took place at the treasury July 21. chambers, in the presence of Lord North, Jenkinson, and Campbell ; and, though he subsequently saw fit to file certain " corrections " to his testimony,4 there was enough in it as ori-
1768. "It is not strange that meas- ures should be immediately taken to reduce the colonies to their former state of government and order ; but that the national funds should be af- fected by it, is to me a little mysteri- ous and surprising."
1 Johnson to Pitkin, July 23, 1768; Bancroft, vi. 174.
2 Bancroft, vi. 174.
3 Speech of May 15, 1767, in Pri- or Doc'ts, 162, 163.
4 MS. Letters and Papers, 1761- 1776, fol. 80, in Lib. Mass. Hist. Soc.
360
COMPLAINTS OF HALLOWELL.
CHAP. ginally given to prompt to action. True, he did not affirm XI. that the determination to break the revenue laws was unani- 1768. mous ; for Salem and Marblehead had not resisted them, and " the better sort of people would be for government if they could be protected ;" but the " Bostoneers " had defied the laws, and the infection might spread. Nor did he assert that the officers who remained were insulted after the first outbreak ; but they were daily expecting to be driven away, for the " ver- min " were to be expelled. He insisted, however, - and in this he echoed the representations of Bernard, - that " there had been a long-concerted and extensive plan of resistance to the authority of Great Britain ; " 1 and, a copy of the memorial being sent to Hillsborough,2 the lords of the treasury united in declaring that " nothing short of the immediate exertion of military power could prevent an open revolt of the town, which would probably spread throughout the provinces." 3 The coun- July 24. ter memorial of the province, presented by De Berdt, charged the blame of the riot to the imprudence of the officers, and the commander of the Romney; and this memorial was strength- ened by affidavits taken on the spot. But of what avail was such a defence, or any defence, to those who had beforehand resolved what to do ? Bedford and his followers clamored for troops to be sent over to subdue the inhabitants of Boston, and for a striking example to be made of the most forward, to inspire the other colonies with terror. Weymouth fell in with this proposal. But Shelburne, more friendly to America, de- clared that it would be absurd to send a single additional soldier, or a vessel of war, to reduce the colonies, as they would return to their allegiance from affection and from interest, if
and fol. 83, where the corrections are given ; Bradshaw to Pownall, Nov. 22, 1768.
1 Copy of the Examination of Hal- lowell, in the pamphlet printed in Boston.
2 Letter of Bradshaw, in MS. Let-
ters and Papers, 1761-1776, fol. 82; Bradshaw to Pownall, July 22 and Aug. 31, in the pamphlet published in Boston.
3 Narr. of Facts ; Bradshaw to Pownall, July 22, 1768 ; Bancroft, vi. 174.
361
MEETING OF THE CABINET.
once the laws of which they complained were modified. But CHAP. moderate counsels were 'despised ; and the king, who was per- XI. sonally concerned to enforce his authority, became importunate 1768. that Shelburne should be dismissed.1
A few days later a meeting of the cabinet was held, and a July 27. union of parties was sought to be effected on the basis of the declaratory act. With Massachusetts, it was thought, it would not be difficult to deal, if that was the only refractory province ; and Boston was to be proceeded against "with the utmost severity." Scarcely a voice opposed these measures ; and when the proposition was advanced that two additional regiments, of five hundred men each, should be sent over, and that a change should be made in the provincial charter, it was assent- ed to without division, and almost without debate.2 Bernard, in the mean time, received from Gage an offer of troops when July 2. he should desire them ; but the Council, to whom he communi- cated this offer under an injunction of secrecy, did not consider July 23 the troops necessary.3 The governor dared not dissent from . and 27. their opinion, and wrote to Hillsborough for positive orders not to call "a new assembly until the people should get truer notions of their rights and interests."4 The merchants of Bos- ton, whose attempts to prevent importations had been hitherto attended with but partial success, rallied once more ; and a Aug. 9 large number - all but sixteen, it is said - signed an agree- to 15. ment, absolute in its terms, that they would send for no mer- chandise from Great Britain, articles of necessity only excepted, for a year from the following January ; and tea, paper, glass, painters' colors, &c., upon which duties had been imposed, were
1 Mem. of De Berdt, of July 24, 1768; Frances to Choiseul, July 29, 1768 ; Grafton's Autobiog. in Ban- croft, vi. 175.
2 Camden to Grafton, Sept. 4, 1768, in Grafton's Autobiog .; Mauduit to Hutchinson, in Boston Chronicle ; Hillsborough to Bernard, July 30, 1768.
3 Gage to the Commissioners of the Customs, June 21, 1768, in Mems. of Commissioners for July 11, 1768; Bernard to Hillsborough, July 30, 1768; Postscript to Boston News Letter for Oct. 13, 1768; Boston Ga- zette for Oct. 10, 1768.
4 Bernard to Hillsborough, Aug. 6, 1768.
362
DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT.
CHAP. particularly prohibited.1 Nor was the anniversary of the XI. outbreak against the stamp act forgotten. A vast concourse
Aug.14.
1768. of people assembled at Liberty Tree, and, after rejoicing there, a procession of chariots and fifty or sixty chaises proceeded to Roxbury, to an entertainment provided for the occasion. The selectmen of Boston and the representatives of the town formed part of the company ; and the day passed pleasantly and with- out disturbance.2
Aug.19.
Five days later the vote of the legislature, refusing to re- scind the resolutions against importation, reached England ; and Lord Mansfield signalized the warmth of his zeal by pro- posing that the refractory members of the House should be sent for to answer for their disloyal conduct. " Where rebel- lion begins," said he, " the laws cease ; and they can invoke none in their favor." " The Americans," he insisted, "must first be compelled to submit to the authority of Parliament ; and it is only after having reduced them to the most entire obedience that an inquiry can be made into their real or pre tended grievances." 3 In every European court the progress of the struggle was viewed with interest. It was the theme of discussion and gossip in Paris ; at Madrid, the Spanish min- istry were concerned lest their own colonies should " catch the flame."4 The discussion in England agitated all classes. Cam- Sept. 4. den was alarmed " because the colonies were more sober, and, consequently, more determined, in the present opposition than they were upon the stamp act." " What, then, is to be done ?" was the inquiry of Grafton. "Indeed, my lord, I do not know," was the reply. "Parliament cannot repeal the reve-
1 Bernard to Hillsborough, Aug. 9, 1768; Hutchinson to - -, Aug. 10, 1768; Boston News Letter for Aug. 18, 1768.
2 Bernard to Hillsborough, Aug. 29, 1768; Boston Gazette for Aug. 22, 1768; Hutchinson, iii. 201, 202; Ban- croft, vi. 179. The observance this year was on Monday, Aug. 15, and
the toasts drunk were 45 in number. " The joy of the day was manly, and an uninterrupted regularity presided through the whole."
3 Frances to Choiseul, Sept. 16 and 29, 1768, in Bancroft, vi. 182.
4 Walpole's George III. iii. 253 ; Bancroft, vi. 182.
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363
THE SPIRIT OF FREEDOM.
nue act, for that would admit the American principle to be CHAP. right, and their own doctrine erroneous. The law must be XI. executed ; but how it shall be executed I cannot say. Boston 1768. is the ringleading province ; and if any country is to be chas- tised, the punishment should be levelled there." 1
The patriots of Boston had long been admonished of the necessity of vigilance, if they would defeat the schemes which threatened their ruin ; and Samuel Adams, in whom independ- ence was an "original sin,"2 pleaded for it earnestly at all times and in all places. "We will never become slaves," said he. "We will submit to no tax. We will take up arms, and shed our last drop of blood, before the king and the Parlia- ment shall impose on us, or settle crown officers, independent of the colonial legislature, to dragoon us." 3 Nor was Adams the only one in whose breast the fires of liberty were kindling. All of the resolute burned to vindicate their rights which had been trampled upon ; and early in the ensuing month a paper Sept. 5. appeared in the Boston Gazette, in the form of " queries," de- signed to concentrate the action of the people. "If any should be sent to reduce us to slavery," - such was the language it held, -" we will put our lives in our hands, and cry to the Judge of all the earth, who will do right, saying, 'Behold, how they come to cast us out of this province, which thou hast given us. Help us, O Lord our God ; for we rest on thee, and in thy name we go against this multitude." 4
Two days later the Senegal, one of the vessels stationed in Sept. 7. the harbor, weighed her anchor, and left the port ; and on the following day the Duke of Cumberland sailed for Nova Scotia. Sept. 8. Bernard himself gave out that both these vessels had gone for
1 Campbell, v. 279; Camden to Grafton, Sept. 4, 1768, in Grafton's Autobiog. ; Bancroft, vi. 183.
2 T. Hollis to A. Eliot, July 1, 1768, relative to the American people generally. " You are an ungracious people. There is original sin in you.
You are assertors of liberty and the principles of the revolution."
3 Affidavits in the State Paper Of- fice, London, quoted in Bancroft, vi. 193, 194.
4 Clericus Americanus, in Boston Gazette for Sept. 5, 1768.
364
A TOWN MEETING CALLED.
CHAP. troops ; and the intelligence startled the people.1 Immediately XI. a petition was signed for a town meeting, to be held on the
1768. following Monday, "to consider of the most wise, constitu- Sept. 9. tional, loyal, and salutary measures " to be taken in this emer- gency. Already had an officer arrived in Boston to provide Sep. 10. quarters for the troops; and on Beacon Hill, the highest ground in the town, where, from colonial days, it had been customary, when the country was to be alarmed, to kindle a signal fire, the old iron "skillet," of enormous dimensions, which held the barrel of tar, was privately filled, and word was given that it should be lighted when the fleet appeared in sight.2 The governor, in a panic, ordered the barrel to be removed ; and the selectmen communicated his request to the Sep. 12. town meeting, but no action was taken upon it. The Council, therefore, advised the governor to direct the sheriff to remove the barrel ; and, taking with him a posse of six or seven men, he executed his order stealthily, while the people were at dinner.3
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