USA > Maryland > Baltimore County > Baltimore City > History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc > Part 17
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us in anticipation of our possible treason against hope, willing, anxious, resolved to sacrifice individual opinion, yield conflict- ing prejudices, frown down party, flattery, strife, the grating voice of the demagogue leading to nothing but political partisans, drive into exile the designing traitor and in a patriotic and fraternal spirit resolve to amend what may be defective, define what may be doubtful in the charter of our liberty."
A conference meeting of citizens was held in Baltimore January 10th and IIth for the purpose of ascertaining the proper position of the State of Maryland in the then crisis. Wm. Grason was elected president. A series of resolutions were adopted, asking the Governor to convoke the General As- sembly. In the event of his refusal, the committee was to prepare an address to the people of Maryland, requesting them to send delegates to a convention to assemble in the city of Baltimore at the earliest prac- tical day. Wm. Henry Norris said in his speech: "They were all Unionists in the truest sense of the word. He wanted no war, nor do we want a black Republican master. Mr. Henry May was of the opin- ion that the people should take the reins of Government in their hands. He had an abiding faith that Governor Hicks would act with wisdom and prudence.
A meeting was held at the Maryland In- stitute Friday, February 12th, Dr. A. C .. Robinson in the chair. He said: "At a period of such danger to the Union from whatever source that danger flows, does it become Maryland to shrink from her duty and remain silent? Are her people mute and cannot talk, cowards and dare not speak?"
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W. H. Norris: "Our great Confederacy is on the eve of dismemberment, if it has not already been finally disrupted. Yet at this time when State after State is falling from its Confederation, when Maryland might do so much to avert by her counsel, and her noble example, the last dreadful disaster, her influence has been paralyzed, and her high fame tarnished by an unwise and degrading inactivity."
Robert M. McLane: "They have entered their protest through Mr. Lincoln's chief minister, who had from his place in the Senate counseled his people to fight for the Union as a last resort; fight with whom? With our brethren of the South? By the living God, if the Administration dare to bring its black Republican cohorts to the banks of the Susquehanna for such a pur- pose, that river shall run red with blood before the first man shall cross it. I for one pledge my life and my means to march with you to the banks of the Susquehanna, to forbid the passage of these invaders."
S. Teackle Wallis: "The State of Mary- land, so far as the expression of the will of the people is concerned, was the State of Mr. Hicks and his clique. The Governor mistrusted the Legislature. If he does not call it together, the next best thing is for the people to call it. We see that six States have gone out of the Union. The idea of bringing them back by coercion is falla- cious."
E. Lewis Lowe: "We only ask one thing, that we should be permitted to decide Mary- land's destiny at the ballot box; if an arbi- trary, Governor refuses our request, we will raise the standard of revolt against him."
A Maryland conference convention met
at the Universalist Church, Calvert street, 13th of March. The delegates had been elected at meetings called for that purpose throughout the State. One hundred and sixty-five accredited representatives were elected, not all of whom were in attendance. The sessions of the convention lasted two days, and were controlled by the ultra Southern sympathizers. Men of State prominence were J. H. Gordon, William Walsh, Thomas J. Mckaig, James M. Schley, Thomas G. Pratt, Luther Giddings, S. T. Wallis, William H. Norris, Benja- min C. Presstman, Joshua Vansant, Charles H. Pitts, Ross Winans, Ezra Whitman, John C. Brune, Albert Ritchie, George S. Brown, Robert M. McLane, Dr. J. Han- son Thomas, Henry C. Dallam, T. Parkin Scott, W. F. Frick, John Swan, Robert C. Barry, Pleasant Hunter, John Merryman, William P. Whyte, D. M. Perine, Daniel Jenifer, James T. Briscoe, Walter Mitchell, Dr. Jacob Showers, John C. Groom, Hiram Mccullough, Col. Jacob Wilson, Daniel M. Henry, Washington A. Smith, E. Griswold, Bradley T. Johnson, E. Louis Low, John Ritchie, J. M. Kilgour, John C. Walsh, Eze- kiel F. Chambers, Joseph W. Wickes, Wil- liam D. Bowie, John Contee, Ex-Governor Grayson, Judge R. E. Carmichael, Isaac D. Jones, Levin Woolford, Chapman Billings- ley, Dr. C. C. Cox, George Freaner, R. H. Alvey, A. K. Syster and J. Thompson Ma- son. Several anomalies presented them- selves, Dr. Cox and his colleagues, of Tal- bot, were not to take their seats "unless a majority of the people of the State shall sanction a call of the convention." Wor- cester county was represented by two sets of delegates, one of them a Union repre- sentation and the other in sympathy with
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the objects of the convention. The latter was admitted. Judge Chambers on assum- ing the duties of permanent president of the convention, spoke in part: "Much di- vision of opinion exists among the people of Maryland as to the proper course to be pursued in this grave emergency. But both parties, it must be conceded, are composed of able and earnestly patriotic citizens, each anxiously desiring to promote the best in- terests of the State, and neither can be jus- tified in justice and reason for holding in any less charitable or respectful considera- tion those differing from them in opinion."
This convention, as I understand it, is called for the purpose of ascertaining-so far as could be ascertained by consultation with the representatives of all sections of the State-the course which is best for Maryland to pursue in the present crisis."
Mr. Chambers declared himself to be "for the Union as long as there is a prospect of maintaining it." He was "for the Union just so long as it could be maintained con- sistently with the honor and dignity of Maryland," and did not think any reason- able man should go further.
The sentiments of the convention were best expressed in the resolutions and the address to the public, which were unani- mously adopted.
The resolutions were to the effect that Maryland "in the present crisis" should be represented by agents "authorized to confer and act with our sister States of the South, and particularly with the State of Virginia. That "authority" can only be conferred "by a convention of the people of the State." "In the opinion of this meeting, the Legis- lature not being in session, a full and fair expression of the popular will is most likely
to be heard by a convention, called by the recommendation of the Executive." It was asserted that the Governor was inclined to such action in the event of the Peace Con- gress failing in its objects. Such contem- plated conduct of the Governor was ap- proved. And to allow him time for action, "the convention will adjourn until the 12th day of March, unless intermediately the State of Virginia should secede from the Union." In that event and the failure of the Governor "to call a sovereign conven- tion of the people of the State," that con- vention was to be reassembled by its presi- dent, to recommend "to the people of the State, the election of delegates to such a sovereign convention." It was "the sense of the convention that the secession of the seven slave-holding States" was caused "by the aggression of the non-slave-holding States, in violation of the Constitution of the United States." That Maryland was geographically so situated that it must "act with Virginia," and if they failed in assert- ing the "Constitutional rights" of their "citizens in the Union," then to confederate "with our sister States of the South." "The honor of" Maryland forbade that "it should permit its soil to be made a highway for Federal troops sent to make war upon our sister States of the South." It was the "opinion of" the "convention that an at- tempt" of the United States "to coerce" the seceded States would result in war and the destruction of the Government itself."
The address to the people of Maryland in part said: "The Southern Rights, men of Maryland, have been persistently charged with being secessionists and disunionists. This accusation is most unjust and inex- cusable, inasmuch as their policy has ever
rfaldim,
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been clearly and frankly defined and pro- claimed. Immediately after the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States by a sectional party-which avowed principles and purposes in violation of the Federal Constitution and hostile to the honor, peace and sovereign equality of fif- teen States of the Union-it becomes ap- parent to many wise and patriotic men in this and other border slave-holding States, that an effort would be immediately made by the secessionists of the cotton States to effect a disruption of the Confederacy. There was good reason, however, to be- lieve that in Georgia, Florida, Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi and Texas, a majority of the people were sincerely in favor of the Union, provided that the non-slave-holding States would immediately, by Constitu- tional amendments, give to the South reli- able assurances of protection in their rights of property, and a complete recognition and guarantee of their political equality. It was evident that these States designed only the co-operation of the border slave States. That such co-operation was not obtained is greatly to be regretted. Hence the seces- sionists of the cotton States were left in absolute control of the public sentiment, and succeeded in inaugurating the policy of separate State action, which resulted in separate State secession, and has culmi- nated in the establishment of a Southern Confederacy, the leading spirit of which now informs the country that the time for reconciliation has passed and all hopes of a reconstruction of the Government gone. It was precisely to prevent this calamitous result that the Southern Rights men of Maryland, as early as last November, most earnestly recommended the early election
of a convention of the people of Maryland.
They believed then, and believe now, that if Maryland had taken a decided stand her example would have been followed by the other border slave States, not one of which in fact has so deep an interest in this crisis as herself. Her geographical position- making her the seat of war in the event of collision-and her relations with the Dis- trict of Columbia, continue to render her position in this crisis one of paramount dif- ficulty. We were satisfied that the border slave States-that is, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri-acting in concert with North Carolina and Ten- nessee, by calling a convention of all the Southern States, last November or Decem- ber, could have controlled the action of the cotton States by the adoption of a manly policy. If they had adopted such a basis of settlement as the Crittenden resolutions, and presented it to the North as the ulti- matum of the South, we believe that it would have been adopted; that public opin- ion at the North would have driven the leaders of the black Republican party into submission to a demand so clearly right and moderate, and that the Union would have been saved. The co-operation of the cot- ton States, who were then really in the ma- jority, would have been enabled to stem the torrent of secession, which they were pow- erless to do in the absence of aid and en- couragement from the border slave States.
At all events, even if it be possible to sup- pose that the Northern States would have deliberately rejected so reasonable an offer of peace and fraternity tendered by a united South, it cannot be considered probable that fanaticism would have returned to draw the sword of Civil War against fifteen
9
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States and eight millions of brave and war- like pcople. Civil war would have been im- possible. It is untrue, therefore, that the Southern Rights men of Maryland desired the election of a sovereign convention in order that they might carry Maryland out of the Union. Their earnest purpose, on the contrary, was to prevent secession and disunion by a formidable movement to ob- tain such a settlement as could alone pre- serve the Union, and failing in that, then to avert the calamities of fratricidal war by a peaceful separation. Maryland did not per- form that great duty. We do not design to cast reflections on any who differ from us in opinion. They may be honest; but that they have pursued a fatal policy events have rapidly demonstrated.
The inaction of the border slave States has resulted in the secession of seven States and the establishment of a Southern Con- federacy, and what is infinitely more, dis- astrous to the hopes of the friends of the Union, it has given time and opportunity to the uncompromising leaders of the black Republican party to arouse the war spirit of their people, under the plausible pretext of enforcing the laws and protecting the pub- lic property, and to consolidate the masses of the Northern States in a determination to coerce the South, as indicated in the re- cent speeches of Mr. Lincoln; and we all understand that coercion is civil war. It is useless to argue the right or proprieties of coercion. There stands the fact that the seceded States have officially declared that any attempt to retake the forts or to collect revenue within their limits will be resisted by force of arms, and we know that such a war commenced in any one State will necessarily become general.
Thus it happens that the peace, honor and safety of the border slave States are involved in events which they have not in- augurated and cannot master. Instead of being the arbiters of Southern destiny, they are now driven to accept consequences which they might have controlled.
It is now, we fear, too late to remedy this great error, or to accomplish reconstruction by the instrumentality which we solemnly believe would have prevented disunion. Nevertheless, "whilst there is life there is hope," and we regard it as the most sacred duty, as it is the highest interest of the bor- der States, to make this last effort to re- establish the noble Government which was constructed by the genius and baptized in the heroic blood of our fathers. In any event, it is now left for them to decide their future destiny, if dissolution be final. In that case, we suppose there can be no doubt that the sentiment of an overwhelm- ing majority of the people of Maryland is loyally and thoroughly with the South. Maryland would never subordinate her ac- tion to that of any other State, yet she can- not forget that the power, conservative principles and geographical position of Virginia make it eminently proper, if not absolutely necessary, that she should unite her fortunes to those of that State. Vir- ginia will not leave the Union unless it be- comes impossible for her to adhere to it consistently with her honor, her Constitu- tional rights, her independent sovereignty and her domestic peace and safety. Mary- land stands precisely upon that ground. If Virginia is compelled to go, Maryland will certainly be unable to remain; because the interests and rights of both States are iden- tical. Hence the Southern Rights men of
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Maryland are prepared to co-operate with Virginia in all her patriotic efforts to re- construct the Government upon a sound Constitutional basis; or if the sad alterna- tive is forced upon them, then unite the for- tunes of Maryland with those of Virginia and the South, hoping for peace yet pre- pared for war, should that condition of her independence be ruthlessly imposed upon her by the fanatical cohorts of the irrepres- sible conflict.
Having waited anxiously for the action of our State authorities, and being still anx- ious to obtain the sanction of official recog- nition, we nevertheless believe it to be the right and duty of the people to act for them- selves, with decision and promptness, in this crisis. Maryland, therefore, should place herself in position to be ready to act in con- cert with Virginia and the other border slave States at a moments warning, which can only be done authoritatively through a sovereign convention. We still hope the Governor will convene the Legislature without further delay, or advise by procla- mation the election of a convention; but should he fail to do so, we shall hereafter call upon the people to assert their sover- eign power and to decide for themselves the destiny of their children and their chil- dren's children, as their revolutionary fath- ers did in the face of the greatest Empire of Europe. All that we ask-all that we shall demand and insist upon-is that the people of Maryland may settle at the ballot box those great issues which no other power on earth has the right to decide for them."
. Henry Winter Davis, a member of Con- gress from Baltimore City, in an address is- sued January 2d, 1861, to the voters of the Third Congressional District, set forth the
views of the Unionists of the city and State, which were unfavorable to the convening of the Legislature or to the calling of a con- vention; he wrote: "There are yet men in Maryland who seem madly bent on revolu- tion; and conspirators beyond her limits instigate and aid their efforts. To the suc- cess of their schemes the convocation of the Legislature is essential. In securing that object many unite, who are strangers to their purposes and blind to the conse- quences of what they are doing-men who honestly think there is danger it might avert, or that there ought to be an agree- ment or understanding with Virginia, or who are moved by sympathy with neigh- boring agitators, or wish to gain party ad- vantages, or play a politcal game, or are in- terested in the corrupt and active lobby."
"They are all the allies, conscious or un- conscious of the revolutionists."
"The revolutionary agitators existing elsewhere in the Republic, will be aggra- vated by a call of the Maryland Legislature. It will look like sympathy with the revolu- tionary States. It will dishearten the friends of the Government of those States. It will inspire the revolutionists in the central States, now in a hopeles minority, with new . hopes. It will tend to destroy the moderate feeling of the free States in dealing with the existing discontents. It will greatly embar- rass the President, who must maintain the authority of the laws, and is entitled to the individual support of the people of Mary- land for that purpose."
"The halls of legislation will immediately become the fruit of revolutionary conspir- acy. Under specious pretexts the people will be implicated, by consultations with other States, by concerted plans, by inad-
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missible demands, by extreme and offensive pretensions, in a deeply laid scheme of sim- ultaneous revolt in the event of the inevit- able failure to impose on the free States the ultimatum of the slave States. Maryland will find herself severed from more than half the States, plunged in anarchy and wrapped in the flames of civil war, waged by her against the Government in which we now glory."
"In the face of such consequences what justification, what excuse is there for con- vening the Legislature?"
"Within its Constitutional power it can do nothing and there is nothing for it to do."
"The only danger to Maryland in the present crisis is that rebellious States may destroy the United States; and that to her is absolute ruin; but against that her only and her sufficient security is the power of the United States Government, supported by the loyal devotion of the people outside of the disaffected States. Maryland cannot suppress revolution in South Carolina, and neither South Carolina nor any other State threatens Maryland with invasion or any other danger. Congress and the President are vested exclusively with the power to enforce the laws of the Union; and every person in Maryland, as well as in all the other central slave States, is bound to obey the orders of the President for that purpose, anything in their laws to the contrary not- withstanding. The Legislature can there- fore do nothing in the matter."
"But many persons clamor for the Legis- lature, in order that it may agree with Vir- ginia, or with other slave States on a course of conduct. The Constitution forbids any
agreement between Maryland and any other States for any purpose."
"Not only does the Ioth section of the first article of the Constitution declare that "no State shall enter into any treaty, alli- ance or confederation;" but it also says "No State shall, without the consent of Congress, enter into any agreement or com- pact with any other State or with a foreign power." And act sixth declares this Con- stitution to be the supreme law of the land of Virginia, as well as of Maryland, and that the members of the several State Legisla- tures, and also executive and judicial of- ficers of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Con- stitution."
"Are the members of the Legislature to violate their oath? If not, there can be no Constitution. If they are, then it is not to preserve the Constitution, but to promote its destruction by revolution, that the Legislature is to be convened,
The Legislature can, within its Constitu- tional power do nothing. It is unconstitu- tional to make any agreement with Virgi- nia as it would be with England and France.
An argument to consult, to have any common purpose, any concerted action, is expressly forbidden; for, if allowed, the United States might be defied by a coalition too powerful to be suppressed without arms, and the laws of the Union be enforced only at the hazard of civil war. The pre- vailing discontent, the inflamed state of public feeling, which now prompt men and States to consult, are the very dangers the Constitutional prohibition was intended to guard against. Southern States only now think of a coalition; but what should we
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say of a free State coalition to repeal the Constitutional guarantee of the slavery in- terest ?
A convention of the central slave States is equally unconstitutional, dangerous and needless. Whatever it can do, which is not unconstitutional and mischievous, can be better done without it. Is it to propose amendments to the Constitution ?
No body authorized to amend could even consider the proposals.
But Congress, on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the States, can call a convention of all the States, and that can remedy every grievance.
Is it to secure agreement on the same amendments? Their representatives in Congress are the Constitutional representa- tives of the States, in the only body where the States are permitted to consult; and they can then move any amendments they may concur in, thought to be necessary; and those amendments will, under the Con- stitution, be formally sent for approval to all the States. .
Is it to agree upon demands to be made on the free States, on refusal of which noth- ing is to follow?
Then, why assemble it?
But, is the purpose of it to combine the central slave States in demands on the free States, accompanied with the menace of revolution, in the event of their refusal to submit to the dictation ?
Then, the convention is a treasonable as- sembly to levy war for the overthrow of the Government.
Such a consultation among the central slave States, when no voice from the free States will be heard, and their feelings and wishes will be wholly disregarded, and when
the more extreme opinions of the slave States will predominate is likely to result in a demand of concessions wholly impossible to be obtained, accompanied by the implied pledge not to be satisfied with anything less; and on the refusal of the free States to submit to terms thus dictated without any consultation with them, the revolutionists will precipitate the whole of the consulting States into revolution. This, I believe to be the most natural result of the proposed consultation. I presume the revolutionists have not been so dull as to overlook it.
Maryland is not ready to be entrapped. Her people are the best guardians of their own interests, duty and honor. It is for them now to demand of those who counsel a convention of the slave States to specify whether there are, in the words of President Jackson, "any acts so plainly unconstitu- tional and so intolerably oppressive" to them that they are willing to tear the Gov- ernment to pieces in pursuit of redress.
If there be such acts, then convene the Legislature; assemble a convention; con- cert with Virginia measures of resistance in default of redress; but also let the people prepare their hearts for war and their fields for desolation and their children for slaugh- ter. Let them prepare for an era of pre- scriptions, complications and exiles. To be followed by anarchy and to be closed by the rude disposition of the sword."
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