History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc, Part 15

Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson
Number of Pages: 1344

USA > Maryland > Baltimore County > Baltimore City > History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc > Part 15

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"So long as Northern fanaticism can arm men, and squatter sovereignty prevails, where, I ask, is the territory that a Southern man can inhabit. A Southerner moves from his home into a territory where a squatter principle prevails, a county where the squat- ter on the public lands is entitled to regu- late slavery. What chance, I ask, has he? There is not a man within the sound of my voice who does not know, under this state of things, that the Southern man could not compete with Northern abolitionism. The result would be that citizens of one section would be excluded from the common prop- erty of the Nation."

"I am no disunionist, but I now announce and let it go abroad that I repudiate com- promise forevermore. I say that a people who compromise principle after principle will soon have no rights to lose. I am in favor of coming back to first principles and taking the Constitution alone for our guide. The South has never been sectional; she has always stood on the Constitution, ex- cept when it was compromising her consti- tutional rights."

"Douglas says that the Kansas-Nebraska act states clearly his principle of non-inter-

vention, but I say the principles of that act are in the Cincinnati platform and mean this-that Congress shall not establish or exclude from any territory or State slavery."

A distinguished lawyer of Maryland says that he argued this case before the Supreme Court and that certain matters, now at is- sue, were not included in the record, but he forgets that Judge Taney anticipated the objection, and says it is not outside the rec- ord. I hold that any man present, who has the power to understand anything, can take up Judge Taney's opinion and understand it as well as any lawyer in the land."

"What does the Judge say? That no Af- rican is a citizen of the United States within the meaning of the Constitution. Aye, and the Court goes further, and when the ques- tion was presented as to whether or not the party was entitled to freedom and to citizen- ship, having been by his own confession a slave, and removing into free territory, then the question arose as to the constitutionality of the Missouri line, and the Court decided that Congress could not exclude the prop- erty of any citizen from any Territory, and that there could not be found in the Con- stitution any clause giving any less protec- tion to slavery than to other descriptions of property. And if the Constitution recog- nizes slaves as property, no tribunal acting under it could dare to maintain that it was not. Hence no power, either legislative, executive or judicial, has the right to draw any such distinctions between States of the same confederacy."

"Is it not then decided that squatter sovereignty is an absurdity? If Congress has no power to extend slavery, surely a territorial legislature, a creation of Con-

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gress, cannot exercise powers not vested in the creator."

Senator Lewis T. Wigfall, of Texas, in his speech said he was "a Union man." To the last part of it he asked who would go into Lincoln's Cabinet from the South. He was proceeding to state who when a voice called out, "Henry Winter Davis." "Yes," re- sponded the Senator, "you have one man;" a voice suggested two, and named Reverdy Johnson as the other person who would go into Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. Mr. Wigfall proceeded to mention John Minor Botts, of Virginia; Pierce Soule, of Louisiana, and Sam Houston, of Texas, as gentlemen who would accept such honors. Continuing, he said, "There are, doubtless, a few others who would have the hardihood to outrage public sentiment." A voice suggested John Bell, of Tennessee, at which there were hisses. "Yes," replied the speaker, "and John Bell, of Tennessee. They would prob- ably accept because by doing so they would go to Washington, for they could scarcely stay at home without securing a coat of tar and feathers in the service of such an ad- ministration."

The Senator closed his speech with the following paragraph: "But, fellow-citizens, if we lose this election, I tell you that trou- blesome times are at hand. We may then have a Union, but not a Union of thirty- three States. [A voice: "No, never."] I believe that the success of the Democratic party is the only means of saving this Union, and I further believe that without the suc- cess of the Democratic party it will be a Union not worth saving."

The Douglas wing of the Democratic party assembled in Monument Square the evening of July 9th to ratify their nomina-

tions for the Presidency and Vice-Presi- dency. From eight to twenty thousand per- sons were present. Patriotic mottoes such as "The Federal Union it must and shall be preserved" were displayed in burning let- ters. Henry May was chairman of the meet- ing. Reverdy Johnson, Lambert Gittings, Thomas M. Lanahan, Dr. Milton N. Tay- lor, Robert T. Banks, Robert J. Brent, A. Leo Knott, Robert H. Carr, Henry F. Garey, Amos F. Musselman, S. J. K. Handy and William S. Reese were among a nota- ble list of vice-presidents.

Mr. May closed his address with this in- vocation: "We are worshipers at the shrine of the Union, of the Union of the United States, with all its living burning princi- ples. Let us carry those principles in our breasts and impart them to our children, and follow the teachings of the Father of our Country in his farewell address, let us love the Union and care for it with a zealous solicitude, as the palladium of our political liberties."

After a patriotic speech by the Hon. John S. Carlisle, of Virginia, and a further one from the Hon. F. J. Morse, of Louisiana, Col. William P. Malsby, of Frederick, was presented to the audience. Extracts are given from his speech.

"It was thus the Democratic party stood before the country at the moment of the nomination of Stephen A. Douglas; a band of seceders then left the convention and made a separate nomination, their object being to divide and distract the National Democratic party. Even if the Democratic party had stood united and harmonious. the contest with the black Republicans would have been a severe and doubtful one at the best. Under these circumstances, gentle-

Som. George Baker

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men calling themselves Democrats make another nomination in the name of the De- mocracy-they make another platform. Did it occur to any individual of them that they were contributing to strengthen the Democratic party in its contest with the Black Republicans? Was not their act plainly one of division and disunion? Was not the inevitable effort of their nomination to divide and distract the Democratic party and render it an easier victim to the fanat- ical party of the North? The monstrous part of this spectacle is this. There are in the community in which we live scores of those who have heretofore lived as Demo- crats now combining to defeat its nominees, and do what? nothing more or less than the promotion of the election of Abraham Lin- coln.

"Now, my fellow-citizens, what is this so- called Southern party? They call them- selves, I believe, the Constitutional Demo- cratic party. 'A rose by any other name would smell as sweet.' But let us look to the necessary results of their conduct. I have never understood the word 'nomina- tion' to mean anything else than the choice of the duly elected delegates. The assem- blage in the Maryland Institute was there- fore as unauthorized and bold an attempt as was ever undertaken in the history of this country. They made their nomina- tions and set up a platform, the main feature of which was Congressional intervention in opposition to territorial sovereignty. There never has been a party in this country claiming to be Democratic, until its inaug- uration by the seceders, that maintained this doctrine of Congressional intervention. It is a new doctrine in contravention of the platform of the Democratic party, under the

doctrine of which they have so often march- ed to victory. We, as Democrats, have al- ways maintained that slavery shall neither be protected or prohibited by Congress in the Territories.

"The doctrine of intervention is the Black Republican doctrine. They demand Congressional intervention to prevent the introduction of slavery in the Territories. And the Southern seceders demand inter- vention to protect and establish it in the Territories. It is a doctrine, in either case, calculated to hold up our beloved country as a victim to the spirit of fanaticism.

"I have sought for an explanation as to why our Southern friends have left the Democratic party to follow after strange Gods. The only answer I have received is that he leaves you to go to a "united South" -- a combination of Southern States desert- ing those who have stood by them at the North. Is there any difference, I ask, is there anything more objectionable in a united South than in a united North? Sec- tionalism is as objectionable in the one case as the other. It is a contemptible thought to conceive of a united South or a united North-one is as objectionable to every pa- triotic principle and sentiment as the other is dangerous to the permanency of the Union."

The Democratic City Convention was split during the Presidential contest of this year. There was a Douglas and a Brecken- ridge wing and they hurled at one another resolutions less harmful than had they been cannon balls.

At the Breckenridge Convention in Bal- timore Thursday, August 9th, John Ritchie during his speech said: "The Bell men had no platform; the Republicans had a sec-

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tional one; the Douglas men had one of expediency. The only course to pursue was to fight for the right and submit to nothing wrong."

Gen. McKaig, of Allegany: "I am sorry to say that in my county, Lincoln will poll a good vote among the Scotch and the Welsh."

Bradley T. Johnson: "It is the duty of the true Democracy to abide by the doc- trines received from our fathers, to accept of no compromise, but if right to battle for those rights and maintain them."

Barnes Compton: "The Democratic party cannot be killed while defending the Con- stitution. It is the duty of all true lovers of this country to come forward and subdue fanaticism."

Thursday, August 16th, the Douglas wing of the Democracy met in convention in Baltimore. They decided on no com- promise with the Breckenridge element.

William P. Maulsby said: "We are not en- gaged in battling for a forlorn hope. I for one trust that our efforts will succeed in crushing the conspiracy at present existing to dissolve the Union."

John B. Rowan, of Cecil county: "The reason the Breckenridge men seceded was a preconceived scheme of the Taney party to divid the Democratic party and thus ef- fect the election of Lincoln as a pretext for the dissolution of the Union."

The Reformers were now in the saddle and a fair field in front of them. They held a meeting in the saloon of the Law Building in reference to who should be Mayor and Councilmen. Dr. Alexander C. Robinson presided. A committee of one from each ward was selected to report Independent Reform candidates. On the 29th of August

George William Brown was announced as the mayoralty candidate. Thomas Swann declined to be the standard bearer of the forces he had formerly led.

Mr. Douglas reached Baltimore Thurs- day, September 6th, and on the evening of that day spoke in Monument Square. "It was charged by him that Northern aboli- tionists and Southern secessionists agreed in principle. He was for burying Northern abolitionists and Southern secessionists in one grave." Charles F. Mayer, who intro- duced Mr. Douglas, spoke of him as "the missionary of the Constitution, bearing the flag of the Union, imperial in the wreaths of glorious principle and in the lustre of our national rank and power."

Wednesday, September 19th, the Ameri- can party nominated Samuel Hindes for Mayor; he received for the nomination fifty-two votes to forty-eight cast for C. L. L. Leary. Mr. Hines in his speech of ac- ceptance said "if elected he would take a pride in the administration of municipal af- fairs with scrupulous economy."

On Tuesday evening, September 27th, Henry Winter Davis spoke for two hours at the New Assembly Rooms. The follow- ing extract is taken from his speech. After declaring himself in favor of Bell and Ever- ett for President and Vice-President, he said: "Is the Democratic party fit to be intrusted with the power of the sword which has allowed innocent and honest American citizens to be shot down in the streets of Washington by American soldiers? Is it fit to be intrusted with the power of the sword which has converted the army of the United States into a posse comitatus, to enforce the service of process and to sub- ject the people of the Territories to military

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rule? Are they fit to be intrusted with the sword who have wielded it so weakly in Utah, so illegally in Paraguay? Are they fit to be intrusted with the power of the sword who forgetful of all the obligations of international law have fired into neutral vessels in the port of Vera Cruz, so flagrant- ly and illegally that the very courts of the country had to discharge the captured ves- sels as not legal prize?"

"Are they fit to be intrusted with the finances who in a time of profound peace have run up a debt of some $40,000,000 for the ordinary expenses of the Government during one year to nearly or over $80,000,- 000; who thought the crisis of 1857 was a passing storm-a mere slight breeze that ruffled the surface of our mercantile trans- actions and did not go to the bottom of them-did not turn up from its very depths the sea of commerce, and leave strewn all along the vast coast of this Republic our greatest firms, and wrecked irredeemably by that great break up the commerce of the country?"

Saturday night, October 6th, the Reform- ers held a meeting in Ashland Square. S. Teackle Wallis spoke and said: "There is an absence of brick bats here to-night, as Mayor Swann would say. I suppose I am down among 'the infuriated Irish.' On the occasion of my last speaking in this square a pole had been erected here in honor of Henry Clay and I was on that side of the question. Since then until now I have not taken much interest in politics. The various changes of parties left me at sea, none of the parties having picked me up." He then proceeded to present the cause of Reform and Brown.

October 10th the municipal election took

place. Brown received 17,771 votes and Hinds 9,575 votes. Mr. Brown was sere- naded, and in a speech he said: "The reign of terror is over and we have asserted the supremacy of the laws which were passed at the recent session of the Legislature."

During the fall campaign of 1860 a mam- moth procession of "Minute Men," in favor of "the Union, the Constitution and the en- forcement of the laws," and desirous of the election of Bell and Everett to the Presi- dency and Vice-Presidency, paraded the streets of Baltimore. There were two thou- sand and eighty-nine persons in line. The men wore capes and caps and were pro- vided with torches that flamed through the streets through which the procession moved. It was claimed to have been the largest political gathering in Baltimore since the Whig rally at Canton in 1840.

Cheers rose long and loud, while notes of music floated on the air from the throats of numerous bands. Transparencies, flags and banners made an imposing display. The windows of many houses were filled with ladies, who waved handkerchiefs and showered boquets and flowers upon the pro- cessionists. Bells, large and small, filled the air with their clangor. The horses of the marshals had sleigh bells in profusion. Along the route of the procession many houses were illuminated; all Baltimore seemed to be on the sidewalks and enthu- siasm was unbounded. The American de- scribed the scene at Washington Monu- ment in this wise: It "was grand beyond the power of language to express. At an early hour every available position for view- ing the procession in the neighborhood of the monument was occupied and on the broad platform that forms the base of the

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noble column was gathered a large number of ladies, and from this point the view was exceedingly fine. The approach of the pro- cession, as it came gliding over the rising ground a few squares south of the monu- ment, was heralded by the glow of colored fires, which ever and anon shot up their blue and crimson rays. At first they resem- bled the delicate tints of the northern light, and then, as the coming multitude drew nearer and nearer, threw a broad glare over the living streams of gallant, manly forms that marched proudly on, cheered by the continuous plaudits of the masses of specta- tors that thronged the sidewalks, and the waving handkerchiefs and smiling greetings of the ladies. Soon the procession encircled the monument, and passed off westward toward Cathedral street, whilst as far as the eye could reach down Charles street came a stream of flaming torches, lighting up the whole thoroughfare and throwing a broad glare of light up to the very summit of the monument, illuminating the features of the Father of his Country and producing a most striking effect."

A mass meeting was held in Monument Square, presided over by the able chancery lawyer, Thomas S. Alexander. There was a long list of vice-presidents, selected from the most eminent citizens in the community. Mr. Alexander had never before presided over a political meeting. In his address he said: "The country wanted an adjustment of this difficulty upon principles satisfactory to the Union and to insure peace and quiet in all coming times. They must promote it by the exercise of a spirit of conciliation, by the election of men whose associations and antecedents and professions all assured them that the Union was the object of their

affections and aims, and the maintenance of it what they lived for."

Charles F. Goldsborough: "If Lincoln is elected no man can tell whether the sun that rises that day shall set in all his glory, or go down the western hills baptized in the blood of his country. There was yet within the border States a feeling true to the Union which would say to the North 'stand back' and to the South 'come no farther,' and to the politicians who have been gambling with the interests of the country 'stand back and make room for better men.' When the people come forth it would be with a universal shout in behalf of the Union as it is and the Constitution as our fathers made it."

A. B. Hagner, in the course of his re- marks, observed: "The Presidential cam- paign was characterized by sectionai feel- ing, and I do not hesitate to say that the Democratic party was wholly answerable for it. The Wilmot proviso contributed to this result and who but the great Union party could remedy it?"

John E. Smith, of Carroll county, spoke in favor of perpetuating the unity of the States, and the inseparable relation of each of them to the other, and declared that "the Union candidates will restore the country to a state of quietude and peacefulness."

There was an incident of a different cast in the events of the night. The first Re- publican procession marched through the streets, and the first mass meeting of that party in Baltimore was held in the Front Street Theatre.

The torchlight procession of the Wide Awake Republicans was formed at the cor- ner of Gay and Fayette streets; it was com- posed of native born and German citizens, most of its personel were laboring people.

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They numbered one hundred and sixty per- sons. Their chief marshal was ex-Coun- cilman William Beale, who had as his aid Gregory Barrett. The men in the ranks were provided with green capes and slate- colored caps with trimmings of red, and they had with them lighted torches. They proceeded in single file to the Holiday Street Theatre, where they were joined by the German Turners. The Minute Men were in occupancy of the square, but re- ceived them in silence and without demon- stration of any kind; conduct exhibited by them at other points later on in the even- ing, when the Wide Awakes were guarded by the police and followed by a derisive howling mob.

In front of Marshal Kane's office the an- gry crowd threw stones and rotten eggs. The marshal of the police appeared, fol- lowed by fifty policemen, who made a way for the procession by pressing aside the crowd. Shriner's brass band headed the line, followed by a pioneer corps of thirty Chinese lanterns; immediately behind the band was borne a transparency on which was emblazoned the names of Lincoln and Hamlin.

The procession began its march, ani- mated by inspiring strains of music; then pandemonium seemed unloosed. On Bal- timore street it passed through dense crowds, yelling and hissing, cursing, swear- ing, and pressing toward the men in line as close as the police would permit. At the end of the line the rabble, to the shouts of "Breck and Yancey forever," rushed along like a mad wave set in motion by an earthquake, showering epithets and indulg- ing in expressions of derision and con- tempt. At the corner of Charles and Balti-

more streets the marchers were saluted with "cheers for Breckenridge" and shouts of "down with the niggers." The crowd in- creased and when Howard street was reached a rush was made for the line, with yells and hisses. The police resisted man- fully and drove the masses back. Down Eutaw to Pratt and thence to Charles street there was less hostile demonstration, al- though the mad crowd still followed. At the corner of Charles and Lombard streets the Wide Awakes encountered the head of the Minute Men's procession; they made an opening for them to pass down Lombard street. And now the disorderly element groaned and shouted and threw stones and eggs furiously; a half brick destroyed the only transparency borne in the line; its lights were not extinguished and it was held aloft above the moving column. Fresh in- stalments of rotten eggs were produced every minute, even women joining in the violence. To the credit of the Bell and Everett men it can be said they uttered no word of unkindness nor committed a single act of violence. At Franklin's Lane and Lombard street the crowd compelled the Wide Awakes to make their way through the people on the sidewalks. After strug- gling through they reformed and proceeded on the route to the eastern section of the city, retracing their steps to the Front Street Theatre, where a Republican meeting was in progress. Passing a house on High street several women were seen with a basket filled with rotten eggs pelting those in the procession. The Wide Awakes reached the theatre at nine o'clock, and passed through another exciting ordeal; they were pelted, hissed and stoned until the last man had passed into the building.

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The meeting in the theatre was a large one, many ladies being present occupying seats in the dress circle. The second tier was filled by persons some of whom were disposed to be disorderly. The parquette having been reserved for the processionists, was occupied by them.

On the announcement of William E. Coale as president of the meeting the as- sent was drowned by hisses from the gal- leries. The vice-presidents were Charles Carroll McTavish, Edmund Smith, Dr. George Edward Weiss, Francis S. Corkran, James F. Wagner, Leopold Blumenberg, Dr. George Harris, W. Greenfield, James Bruner, Dr. William E. Waterhouse, W. Rapp, Daniel Donally, Dr. W. W. Handy, James C. Coale, John Bradwood, Dr. A. Wisner, H. J. C. Tarr, G. W. Martinet, Wil- liam P. Kimball, John Brooks, R. S. Curtis and M. D .McComas. The secretaries were Dr. Henry Risler, J. M. Grant, W. Parkhill, G. S. W. Sloan, W. Christopher, A. C. Fowler and W. E. Coale, Jr. It is needless to say that they received the uncompli- mentary hisses called forth on that consti- tutional occasion for the exercise of freedom of speech.

During the delivery of the chairman's ad- dress he was interrupted by great hissing in the galleries. While he was proclaiming, "free speech is tolerated and like freemen we are permitted to utter to the world our sentiments," hisses and shouts drowned his voice. When he claimed his political rights as a citizen he was stormed at by a volley of abuse. Stung to the quick, he exclaimed: "I have for years been followed and am now followed by a pack of paid puppies, who -" He was not permitted to finish his sentence; the excitement in the galleries swept be-

yond all bounds of decorum; hiss followed hiss in unbroken volume until they spent themselves and were succeeded by a shout of applause.

The Rev. French S. Evans, a local preacher in the Methodist Episcopal Church, a gentleman of culture and intel- ligence, of good character and standing, made a moderate speech, in which he said: "All of us are bound by the same ties to Bal- timore and her glorious renown." The sen- timent, although a good one, was hissed. He proceeded: "When we all look to yon- der shaft, raised to the memory of our coun- try's greatest and best-when we look upon that monument erected to the memory of those who fought and bled for liberty, is it any matter of wonder that we should feel the same patriotic emotions? We are one people. We must be one people, however we may differ in opinion." There were those in the audience who did not share in the patriotic sentiment; they greeted it with hisses and cries of "No! No!" The speaker proceeded: "Can any one think of a separa- tion of those ties that bind us; can any man for a moment think of the suicidal policy of destroying the Government, of spreading devastation and internal strife, with all the horrors of civil war upon the greatest coun- try the sun shines on?" That appeal was met with an outburst of "Yes! Yes!" and more hisses. Undaunted, Mr. Evans, as though searching for a common ground .ac- ceptable to all who were present, continued: "There are the different factions arrayed against each other. There are the Douglas men, the Breckenridge men, the Bell and the Lincoln men. Now which of these themselves are in opposition to their coun- try. None of them. They all have their

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Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n Publication date: 1898 Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson Number of Pages: 1344

Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson
Number of Pages: 1344