USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, the provincial period. 1692-1775 v. II > Part 25
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418
3 Trumbull MSS. ii. 15; Letter of Earl of Egremont of Oct. 19, 1761,
announcing the resignation of Pitt; Review of Pitt's Administration, 143; Grenville Corresp. i. 391, 409; Wal- pole's George III. i. 80.
4 Burke's Works, i. 358; Bancroft, iv. 387.
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268
OPPOSITION TO THE GOVERNOR.
CHAP. of a most imperious servant, and the country of a most dar IX. gerous minister."1 But there were not wanting those wh 1761. viewed his withdrawal in a different light. The nation wa " thunderstruck, alarmed, and indignant ;" the people o America, who almost idolized him, heard of his resignation wit the deepest regret ; and the changes which followed hastene the period of conflict with the crown.
Not immediately did the storm burst, though the clouds wer gathering and the winds were rising. In this brief interva Otis again entered the field as the champion of the people Sep. 15. and, resenting a stretch of authority in the governor, who ha presumed to interfere with the rights of the House, by recon mending provisions for the continuance of pay to the crews o the vessels employed for the protection of the province, h drew up a remonstrance, condemning his conduct as takin from the House "their most darling privilege, the right o originating all taxes," and as "annihilating," at a blow, "or branch of the legislature." 2 In such cases, he urged, it woul be of little consequence to the people "whether they weil subject to George or Louis, the King of Great Britain or th King of France, if both were arbitrary, as both would be they could levy taxes without Parliament."
This remonstrance was sent to the governor, but was r turned the same day in a private letter to the speaker, wi the advice that he should recommend to the House not to ent it upon their records without expunging from it that passag in which " the king's name was used with a freedom which w: not decent." Otis resisted this proposal, but at length e pressed his willingness so far to modify his language as insert the saving clause, "with all due reverence to his maje ty's sacred person and government ; " but the friends of tl governor cried, "Erase them! erase them!" and they we: ordered to be expunged. Otis defended his course in a par
1 D)oddington's Diary ; N. A. Rev. for Oct. 1842 ; Bancroft, iv. 412.
2 Hutchinson, iii. 97.
269
OTIS'S SPEECH AT THE CLOSE OF THE WAR.
phlet which he published at the close of the session, and the CHAP. character of the governor was attacked in the newspapers.1 IX.
The controversy upon the currency was of minor impor- 1761. tance, though it called forth again the energies of Otis. A bill was reported, and passed in the House, making gold a legal tender in the payment of debts. The council non-concurred. A conference ensued ; and, after the subject had been fully dis- cussed, the House persisted in adhering to their determination, and the Council, as firm, refused to sanction the bill. Yet it passed at a subsequent date ; and gold, as well as silver, was made a lawful tender.2
The speech of Mr. Otis at the conclusion of the French war, 1763. and upon the reception of the news that peace had been pro- claimed, may be considered as expressing the views of Massa- chusetts at that time. " We in America," said he, " have cer- tainly abundant reasons to rejoice. The heathen are not only driven out, but the Canadians, much more formidable enemies, are conquered, and become fellow-subjects. The British do- minion and power may now be said, literally, to extend from sea to sea, and from the great river to the ends of the earth. And we may safely conclude, from his majesty's wise adminis- tration hitherto, that liberty and knowledge, civil and religious, will be coextended, improved, and preserved to the latest poster- ity. No other constitution of civil government has yet appeared . in the world so admirably adapted to these great purposes as that of Great Britain. Every British subject in America is, of common right, by acts of Parliament, and by the laws of God and nature, entitled to all the essential privileges of Britons. By particular charters there are peculiar privileges granted, as in justice they might and ought, in consideration of the arduous undertaking to begin so glorious an empire as
1 Otis's Vindication, 15. Hutchin- Evening Post for Dec. 14, 1761 ; Con- siderations on Lowering the Value of Gold Coins ; Hutchinson, iii. 98-100; Minot, ii. 102-106.
son, iii. 97, 98, alters the language, and with it the sense.
2 Hutchinson's Corresp. ii. ; Boston
प्रां.
270
LOYALTY OF THE COLONISTS.
CHAP. British America is rising to. These jealousies, that some weak IX. and wicked minds have endeavored to infuse with regard to 1763. the colonies, had their birth in the blackness of darkness ; and. it is great pity they had not remained there forever. The true interests of Great Britain and her plantations are mutual and what God in his providence has united let no man dare attempt to pull asunder." 1
These words, which came from his heart, met with a re sponse as cordial as it was sincere. The loyalty of the colo nists at this date stands unimpeached ; and, doubtless, their union with the mother country might have continued much longer, had it not been for the misconduct of the counsellor: of the king. Upon them must rest the responsibility of the measures which followed, and not upon the people of the thir teen colonies.
1 Hutchinson, iii. 101, 102.
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CHAPTER X.
BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE. THE STAMP ACT.
THE peace of Paris was as joyously welcomed in America as CHAP. in England. The seven years' war, which had convulsed the X. civilized world, had terminated in favor of the rivals of France, 1763. and the bounds of the Gallican empire in the west had been Feb. 7. largely restricted. Freed from fears of aggressions from the north, and at peace with the Indians by a judicious policy, the inhabitants of New England and of the other British colonies cherished the hope that a brighter day was about to dawn, and that an unbounded career of happiness was before them. But, though loyal addresses were forwarded to the king, and public testimonials of gratitude were offered, the people were destined quite early to learn that the very successes which had attended the English arms were ominous of evil to them, and that the policy which the statesmen of England had long been maturing was to be more fully developed, and applied with a rigorous- . ness far exceeding any former oppressions. It was unfortunate for England that the men who at this time managed her politi- cal affairs were lacking in the wisdom, and eschewed the mod- deration, which could alone secure to her the benefit of her triumphs. Ignorant of the geography of the country and of the character of its residents, few were familiar with the history of America, and none fully sympathized with, or even comprehend- ed, the opinions which prevailed here. Looking at politics from a different standpoint, the statesmen of the new world, versed in the principles of natural law, demanded, not as a favor, but as a matter of justice, equality with their fellow-subjects, and
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272
STATISTICS OF THE PROVINCE.
CHAP. exemption from special and unequal legislation. Had a little X. more deference been paid to these claims, or had the ministers 1763. of the king consented to listen to the statements of grievances sent from these shores, the struggle which issued in the inde- pendence of America might, perhaps, have been deferred for a season ; for it was not until they were forced to resistance that the American people renounced their allegiance to England, and declared themselves entitled to the benefits of self-govern- ment.1
At this period of our history, when a new scene is about opening, it may be proper to pause for a moment, and glance at the condition and prospects of the province. Massachusetts, in 1763, contained a population of two hundred and forty-five thousand white persons, and five thousand blacks.2 There were thirteen counties and two hundred and forty towns within its limits, including the Province of Maine. The commerce of the country employed at least six hundred vessels, chiefly owned in Boston and Salem and a few other seaboard towns, which were engaged in the fisheries, and in voyages to all parts of the civilized world.3 Domestic manufactures, in some depart- ments, were vigorously prosecuted ; in others their progress had been comparatively trifling. It was never the policy of the English government to encourage industry in the colonies ; and what was accomplished was accomplished in secret, and by stealth, as it were. But it was difficult to repress the energies
1 " The colonists," writes Otis in 1764, " know the blood and treasure independence would cost. They will never think of it till driven to it, as the last, fatal resort against ministe- rial oppression, which will make the wisest mad and the weakest strong. The world is at the eve of the highest scene of earthly power and grandeur that has ever yet been displayed to the view of mankind. Who will win the prize is with God. But human nature must and will be rescued from the general slavery that has so long triumphed over the species."
2 1 M. H. Coll. iv. 198; 2 M. H. Coll. ii. 95; Holmes's Am. Ann. ii. 118; Bradford, i. 41; Grahame, ii. 38. An order was passed by the le- gislature of Great Britain requiring a census to be taken of the inhabitants of the colonies; but the legislature of Massachusetts, suspicious of the object of this order, delayed complying with it ; and when a census was taken, the task was negligently executed. Mass. Rec's ; Journal H. of R.
3 Bradford, i. 11, 41.
273
1
DOMESTIC INDUSTRY.
of the people ; and, however stringent the legislation which CHAP. rebuked their activity, they had gone on developing their re-
X. sources, and rendering available, at least for domestic purposes, 1763. the produce of their fields and the increase of their flocks. Wool was a staple of New as of Old England ; the spinning wheel and the loom were found in nearly every dwelling ; and the wives and daughters of the farmers of Massachusetts prided themselves upon the fabrics which their own industry created, and were comfortably clad in garments wrought by their own hands, without being compelled to depend upon foreign sup- plies.1 The extent to which these branches were carried it is impossible to determine, for the statistics are wanting upon which to base a reliable judgment. It can hardly be supposed that the imports of the province supplied in full all demands ; and, as the inhabitants of New England were noted for their thrift, it may be safely computed that the products of their own toil exceeded in value the aggregate of their imports ; so that the balance of trade, though apparently against them, was actually in their favor. Owing to these circumstances, the wealth of the country had rapidly increased ; and upon their ability to sustain additional draughts upon their resources was based the plea for taxing the colonies for the benefit of the rown. But to such taxation they were reluctant to submit, and the attempt to enforce it was steadily resisted.
The institutions of learning, founded by the wisdom of the rst settlers, had advanced with the general advancement of ociety ; and the basis upon which they were established was ifficiently liberal to accommodate the different opinions which
' The style of living in Boston had mewhat improved, and the dwell- gs of merchants of the wealthiest iss were sumptuously furnished. hus, John Adams, writing in 1766, vs, " Thursday. Dined at Mr. Nich. ylston's, with the two Mr. Boyl- ons, two Mr. Smiths, Mr. Hallowell, d their ladies -- an elegant dinner leed ! Went over the house to VOL. II. 18
view the furniture, which alone cost a thousand pounds sterling. A seat it is for a nobleman, a prince. The Tur- key carpets, the painted hangings, the marble tables, the rich beds with crim- son damask curtains and counterpanes, the beautiful chimney clock, the spa- cious garden, are the most magnifi- cent of any thing I have ever seen." Diary, in Works, ii. 179.
274
INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS.
CHAP. prevailed. A controversy had arisen relative to Harvard Col- X. lege ; but the struggle terminated in favor of the opinions 1763. advocated by such men as Mayhew and Chauncy.1 The Puri- tan clergy, indeed, had lost little of their reverence for the creed of Geneva, and were disposed to exert their utmost power for the propagation of Christianity as they understood it. Their piety retained traces of its original asceticism ; and, naturally conservative, it was with forebodings of evil that they witnessed the prevalence of more liberal views. The; encroachments of episcopal power, viewed always with jeal- ousy, awakened a controversy of remarkable virulence ; both parties, in their eagerness to defend their own side of the ques- tion, transgressed the bounds of equitable moderation ; and. mutual recriminations and reproaches ensued.2 Yet the genial spirit which the diffusion of knowledge usually awakens was fast wearing away the sharper angles of the Puritan creed, and. smoothing the austerity of the Puritan manners ; so that, before the opening of the war of the revolution, Unitarian views hac. become somewhat prevalent, and Murray had advocated the doctrines of free grace. The religious element, ever prominen in the New England character, had lost little of its vigor and, though forms of faith had been essentially modified, the progress of society in spiritual affairs had kept pace with it social and intellectual progress. The press, the great engin of civilization, which one of the journals of the day proudly appealed to as "the test of truth, the bulwark of public safety and the guardian of freedom,"3 was permanently established and the publishing houses of Boston, though by no means nu merous, were extensively engaged in diffusing the production. of native and foreign authors.4 But few newspapers wer!
1 Quincy's Hist. H. Coll. A por- tion of the college buildings at Cam- bridge were destroyed by fire on the night of the 24th of January, 1764. Mass. Gaz. for Feb. 2, 1764; Mass. Rec's ; Journal H. of R .; Quincy's Hist. ; Pierce's Hist.
2 Minot, ii .; Grahame, ii. 350, 35 Connecticut Commercial Gazett 3 for Nov. 1, 1765, the day on whic, the stamp act was to go into effect. 4 See Thomas's Hist. of Printin; Buckingham's Reminiscences, Drake Boston, &c.
275
FACILITIES OF COMMUNICATION.
issued in Massachusetts, and the number in New England was CHAP. not very large.1 There are no definite statistics of the number X. of volumes annually printed ; but several editions of popular 1763. works were circulated ; and the people of the province, always a reading people, were deeply interested in every thing relating to politics or religion. The speeches of Otis, and the ad- dresses of the General Court, were sent out into every town ; and the writings of Chauncy, of Mayhew, and of Edwards were scattered in every village, and read in every house.
Upon the Sabbath, which was consecrated to the worship of God, the churches of New England, full five hundred and thirty in number,2 were thronged with worshippers ; for few staid at home who were able to attend. The clergy, whose interest in political affairs had ever been great, discussed from their pulpits topics of public concern ; on all occasions where a 'word fitly spoken " might give tone to the sentiments of the people, they were prompt to offer their counsel ; and no men, probably, did more than they to carry on successfully the work of the revolution. 3
The facilities of communication had also been enlarged ; and ntelligence of stirring events was rapidly disseminated through he medium of " posts," which travelled regularly from Boston o other towns. The interests of different parts of the country vere not fully identified ; but the interchange of opinion was vearing away ancient prejudices ; a community of wants and a ommunity of sufferings were assimilating their feelings ; and he consciousness that bickerings and dissensions would but lienate and distract inclined many to hope for a more perfect nion. The spirit of former days - that spirit of freedom, and f loyalty to liberty, which the tyranny of England had been nable to crush - was reviving. "Liberty " was the watch- ord in every one's mouth. And the energy it imparts to a
1 See Thomas's Hist. of Printing ; uckingham's Reminiscences, the ass. Hist. Colls.
2 Holmes, Grahame, Hildreth.
3 Holmes, Am. Ann. ii. ; Grahame, ii. 341, 342.
276
REVIVAL OF THE PROJECT TO TAX AMERICA.
CHAP. nation's genius had inspired the gifted to advocate its claims. X. If, in some places, there were those who inclined to moder- 1763. ate counsels, and if the supporters of the prerogative encour- aged compliance with the demands of the crown,1 the people at large, though loyal, were jealous of invasions of their char- ter and its privileges ; discussed with great freedom the pro- jects of the ministry ; and expressed with much fearlessness their dissent from measures conceived to be an encroachment upon their natural rights.
The first step which awakened opposition was the revival of the project for raising a revenue from the colonies, to be dis- posed of by the ministry at the pleasure of the king. The debt of the English government, at the close of the war. amounted in the aggregate to one hundred and forty millions of pounds sterling, of which seventy millions were borrowed. For relief from the burden of this debt, of which all classes complained, especially the landholders, who were most deeply affected by it, it was authoritatively announced that it was " just and necessary that a revenue be raised in his majesty's, dominions in America for defraying the expenses of defending protecting, and securing the same." 3 How this was to be ac complished will appear hereafter ; but the first charge upor this revenue, partly effected at this time, and favored by Gov ernor Bernard in his later letters,4 was to be the civil list, b: which all officers, both executive and judicial, to be independ ent of the provincial legislatures, were to be appointed by th king ; and the next charge was to be the support of an arm; of twenty regiments, or ten thousand men, who were to be kep
1 The following passage from a let- ter of Hutchinson to Bollan, dated November 15, 1762, in MS. Corresp. vol. ii., shows his views. " A governor in the plantations," says he, " must support those who are friendly to gov- ernment, or they cannot long support themselves against their enemies. He
[Governor Bernard] is in some mea: ure convinced that this is true, and hope will be more so." 12 Walpole's George III. i. 388 Macaulay's England, iii. ; Bradford, 11.
3 Grahame, ii. 370 ; Bancroft, v. 3.
4 Bancroft, v. 148, 149, notes.
277
TOWNSHEND'S SCHEME.
up as a peace establishment, nominally for the defence of the CHAP. country, but in reality to enforce the king's instructions.1 X. 1763.
That measures so radical, revolutionizing the government of the colonies, sweeping away their charters, and asserting the unlimited authority of Parliament, should have awakened the most serious apprehensions, will be surprising to no one ac- quainted with the spirit of the people. New York openly remonstrated ; and Massachusetts, unwearied in her opposition to tyranny, bitterly inveighed against the blindness which had seized upon the advisers of the king.2
Early in March, Charles Townshend, who, at the instance of Mar. 19. Bute and with the concurrence of the king, had taken the place Feb. 23. of Lord Sandys at the head of the Board of Trade,3 and who was distinguished for his impetuous temper, and for his dispo- sition to make "thorough work of it with the colonies," brought forward in the House of Commons the scheme, agreed upon by the committee of which he was a member, for raising a revenue rom the plantations by Parliament. By this scheme, the duty of six per cent., formerly levied on molasses imported from the Spanish colonies and the West Indies, was to be reduced to wo per cent. ; but the bill which was reported failed to pass.4
1 Mauduit's Lett. to the Speaker 613, 617, 622, 623, 630, 633, 665, it f the H. of R., March 12, 1763 ; Commons Journal, xxv. 506; Gra- ame, ii. 367; Bancroft, v. 83-88, otes. To the establishment of an rmy in the colonies it was objected, lat such an army was unnecessary even to preserve the obedience of ar English subjects to the crown of reat Britain ; " and that, if it was de- gned to secure the new possessions, le " original colonies should not be xed for the same." The Necessity Repealing the Stamp Act demon- rated, pp. 12, 13.
2 Bancroft, v. 84.
3 Mauduit's Lett. to Sec. Oliver, arch 12, 1763.
4 Mauduit's Lett. to Oliver, March , 1763. From the Commons Jour- 1, xxix. 597, 599, 603, 606, 609,
appears that, March 19, 1763, resolves were presented by Alderman Dickin- son, extending the acts of 6, 11, 19, 26, 29, and 31 Geo. II., and 1 Geo. III., " for the better securing and en- couraging the trade to his majesty's sugar colonies in America," to Sep- tember 29, 1764, and thence to the end of the next session of Parliament ; also extending to May 25, 1770, the acts of 21 and 28 Geo. II., for en- couraging the making of indigo in the British plantations in America ; and bills were ordered to be brought in in accordance with these resolves. The bill for the latter purpose was pre- sented by the same gentleman March 21, and ordered to a second reading. On the 23d it was read a second time, and referred to a committee of the
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278
CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY.
CHAP. Grenville, not behind Townshend in his zeal to promote the X. maritime greatness of England, contemplated an addition to!
1763. this scheme ; and before the end of the month leave was grant- Mar.24. ed to bring in a bill " for the further improvement of his majes- ty's revenue of the customs," which provided that all officers of British ships of war stationed upon the American coast should act as officers of the customs, and receive a share of the cargoes confiscated for violation of the revenue laws. This bil. Mar. 30. was read the second time in the following week, and referred Apr. 12. to a committee of the whole ; and in the ensuing month it was to Apr. 18. passed by the House, agreed to by the Lords, and approved by the king.1
Before any thing definite was effected, however, a change took place in the ministry ; and, after some difficulty, a new April 8. cabinet was formed. George Grenville took the place of But at the head of the treasury and the exchequer ; the Earl of Egremont and Lord Halifax became the two secretaries of state ; and Charles Jenkinson, the able and indefatigable sec retary of Bute, was retained under Grenville as principal sec retary of the treasury.2
But the new ministry, styled by some "the Athanasian ad ministration," and laughed at by the people as a "sort of Cerberus," a " three-headed monster, quieted by being gorge with patronage and office," 3 found itself powerless to rule the storm which lowered in the horizon. The chief minister, in
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whole, to be considered the next day. On the 30th the bill was ordered to be engrossed, and in the following month, April 12 to 19, it was approved by the Lords and the king. On March 24 the supply bill, covering the mat- ters referred to in the first resolve, was reported by Alderman Dickinson, and read the first time. On the 28th, it was resolved to go into committee of the whole on Wednesday to consider this bill ; and on the 30th it was post- poned.
1 Commons Journal, xxix. 609,
623, 629, 630, 633, 665; Minot, i 138; Bancroft, v. 88. 2 Grenville Corresp. ii. 32-41
Walpole's George III. i. 271 ; Aikin® Anns. of George III. i. 28; Lor Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 25-29 ; Bar croft, v. 96-102. Jenkinson after wards rose to be Earl of Liverpoo and his son to be prime minister o England. Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 21 3 Wilkes to Earl Temple, in Grer ville Corresp. ii. 81. Lord Mahor Hist. Eng. v. 34, characterizes Grei ville as " an excellent speaker spoiled.
279
ADVICE OF THE LORDS OF TRADE.
deed, still pushed forward his favorite plans ; yet in justice to CHAP. him it should be said that it does not appear, from contempo- X. rary records, that he entered upon them with sinister inten- 1763. tions, but advocated the taxation of the colonies as a measure of justice, indispensable to the welfare and prosperity of Eng- land.1 In the person of Richard Jackson, his private secretary as chancellor of the exchequer, he possessed an able adviser, distinguished for his frankness, uprightness, and fidelity, and perfectly acquainted with American affairs. Had Grenville consented to listen to his remonstrances against the proposed measures, doubts of their expediency might, perhaps, have been raised in his mind ; but, relying on his own judgment, and fol- lowing its promptings, he became the more resolute the more obstacles he encountered.2
In the following month the advice of the lords of trade was May 5. asked concerning American affairs, the "principal object of consideration " with the ministry. The questions proposed to those lords were, I. What new governments shall be estab- lished, what forms shall be adopted for them, and where shall the residence of the governors be fixed ? II. What military establishments will be requisite, what new forts shall be erect- ed, and what old forts shall be demolished ? And, III. "In what mode, least burdensome and most palatable to the colo- nies, can they contribute towards the support of the additional expense which must attend this civil and military establish- ment ?" 3 The Earl of Shelburne, who was at the head of the Board of Trade, and who was an Irish as well as an English peer, was naturally inclined to limit the authority of Parlia- ment over the outlying dominions of the crown, and in his answer declined to implicate himself in the plans for taxing America.4 But the Earl of Egremont was not to be shaken in his purpose ; nor was Grenville intimidated. Both of these
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