History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc, Part 22

Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson
Number of Pages: 1344


USA > Maryland > Baltimore County > Baltimore City > History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc > Part 22


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Democrats might as well try to back up the waters of the Chesapeake until they over- flow the Blue Ridge as to try to crush out the Republican party in this State. It may be a fight of one hundred years, but we will win. Democrats could not lead and de- ceive the people of Maryland, when all over the world men were putting the crystal gob- let of liberty to their lips."


Gen. Hollen Richardson: "When I came to Baltimore two years ago there were not one hundred red-hot Radicals in the State, now there is a legion."


Baltus H. Kennard: "Ask the Democrats who saved the country, and in candor they must answer, the Republican party. Dur- ing the war Democrats turned up their noses at Union men holding the offices, now they are willing to take them by means of a revolution."


William M. Marine: "Henry Winter Davis in his grave clothes we idolize. Thomas Swann in his Gubernatorial robes we despise. One was a true, courageous leader, sincerely honest; the other, a cha- meleon without fixed political principles. Swann and his adherents are dwellers in the enemy's camp. We who are the followers of Henry Winter Davis are an army of thirty thousand honest advocates of uni- versal manhood suffrage in this State; de- termined to contest every inch of ground with our opponents. We are not to be dis- mayed by temporary defeats. The Republi- can party is composed of men who have done the work of a century in a year, by striking the shackles from the limbs of the slaves. We have placed ourselves squarely upon our platform of principles, and we will fight it out on this line, not if it takes all summer, but if it requires from now un-


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til the dawn of eternity. We will unfalter- ingly move on, constantly pressing upon the heels of our enemy, until our advancing columns shall be greeted with the plaudits of victory.


"It is a source of pride to me that I am a member of Maryland's grand army of freedom. There is not here a black face that is not an index of as honest a heart as those possessed by the responsible Po- lice Commissioners, who issue oppressive proclamations without warrant of law. I favor the enfranchisement of the blacks not because their votes are desirable, but be- cause it is a great matter of right. Our grand army of freedom is marching on to victory, and the question for Maryland to determine is, will it join in this forward movement, which is bound to triumph, no matter what conclusion may be reached by the majority of the people of this State at the coming election.


"The policy of inaction on our part must not prevail because we are in a minority. Now is the time to press the fight in earnest. We must call to our aid the courage and conviction that guided us safely through the Civil War. When Mr. Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation, dissatisfaction prevailed and the Democrats were success- ful in the elections that followed. Think you on the subject of opposition to emanci- pation they could carry the country now? No sane man will say so. When there shall be an ending of the discussion of the ques- tion of universal manhood suffrage, we shall behold written upon the tablets of leglisla- tion a higher law than any the country has heretofore known, which shall give to all inen, not alone the right of liberty, but of the ballot for its protection."


Shortly after the foregoing meeting another was held by the Republicans in Hollins' Hall. The principal speech was delivered by Gen. John R. Kenly. He con- cluded as follows: "I am unequivocally in favor of giving the colored man the right of suffrage, and in making him equal before the law, because it is right, because it is just, and because I believe in the brotherhood of man. I believe that if situations were re- versed and the whites had been the slaves to the blacks, that there would have been found those of that color who would have fought to free the whites. I hold that tax- ation without representation is as much tyranny now as it ever was; that the pay- ment of taxes and good behavior constitute a claim to citizenship which, if denied by a community, indicates a want of intelligence and a lack of Christianity unworthy a civil- ized State. And why with these views some of our friends may ask, do you oppose ac- tion which may give the ballot to the col- ored citizen of Maryland? I answer: Be- cause in caring for the rights of the colored man I do not want to infringe upon the rights of the white man; because I want the colored man when he gets the ballot to get it with the friendship and not the enmity of the white; and because I love peacc, and be- lieve to attempt to force the white people of this State to accept the interference of Con- gress would be unwise, and fraught with evil to our whole people. The evil is that our white fellow-citizens do not understand the colored, for it is their misfortune that there are black fools as well as white ones. . "Men of Maryland, native born Mary- landers, you know our colored people well; you know that their women nursed and waited upon your mothers and your sisters


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tenderly and watchfully without money and without price; you know that the hands of colored women have smoothed the dying pillow, moistened the parched lips, wiped the clammy brow and closed the eyes of your kinsmen and friends. You know this in your hearts, and that many of the play- mates of your childhood, the companions of your boyhood and the friends, yes, the friends of your manhood, are yet to be found among the colored men of Maryland. Who among you, yea of the bitterest foes of the peace of his country, that has not at least one friend a negro; one man of color whom he is glad to meet when misfortune befalls him, and in the warmth of whose grasp he does not feel a friendly and help- ing hand? Yet you, individually, are lend- ing your countenance and support to the enemies of your country in maltreating and robbing your friend, in cruelly degrading and punishing him because, in the Provi- dence of God, he is now a free man. Is this worthy a white man? No; it is shameful; it is cowardly ; it is base in you thus to use the power you hold on the prejudices of the masses, to abuse those who wish to con- tinue your friends as they have been from childhood."


Gen. Kenly's speech was received with respectful attention, but it was apparent that his audience did not agree with many of his utterances. The point of disagree- ment was his opposition to Congressional action in behalf of colored suffrage.


George C. Maund voiced the general sen- timent present when he said: "Negro suf- frage was a logical consequence of our vic- tories, and any man who was unwilling to acquiesce in it was ungrateful to God for the victories that had been achieved. The ques-


tion with the people of the United States should be, 'shall these people who offer to perform all the duties of citizenship be de- barred from the privileges of citizenship?'"


Robert Lyon Rogers spoke in a similar strain. He derided the men who when rebel banners were gleaming in sight of the Capi- tol talked about Constitutionality. The negro had been declared a citizen, liable to pay taxes and do military duty, and it was injustice to deny him the rights of citizen- ship. Congress should pass a law giving him suffrage.


Mr. Marine succeeded Mr. Rogers, and ridiculed the idea that this is a white man's Government, and declared that all men, white and black, should "enjoy the right of suffrage," sentiments endorsed by Col. John C. Holland, the last speaker of the meeting.


At a Democratic mass meeting held in Monument Square Friday evening, Novem- ber Ist, Joshua Vansant presided, and gave the key-note of the meeting: "The political issues before the country were whether this Government should be what our fathers made it, a Government of white men or what the fanatics would have it, a Govern- ment solely for the benefit of the black man. The Republicans would not only make the negro the equals of the white man by en- franchising him, but they would disfran- chise the white man and subvert the Con- stitution of the United States."


The election resulted in the Democratic judges of the Supreme Bench being elected with the remainder of the Democratic tick- et. The Democratic judgeship candidates received upwards of 18,000 votes. The Re- publicans nearly 5,000. The other candi-


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dates polled a similar vote with their asso- ciates on their respective tickets.


1868.


The Republican State Convention met in Baltimore May 14th. John E. Smith was president. It was called to elect delegates to a convention to nominate a Presidential ticket at Chicago, and to select a State elec- toral ticket.


Mr. Smith, on taking the chair, spoke of "Swann and Johnson" as "twin traitors." Referring to Gen. Grant's name having been hissed at a Democratic meeting in Baltimore City, he said, "'twas a copper- head that hissed."


John A. J. Creswell claimed to have been "among the first to advocate Emancipa- tion," also that he had "long ago espoused the cause of manhood suffrage." He de- fended himself from assaults and said he was like the breast-plate of the ancient knight, the more his record is rubbed the brighter it will shine." He spoke warmly of nominating Gen. Grant whom he styled "& man of deeds and not of words."


Gen. Hollen Richardson, a Wisconsin soldier, who had settled in Baltimore after the war, where he resided a few years prior to returning to his native State, said that while in favor of manhood suffrage he thought as "it had been recently defeated in several of the great States of the North, they should be silent upon the subject. Maryland should not attempt to dictate a platform to the Republican party."


While Gen. Richardson was speaking, George W. Sands read a telegram from An- napolis announcing the second defeat of Governor Swann in his effort to be made a United States Senator. The Convention went wild over the news.


There was a contest over the seats of the Baltimore City delegation. The con- testants were headed by Hugh L. Bond. The Committee on Credentials reported fa- vorably to seating the contestees and in- viting the contestants to seats in the Con- vention. A minority report was submitted to admit both delegations, privileged to cast one vote, to be divided between them. Pandemonium unloosed itself during the discussion on the two reports. A vote be- ing taken, the majority report was adopted by 67 yeas to 13 nays, whereupon Judge Bond and his rejected delegates accom- panied by Dr. W. R. Wilmer, of Charles county ; Joseph F. Carter, of Howard coun- ty; James H. Larcombe, Charles E. Coffin and Thomas Quinn, of Prince George; B. F. M. Hurley and a few others, withdrew from the Convention, which proceeded, however, as though nothing unusual had occurred. The committee presented its resolutions and they were adopted. The reconstruction measures of Congress were endorsed; the principles of impartial man- hood suffrage approved, and the lessening of taxation through economy recommended.


Gen. Grant was pronounced to be in full accord with the loyal people of the country and the man for the times; he was endorsed by the Convention for President. The dele- gates to the National Convention were to vote as a unit and employ all honorable means to secure the nomination of Gen. Grant for President and Mr. Creswell for Vice-President.


The defeats of 1867 were characterized as reversing the triumph at Appomattox and Republicans throughout the State were exhorted to an efficient canvass.


John A. J. Creswell was eulogized as the


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choice of Maryland for the Vice-Presidency. His identification with the cause of human freedom; his services in Congress and his fidelity and sagacity were dwelt upon.


The Republicans of Maryland, it was pro- claimed, sustained Congress in bringing Andrew Johnson to the bar of the Senate for transgressions against the Constitution and degradation of his high office. Con- fidence was expressed in Benjamin Wade, who, in the event of Johnson's removal, would be his successor.


Doctor Wilmer's resolution, that dele- gates to the Chicago Convention shall em- phatically announce in the platform that im- partial manhood suffrage is a cardinal prin- ciple of the party to be advocated in theory and practice throughout the Union, was re- jected, whereupon the Doctor retired. This Convention witnessed John A. J. Creswell, through the advice of James W. Clayton, co-operating with its controlling spirits Charles C. Fulton, editor of the Ameri- can; John L. Thomas, Jr .; R. Stockett Mathews and their allies. It caused a tem- porary break in the political relations exist- ing between Mr. Creswell, Judge Bond, Archibald Stirling, Jr., and Henry W. Hoff- man.


The Bolters Convention met in the New Assembly Rooms, Dr. Wilmer, of Charles county, temporarily in the chair. Eight counties were without representation; there was a sprinkling of colored delegates pres- ent. Judge Bond, Louis P. Fiery and Fred- erick Schley declined to address the Con- vention. Gardiner Weiner, a colored dele- gate from Baltimore county, was induced to say something. He charged boldly for manhood suffrage, saying: "There were some Republicans who had faltered and


they were milk and water men." It was "necessary to have a stronger beverage" and he wanted "vinegar and water mixed with molasses, to stimulate such people to action."


Judge Bond, on being made permanent president, said: "We come here to re-or- ganize, and we would take in those other gentlemen if they are earnest Republicans and keep them out if they are not. So far as the party is concerned, we intend to make the negro an active participant and don't propose to insult him by making him a con- sulting member."


The resolutions as adopted set forth, among other things, that the Constitution of Maryland is anti-Republican, denying political rights to one-third of the loyal pop- ulation and granting franchises to thou- sands who were in armed rebellion and be- cause of its unjust representation in the Legislature without regard to wealth, pop- ulation or territorial extent. Hailing with unbounded satisfaction the impeachment of Andrew Johnson, the great apostate and disturber of the Nation's peace. Lauding Benjamin Wade as a faithful statesman who would see the laws impartially executed. Tendering to Edwin M. Stanton acknowl- edgments for his firmness in resisting execu- tive usurpation and commending his dis- charge of his difficult duties. Proclaiming Gen. Grant their only choice for the Presi- dency, the country needing him to complete in peace what he won in war. A direct slap was made at Mr. Creswell in the last reso- lution; therein it was declared "that in view of the sad experience of the last three years" it would be best "that the Vice-Presidential candidate should not be taken "from a slave or a border State." Especially not from a


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State "ridden over by rebels," who cannot aid the party by its vote. The second place is due to one of the Northern States and Benjamin F. Wade ought to be the Vice- Presidential candidate.


A delegation was sent to the Presidential Nominating Convention and an electoral ticket named. At night a mass meeting was held, at which not one of the adver- tised drawing cards was present. At Chi- cago the Creswell-Fulton combine were recognized and the Bolters returned home and withdrew their electoral ticket.


In the October election, the First Branch of the Council was returned unanimously Democratic. The Grant Republican elect- ors received 9,052 votes and the Seymour electors 21,593 votes. In the seven lower wards the Republican candidate for Con- gress received 3,290 votes and Stevenson Archer, Democrat, 7,758. In the Third District, Adam E. King, Republican, re- ceived 5,608 votes, and Swann, 12,961.


1869.


The white friends of colored suffrage were numerically stronger in Baltimore than they had proven to be for colored edu- cation. In an evening near the close of the year 1869 a meeting of colored Repub- licans was held at Douglas Institute, at which A. Ward Handy presided. R. Stockett Mathews and William M. Marine were the invited speakers. Mr. Mathews, in consequence of family affliction, was not present.


Mr. William M. Marine: "No danger need be apprehended by any one that evil will befall our interests in consequence of African suffrage being consummated. No large body of people whose hereditary lot


is cast with us and is politically inseparable from us, can be deprived of the right to vote. In order to make ours an exemplary Re- public, and one worthy to take the lead among the nations of the world, there must be no race or color restriction, but univer- sal suffrage. Our political principles are adopted in other climes. You make the black man a citizen of the United States and he will be respected as such the world over, and the starry folds of our flag his certain assurance and protection."


Rev. Henry M. Turner, of Georgia: "I want the colored man to be clothed with political as well as civil rights and if the Nation does not do it, so help me God, I will never fight for it again. If the thirty mil- lion of white people in this country are afraid to cloth the four million colored peo- ple with the right to vote, they had better tell them at once they are afraid of them. The white father who would cause his off- spring to be tainted in color, and then deny him his rights, despised his children and could not go to heaven."


The fall elections were for Council, Comptroller, Sheriff and members of the General Assembly. Both branches of the Council were unanimously Democratic. The result for Comptroller represents the vote polled. Levin Woolford, Democrat, received 13,642, and William A. McKillip, 5,237.


1870.


On the evening of the 22nd of February the colored State Central Committee met in Douglas Hall and adopted the following several resolutions :


"WHEREAS, The fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States has


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been ratified by more than the requisite number of States ; therefore


RESOLVED, That we feel grateful to an overruling God and the National Republi- can party (His agent) for conferring equal political rights on all American citizens by securing the adoption of said amendment; that while we acknowledge a sense of grati- tude for this sacred right, yet we feel it was one which was always guaranteed us under the Constitution of the United States and Declaration of Independence-a right which we should have enjoyed from the earliest history of our Government to the present period;


RESOLVED, That we fully endorse the Ad- ministration of President U. S. Grant, who country on the glorious success of the amendment, regarding it as the greatest blessing ever conferred upon us aside from our physical freedom. In consideration thereof, we call upon the colored people of Maryland to acknowledge this blessing by assembling in Baltimore City, May 4th, 1870, to celebrate the adoption of the fif- teenth amendment in grand procession and in other festivities.


RESOLVED, That we fully endorse the Ad- ininistration of President U. S. Grant, who so fearless and terribly in earnest in the war, is yet to-day the embodiment of peace, the conservator of public justice, the firm friend of equal rights and the hope of the loyal millions.


WHEREAS, The colored man is now a legal voter in Maryland. He is occupying eminent and influential positions under President Grant's administration; also in the District of Columbia and in all of the States South. His vote secured the loyalty of those States to the Republican party.


It is through this colored vote of 45,000 or 50,000 that the Republican party of this State will be redeemed from Democratic rule. It is to the colored men that the white Republicans are looking to keep this new voting element intact, and to organize them preparatory to a vigorous campaign. That the local Federal offices occupied in this city came indirectly through the vote of the South and the prospective colored vote of Maryland; therefore, be it


RESOLVED, That even in the considera- tion of the above facts, not a single influ- ential appointment has been made by col- ored Republicans in any of the local Fed- eral department.


RESOLVED, That we, the representatives of the people of Maryland, in State Con- vention assembled, do earnestly request the chiefs of departments here to appoint col- ored men to positions in keeping with the progress of the National Republican party. We ask this as a measure of wise policy, to encourage the active workingmen who are doing all they can to build up the party and invigorate their race. To keep down suspicions of selfishness, we ask that it be done. That colored men are like white men, they want encouragement, too.


RESOLVED, That this State Convention do fully and unequivocally endorse the ac- tion of the committees who waited on Hon. John L. Thomas, consisting of Samuel M. Evans, Doc. H. J. Brown, Wm. M. Marine, Esq .; A. Ward Handy, Esq .; Col. William U. Saunders, N. C. M. Groom, Esq .; E. R. Petherbridges, Esq .; V. C. S. Eckert, Esq., and all others who advocated the principles enunciated in the above resolutions.


RESOLVED, That the above committee did not demand the removal of Republicans,


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but did request, and shall continue to re- quest, the appointment of a respectable number of colored men to positions.


RESOLVED, That the committee shall never cease its labors until we shall have Maryland Republicanism in practice as well as theory. That it is not our province to say how these appointments should be made, for that is the prerogative of the heads of departments.


WHEREAS, The bone sinew, the laboring men of the State, are but poorly paid for their incessant toil, therefore,


RESOLVED, That we deem it necessary that they should form labor unions in each county for mutual protection and support.


RESOLVED, That it is the duty of every land owner or employer to have colored men hired under them; to see that they re- ceive fair living wages for their labor.


WHEREAS, Our people, from the fact of being held as slaves, are poor; therefore be it


RESOLVED, That it is one of the duties of our people to labor and economize their means until they secure for themselves and children land, homes and education, with- out which we are but mere ciphers, and subjected to some extent to the caprice and dogmatism of others.


RESOLVED, That colored men know their rights and know their friends up to whom they look for justice. The day is fast ap- proaching when, with their ballots, they will compensate those who remembered them.


RESOLVED, That we are opposed to a dis- solution of the Colored Republican State Central Committee until we are taken into full political fellowship in the party, official and otherwise; that we believe in Republi- canism in practice and not in theory; that we place the power of dissolution in the


hands of the Colored Executive Committee whenever, in their judgment, they may think a proper recognition is made.


RESOLVED, That we recommend to the consideration of colored people the Na- tional Freedmen's Savings Bank, No. 12 South Gay street, as one of the safest banks in the country into which the colored peo- ple of the city and State should deposit their moneys.


RESOLVED, That two thousand copies of these resolutions be printed for distribution and


WHEREAS, We have waited patiently for an expression of sympathy by our Govern- ment in behalf of the Republic of Cuba; and


WHEREAS, We have silently regretted the unfavorable action of many of our cham- pions of freedom, thereby retarding the at- tainment of their heaven-born rights; there- fore, be it


RESOLVED, That we, the State Central Committee, representatives of the colored citizens of Maryland, in Convention assem- bled, petition the Congress of the United States, in behalf of the Republic of Cuba, as follows:


TO THE HONORABLE, THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:


We, the colored citizens of Maryland, moved by the suffering of many thousand of our colored brethren, the freedmen of Republican Cuba, do petition your honor- able body, who have so kindly regarded and provided for the freedmen of the United States to give such timely aid to the Cuban patriots and freedmen who share in their sufferings as may bring relief, by putting an end to Spanish tyranny in their island.


Furthermore, we petition in behalf of


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those colored brethren who still groan in bondage under cruel Spanish masters. They are branded with hot irons with the letters of their master's names. They are treated worse than their cattle-tormented to con- fess crimes of which they are not guilty, and are then put to death in the most horrible manner.


The Spaniards have ever been the leaders of slavery and the slave trade. The Cuban planters have long wished to emancipate their slaves. For this they have suffered persecution from the Spanish Government until they resolved to achieve their inde- pendence, and on the Ioth day of April, 1869, the Cuban Congress adopted the Con- stitution, the twenty-fourth article of which is as follows: "All the inhabitants of the Republic of Cuba are absolutely free."




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