History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc, Part 14

Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson
Number of Pages: 1344

USA > Maryland > Baltimore County > Baltimore City > History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc > Part 14

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Mr. Wallis, in his testimony, described how the Tenth Ward polls were taken pos- session of by "Know Nothing" rioters, who assaulted Democratic voters with bricks and firearms, holding the place and permit- ting access only to those whom it was their pleasure to allow to vote.

Mr. Charles D. Hinks described Gregory Barrett in action, drawing his pistol and firing it five times. When he was tired of

toying with the pistol he called for rifles, raving and swearing that he would take the blood of Reformers. It did not appear that the rifles were produced or that Gregory killed any one. A man named McGonni- gan, a curious name for a native American, who was one of the "Rip Raps," swore that no Reformer should vote unless he was dead, and the suffrage was exercised over his body.

The old practice of "cooping" seemed to have been restored; indeed it is doubtful if that well recognized and methodized plan of campaign procedure knew an interrup- tion up to this period. John Justus Ritzus related how he and several others were conducted by a mysterious winding from one house to another until they were led into a dark room and kept there a few min- utes; how several persons were cruelly beaten when discovered making an effort to escape; how they were searched and articles on their persons taken from them; how they were pushed and tumbled down into the cellar and found themselves in a dark hole full of men with one solitary can- dle; how they were kept cooped and finally separated into parties of threes and fours, given the American ticket and led up to the polls and compelled to vote it. Ritzus had a varied experience; he voted sixteen times. He changed his clothing seven times with other cooped individuals. The captain changed clothes with them. They were driven around in omnibuses packed full and voted ad libitum. Specific cases of cruelty were given. Crab Ashby was said to have set fire to the beard of an old German by the use of a lighted candle, burning the beard entirely off the poor man's face.

CHAPTER VI.

EVENTS FROM 1860 TO 1866 ; OR, THE WAR AND ITS TRAIL.

In the succeeding pages events of thrill- ing interest will be narrated. A nation in the throes of war presents the highest op- portunity for its people to exhibit the love- liness of virtue and the abomination of vice; the elevation of a lofty spirit of patriotism and the degeneracy of national character.

The United States, in its great conflict, escaped as a people the loss of prestige; it came out of the struggle purified and healthier for the conflict. The succeeding pages invite attention not to the way in which men fought but spoke. In the ad- dresses will be perceived the feelings that prevailed at the all critical hour when the fate of the Union lay trembling in the bal- ance.

This chapter includes the aftermath of the war properly characterized, in the rec- ord of the years 1865 to '66.

1860.

The Legislature which assembled this year was Democratic and several measures presented by the Reform committee were enacted into laws. Among them were the police law, the election law and the jury law.

A movement was early made in the House of Delegates to expell the delegation from Baltimore. They were Charles C. Krafft, Thomas Booze, Robert L. Seth, George R. Berry, P. C. Crowley, Robert A. McAlister, Thomas M. Smith, Robert Tur- ner and Marcus Dennison. These gentle- men made a vigorous defense of their rights

to seats and it was not until the last day of the session that they were declared vacant.

The police bill resulted in changing the personell of the force. George P. Kane was made marshal instead of Marshal Her- ring, and it was speedily transformed into an organization whose sympathies were Dem- ocratic.

Mayor Swann, on the passage of the sev- eral reform bills, disputed their legality and was vested by the Council with authority to test the constitutionality of the police bill. The commissioners of police named in the bill Charles Howard, William H. Gatchell, Charles D. Hinks and John W. Davis, after subscribing to their oath of office, applied to Judge Robert North Mar- tin, of the Superior Court, one of the most learned and impartial jurists of his time, for a mandamus to compell the surrender of the station houses and their equipments. Judge Martin upheld the constitutionality of the act, which was affirmed by the Court of Appeals.

At a mass meeting of the Union party held in Carroll Hall, Tuesday, April 13th, William Price said: "Henry Clay gave the assurance that a time was coming when a Union party would be organized to op- pose a corrupt and profligate administra- tion. It is fit and appropriate that on this day such a party should assemble; for it is the day on which the eye of that great man first saw the light of heaven and his

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prophetic vision predicted the coming of this hour."

John P. Kennedy: "It is the birth- day of Henry Clay; it is well to begin work on the fairest day of the vernal season. The effulgent rays of the sun had gilded the horizon in the early hour of the morning and would set in glory. A fit emblem of the man who was born on that day. It was a fortunate omen to meet on such a day and rally around the Constitution and express their veneration for that sacred document. But three or four months had passed since the whole land was in agita- tion, when men talked of a dissolution of the Union, and even the gloom of that mo- ment had not yet passed off into unclouded happiness. Men still had a feeling of mis- trust for each other."

J. Morrison Harris: "A period in the history of our country had arrived when men must look around them. As the mari- ner who goes to sea in fair weather and suddenly finds a storm raging around him, and prepares to meet it, just so it has been with this American people. The great ship of State has been hitherto sailing in safety, but fanaticism, foul and black, has raised a storm which it could alone engender, and this noble ship of State is sailing in a sea of agitation, and it behooves the people, the great American people, to say, peace, peace be still."

In the evening a meeting was held in Monument Square, at which Robert W. Thompson, of Indiana, spoke. He said: “I would rather be stricken dead than cast a vote for any man who would dare to assail the Union."

Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina: "The Democratic party could not save the

Union. They could not spare the time to save the spoils. They say the only way to save the Union is to join the Democratic party. I would sooner have the biggest awl in Baltimore run in me than do such a thing. How is it that the only party that can save the Union is the one always talk- ing about dissolving it?"

Horace Maynard: "Persons talk of dis- solving the Union-of a peaceable dissolu- tion of it. The thing is impossible-the overthrowers would be crushed out in the attempt."

Thomas Swann: "I am not one of those who believe this Union will be dissolved. I do not think it is in the power of politi- cians to effect such an end. Our existence as a nation is not to be counted by days, but I trust by centuries."

Wednesday, May 9th, the National Con- stitutional Union Convention met in Balti- more at the Presbyterian Church, Fayette and North streets. The platform adopted recognized no political principles other than "The Constitution of the Country," "The Union of the States" and "The Enforce- ment of the Laws." The convention pledg- ing itself "to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unitedly, those great princi- ples of public liberty and national safety against all enemies at home and abroad; be- lieving that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the just rights of the people and of the States re-estab- lished and the Government again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity and equality which, under the example and con- stitution of our fathers has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to main- tain "a more perfect Union, established jus- tice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for

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the common defense, promote the general welfare and secure the blessing of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."

A more thoroughly patriotic convention never assembled. It consisted of delegates of national reputations. The oratory was of a high order and abounded in love for the Union. Excellent speeches were made by Mr. Girard, of New York; William L. Shar- key, of Mississippi; Andrew Jackson Don- aldson, of Tennessee; Washington Hunt, of New York; the president of the conven- tion, Mr. Bowie, of Maryland; Mr. Inger- soll, of Pennsylvania; Mr. Hilliard, of Mas- sachusetts; Governor Brown, of Tennessee; Mr. Watson, of Mississippi; Hill, of Georgia; Thompson, of Indiana, and Mr. Henry, of Tennessee, the last named a grandson of Patrick Henry, who proved to have inherited the fire and eloquence of his ancestor. The following extract is from his speech: "I cannot fight under any banner upon the earth than that which looks to the glory, the honor, and perpetuity of our glorious country as one whole country. The revolutionary blood that beats and throbs in my veins would prevent me from bearing aloft any other banner. There is a cry that comes to me from the battlefields of the Revolution. It comes! It is ringing in my ears! It is in the air that is around me! It comes from the bloody field of Guilford! It is the cry of my father's blood that appeals to me from the ground; the blood that was shed upon the field of Guil- ford-to be true to the Union. I intend to obey that voice and respond to that senti- ment."

Mr. Henry showed himself to possess a keen sense of the humorous as the follow- ing extract will prove: "The other day I

saw some of the delegates returning from Charleston, and I declare to you that I never saw a more broken down and des- ponding set. They were tired, sleepy and disheartened, and I may say without any figure of speech, they were 'unwashed.' I said to them: 'Gentlemen, what upon the earth is the matter with you now? What has happened to you ?' 'Oh,' says one man, 'Our National Democracy is broken up, and the lamentations of the whole world, I reckon, will attend it.' 'Oh, yes,' said I, 'I shed oceans of tears over the result.' They looked to me like the broken columns of Napoleon's army when they returned dis- comfitted from Moscow.'"

He closed his speech with this perora- tion: "When I came to this beautiful city, I went to visit the Washington Monument. I was not satisfied to stand upon the ground and look upon his form up in the clouds, but I went up two hundred and fifty steps until I got as near as I could to George Washington himself. I wanted to get close up to him-I wanted to reillume my fires of patriotism from his glorious countenance and beaming eye-and I thought when I saw him standing there with that paper in his hand, that it was his farewell address to the American people, and I thought I heard the marble lips say to me: "Do all you can here in Baltimore to save the Union."

"I thought I saw the inspiration every- where upon his countenance-whether upon canvas or in marble-whether upon the sideboard of the common tavern, or in the creations of Stuart; I thought I saw upon his countenance an approving smile that seemed to sanctify our deed and hallow our enterprise. I heard as distinctly as I ever heard any word uttered, "Frown down all

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attempts to sever the Union and to break the cords that bind us together as one peo- ple." This is the glorious mission you are called upon to discharge; this is the glorious undertaking that has brought us here. Our cause is right; our cause is just, and in the language of one of Mary- land's best and most glorious patriots, now dead, upon whose grave the tears of a na- tion have been shed-he who, from his pri- son ship upon your own waters saw the enemy, and looked forth anxiously to see if the flag of the Union still floated from the battlements of your fort-in his language I will say:

"Conquer we must, for our cause it is just, And this is our motto, in God is our trust."

The convention nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Ev- erett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. In the evening of the day of their nomina- tions, a ratification meeting was held in Monument Square. A large platform had been erected, on which were patriotic dev- ices and at each end portraits of Clay and Washington. The center of the stand was adorned with an arch on which was mounted the coat of arms of the several States. In the center of the arch was a representation of the American Eagle; flags waved round it, while the Goddess of Lib- erty crowned the arch surrounded by a halo of glory.

The square was crowded by a mass of human beings, many of whom could not ap- proach within hearing distance of the stand. Senator Anthony Kennedy presided. Henry Fuller, of Pennsylvania; Robert W. Thomp- son, of Indiana; Baillie Payton, of Tennes- see; Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina; Johnson, of Virginia; Suitzter, of Missouri;

Ridgway, of the Richmond Whig, and Gar- net, of Virginia, in succession entertained the audience nearest them. The Presby- terian Church received the overflow to the extent of its capacity. Thomas Swann pre- sided, and introduced Andrew Jackson Donaldson, of Tennessee. "He had no doubt that the people of the United States would be perfectly satisfied with the nomi- nations and would rally round their stand- ard with glad enthusiasm and in such a manner as to spread terror in the ranks of those whose chief aim was to dissolve the Union. He was sure if Gen. Jackson were alive he would rebuke the spirit of faction and again declare that "the Union it must be preserved." For thirty years he had lived with the sage of the hermitage, a purer patriot or a more thoroughly hon- est man never lived. He should ever feel grateful to Maryland and to Baltimore for the support they gave to Fillmore and Don- aldson in 1856." Parson Brownlow and Mr. Kendrick, both of Tennessee, closed the speaking. In the church it was Ten- nessee's evening, as all the orators were from that State.

The Democratic nominating conven- tion at Charleston had adjourned to meet in Baltimore June 18th. It re-assembled at the Front Street Theatre. At II o'clock Caleb Cushing appeared on the platform at the hour for the meeting and thirty min- utes later called the convention to order. The States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas and Texas were not called. They had seceded at Charleston. The question that perplexed the convention was the ad- mission to their seats of other representa- tives. It was claimed by several members

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that those who left could return and by oth- ers that right was strenuously denied. It was proposed that no delegates could be seated who would not pledge himself to abide by the action of the convention. A debate lasting six hours was conducted with acrimony. Excitement within and without the convention was at fever heat; madness ruled the hour ; dispassionate judg- ment took its flight; those whom the Gods would destroy were violently mad. Slavery in the Southern States received its vital wound in Baltimore. At night excited men had possession of the pavements; they filled the hotel corridors and stood on the cor- ners of the streets and discussed and quar- relled. Cabals were in session and intrigues darkened counsel and confounded wisdom. Two sets of meetings were addressed by Democratic speakers, who were as rad- ically apart as the gold fields of Alaska are from the tea gardens of China.

The next morning the contesting dele- gations were referred to the Credentials Committee. The committee divided and on the fourth day of the session two differing reports were made to the convention. The majority was favorable to the seating of the Douglas delegates in the place of the seceders from Louisiana and Alabama, and of individual delegates from other States. The minority warned against such admis- sions and a quarrel instead of a discussion ensued. The bone of contention was shown to be the greed of slavery to obtain the van- tage ground and to hold it. Fierce speeches of great vehemence were made by its advo- cates. One of the delegates from Texas was a dealer in slaves and thus expressed his belief: "Slavery has done more to advance the prosperity and intelligence of the white

race, and the human race, than all else to- gether. I believe it founded upon the law of nature and upon the law of God." He gloried in being a slave dealer and thought he should "live to see the day when the doctrine" he "advocated would be the doc- trine of Massachusetts and the North." He was mistaken, as yet the roll of Georgia slaves has not been called by Mr. Toombs beneath the shadow of Bunker Hill Monu- ment.

On the 22d the majority report was adopted and the seats of the seceders were occupied by Douglas men. Virginia, rep- resented by thirty-seven delegates, with- drew. North Carolina, California and Ore- gon united with the Mother of States. Ken- tucky and Tennessee had not deliberately lost their heads and waited a while longer in retirement before doing so, consulting what course was most expedient. Scattered members from the Maryland and Missouri delegations were ready to join the bolters and finally accomplished that feat. The scene was dramatic and far more of a his- torical portraiture than it has thus far been represented. No scene in that theatre was ever half so tragic. Said Mr. Smith, of Cali- fornia, when on the eve of leave taking: "This convention has properly been held in a theatre, and upon that stage a play has been enacted this evening that will prove a tragedy of which the Democratic party will be the victim." The convention adjourned for the day; but night witnessed the con- tinued commotion which its proceedings had provoked. Under the gas lamps per- spiring men raised the tumult of their voices in a storm of discussion.

The next morning an explosion that shook the nation was heard when the con-

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vention was called together; the chairman, Caleb Cushing, and others from Massachu- setts seceded. Benjamin F. Butler was of the number; he excused them for their con- duct by saying: "We put our withdrawal before you upon the simple ground, among others, that there has been a withdrawal, in part, of a majority of the States; and fur- ther (and that perhaps more personal to my- self) upon the ground that I will not sit in a convention where the African slave trade -which is piracy by the laws of my coun- try-is approvingly advocated." Those ut- terances produced a sensation far different in character from the radical sentiments that at that time had been expressed.

David Todd, of Ohio, took the chair. Quite a sprinkling of Southern delegates who were in favor of Mr. Douglas' doc- trine of non-intervention and popular sov- ereignty remained. Several of them made speeches in which devotion to slavery rather than to the Union was predominant.

Of the one hundred and ninety-four and one-half votes cast on the second ballot for a Presidential nominee, Stephen A. Douglas received one hundred and eighty-one and a half. On motion of Mr. Hoge, of Vir- ginia, he was declared the unanimous nomi- nee. The convention and the galleries frantically yelled, shouted and cheered. The band struck up "Hail to the Chief;" for a long while the shouting continued. It greeted a politically dead gladiator who lay lifeless in the Coliseum at the feet of the Lion of Secession.

Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, amid shouts of approval, was nominated for the Vice-Presidency. In two days' time he re- tired from the ticket. Herschel V. John- son, of Georgia, was substituted in his stead.

Was it an omen of the fearful overthrow awaiting the Democratic party, when from the centre of the floor one hundred and fifty delegates sunk below? The Creden- tials Committee had made its report when that event happened. The floor fell three feet and threw the settees and those on them into one wedged mass; they extricated themselves and fled.

Let us peep into the Maryland Institute and see what is going on there. Another chapter in convention history is being prepared. Two preluding chapters they may be called of a volume of subsequent ones which were written in pages of blood.

The delegations from Louisiana and Ala- bama, which were refused admission to the Douglas Convention, and the seceding dele- gates from that body, began their sessions Saturday, the 23d of June. The roll call was answered by New York, Vermont, Vir- ginia, North Carolina, Maryland, Georgia, California, Oregon, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Missouri, Texas, Mississippi, Massachusetts, Tennessee, Kentucky, Ar- kansas, Delaware and Pennsylvania, Caleb Cushing president; he informed them that their purpose was to organize "the true Na- tional Democratic Convention." Delegates whose purposes were the same as those in the convention assembled, who had been elected to one proposed to be held at Rich- mond, were invited to and accepted seats in this convention. The minority report made at the Charleston Convention and repudi- ated was offered and adopted. It set forth the slavery ideas prevailing among "the fire- eating" wing of the Democratic party. George B. Loring, of Massachusetts, nomi- nated John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, for President; he had eighty-one ballots

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and Samuel S. Dickinson twenty-four. Breckenridge was unanimously nominated, Mr. Dickinson being withdrawn. Joseph Lane, of Oregon, was selected the nominee for the Vice-Presidency.

The speeches delivered during the ses- sions of the convention were inflammatory appeals, unhealthy in tone and influence. One by the gifted and eloquent William L. Yancey was especially rancorous and productive of harm. It closed the proceed- ings of the convention.

The partisans of Breckenridge and Lane, after their nominations, held a ratification mass meeting in Monument Square. The speakers' stand presented a brilliant aspect. On an arch of canvas lighted with gas from behind was this inscription: "The Gallant Defenders of the Constitution and the Union and of the Equality of the States," on each end of which was full length por- traits of the candidates. Another motto was "Equal protection for the citizens of the States."

Six or seven thousand persons were in the square. No processions marched to the meeting; it was an enthusiastic gathering of earnest voters. J. Mason Campbell pre- sided; in his short address he made the following hit, which was greatly relished: "The opposition was nothing but a giant. I am not afraid of giants, especially when they were little giants, like Douglas. Breck- enridge's name is Jack, and from time im- memorial Jack had always been a giant killer, so there is not much to fear from Douglas while Jack is in the field."

Humphry Marshall, a gentleman of port- ly stature, delivered a vigorous speech; he said among other things: "The present development in Northern politics of the

abolition element is a most serious obstacle to the peace and prosperity of the country." He regarded "the position of Judge Doug- las in no other light than a tender to the Lincoln locomotive." He believed tne slave States should take a firm stand or they would "be provincialized." He was "a non- intersectionist." The disregard of that doc- trine was the cause of all the trouble in the party. "The question of going into a ter- ritory with or without slaves, of the med- dling or non-interference of Congress in the matter, had given rise to nearly all the dif- ferences between the two branches of the party." "Shall the South submit to any- thing like this? To the people here assem- bled I will put this question and ask if they will submit to it? [Cries of "No! No!"] "This, then, is the issue-the only issue- and you have assured me of the position you occupy in the premises."

Ex-Governor Enock Louis Low evoked the memories of the place where the meet- ing was held, saying: "Once more I have the honor to stand in a spot consecrated not only by the memories of the illustrious men whose patriotism is inscribed upon yonder marble monument, but which is connected still more sacredly because it has been for more than a quarter of a century past dedi- cated to the gathering of the people when consulting upon the destinies of their coun- try." "I would be false to my heart, I would belie the everlasting truth of nature, if I concealed the profound and inexpressible sorrow that I feel this night at the thought of having for the first time in my life to ad- dress a divided Democracy."

"If asked why I do not support Douglas, why I cling to the other wing of the party, it is because in the Southern section of the

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party I find a united South. The entire Pa- cific and all the sound North were in the same ranks. Like Caleb Cushing, like Hal- let, the framer of the Cincinnati platform; like Benjamin F. Butler, like Franklin Pierce and like Daniel S. Dickinson. We love the power of the party, we would love to keep it united, but we love the Constitu- tion, as interpreted by Judge Taney, far better. That being the case, if part we must, in God's name, then let it be in peace. You stand by your favorite man-we stand by no man but by the Constitution."

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Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n Publication date: 1898 Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson Number of Pages: 1344

Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson
Number of Pages: 1344