History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc, Part 33

Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson
Number of Pages: 1344

USA > Maryland > Baltimore County > Baltimore City > History of Baltimore, Maryland, from its founding as a town to the current year, 1729-1898, including its early settlement and development; a description of its historic and interesting localities; political, military, civil, and religious statistcs; biographies of representative citizens, etc., etc > Part 33

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He grew weary of the Council, and re- tired from it intending to dedicate the re- mainder of his days to his accumulating practice. It was a mistake that he did not persist in that resolution. He had built for himself a comfortable residence on the east side of Charles street, two doors south of Madison street, and there he was sur- rounded with books and other aids to en- joyment, which he might have possessed to the end of his days, had he not yielded to the seductive wooings of ambition. He was one of those fascinating speakers that the public did not care to part with. He

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was an eligible candidate, and such a per- son was greatly in demand.

During his political career, the witty part of his nature sparkled like champagne. He was standing one night on a barrel lying on its side. It was his rostrum from which he was making a speech, when some one re- moved the chock; the barrel began to roll down the decline. He kept his place on the top of it, and moved along, speaking to his audience, which followed him until the barrel reached level and could go no fur- ther. When it stopped he said, "the Demo- crats are going as fast as this barrel rolled a moment ago, the only difference is, the barrel has stopped while the lo-cofocoes will keep on rolling until they reach the goal of their defeat and there is no further for them to go."

At another time, for a proper and becom- ing expression, he was in a cowardly manner knocked down with a chair; he sprang instantly to his feet in frenzy and rage, but the scoundrel who struck him had disappeared. Turning to his audience and resuming his good humor and speech, he remarked that for his "former utterance he was entitled not to one chair, but to three chairs." (Cheers.)

In Monument Square at a public meet- ing when he was speaking, one of his decla- rations was called in question. The person who interrupted him said, "that is a lie, Yates Walsh, and you know it." Mr. Walsh gave him this invitation: "My friend, come up within reach of these hands and I will make that word choke you.”

The 8th of May, 1848, an address sym- pathizing with Ireland in her wars and wrongs was issued by Mr. Walsh and others

in behalf of that oppressed people. It read: "We, the undersigned citizens of Balti- more, believing that Ireland is on the eve of great physical force struggle for her lib- erty, and that the time has come for the friends of Ireland to meet and sympathize with the Irish people in the approaching crisis and if possible. by such counsel and support to avert from Ireland the horrors of a civil war, do hereby call on all our fel- low citizens, friends of Ireland and lovers of liberty to meet at Brown's Building, Bal- timore street, on Monday evening, the 8th inst., at 7:30 o'clock, for the purpose of adopting such legal measures as will dem- onstrate our practical sympathy suitable to the great emergency at hand."

It is provoking to be unable to record what took place at the meeting. Such oc- casions were rarely reported at that date.

Mr. Walsh was an orator availed of on patriotic and stated occasions. He deliv- ered the address on the dedication of the first Odd Fellows Hall erected in Balti- more. He was at the time a member of that Order, and predicted the success that crowned it.

At the memorable meeting of the Wash- ingtonian Temperance Societies, held at Washington Monument in the forties, he was the orator, and was taken ill delivering his oration.

June 27th appeared notice that a meet- ing of Whigs, First Congressional Dis- trict, would be held at Barren Creek Springs, Saturday, July 4th. It read in the American: "All who feel the iron hand of the present times and are anxious for the prosperity and happiness of our common country, and the friends of order, sound

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principles and good government, are in- vited to attend."

Friday night, the steamer George Wash- ington left Baltimore at 8 o'clock, with delegations and the speakers. Among the latter were Reverdy Johnson, Charles H. Pitts and Mr. Walsh. The steamer reached Vienna next morning, when the speakers were conveyed six miles to the Springs. The crowd walked that distance through the sand. The meeting was composed of several thousands; banners and devices were numerous; oxen and oyster roasts fed the multitude, and hard cider washed the solids down. It was a gala day, and its in- inspiration lives in that locality. Mr. Walsh's speech, replete in wit, is remem- bered to this hour. There are living those who point out where he stood, and tell with what eloquence he spoke in accents clear as the sparkling waters of the springs.

Throughout the Harrison campaign of 1840, Mr. Walsh was active in the canvass. He delivered a speech of two hours' length at Berkeley Springs, Virginia, August 17th. An account of it stated: "It is admitted on all hands to have been one of unusual elo- quence." A second account of the same speech represented Mr. Walsh as being "much indisposed," but doing "ample jus- tice to the occasion, and in a clear, emphatic and truly impressive manner setting forth the doctrines of our political creed. To at- tempt a full description of his address would be out of the question; he led us forth by a train of irresistible reasoning, and ex- posed, in the most glaring colors, the mal- practices and machinations of the present incumbent, to whose vassalage we have been for years subjected. Thepeopleof Mor- gan cannot, nor will not, forget Baltimore's

son. He had on his way to this place ad- dressed a large meeting of the friends of Harrison at Dam Number Six, Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, and on the same day, at Hancock, and on both occasions rendered entire satisfaction and stimulated the friends of Harrison in that quarter to use their strongest but honest exertions in the cause of reform."

John C. LeGrand, Francis Gallager, John James Graves, John B. Seiden- stricker and Benjamin Presstman were the Democratic candidates for the House of Delegates in 1840. They addressed to T. Yates Walsh, Stephen Collins, Thomas Sewell, C. L. L. Leary and Robert Pur- viance, Sr., the Whig candidates, a commun- ication under date of September 18th, say- ing: "Having been nominated as you are aware by the Democractic party of this city for the next House of Delegates, and having been desirous to conform to the good old Republican usages of this city, we propose respectfully to meet you in pres- ence of the people, at such times and places as we may hereafter, on consultation, deter- mine upon to discuss the topics involved in this contest.

"Entertaining for you personally a high respect, we flatter ourselves that should you agree to the proposition, the discussion will be conducted on your part, as it certainly will be on ours, in such a manner as to avoid the exhibition of any improper feel- ings toward each other."

The Democratic nominees were all of them good talkers, while Mr. Walsh and Mr. Leary and Mr. Collins were the only speakers on the Whig ticket. Two of those associated with them de- clined to participate in the joint discussion.

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Walsh, Collins and Leary would have met all the others cheerfully, but for the reasons shown in the correspond- ence, Mr. Walsh conducting it on the part of the Whigs. Their first response was couched in the following language un- der date of September 20th: "Prior to the receipt of your communication of the 18th instant, we were aware that you had been nominated as candidates for the House of Delegates by the Van Buren party of this city. It will give us great pleasure to meet yo'1 in the presence of the people to discuss the great issues now before the nation. Re- ciprocating the good feeling which you ex- press, there will be nothing in our course during the discussions, calculated to give personal offense.

"Modern occurrences admonish us that the good old Republican usage to which you refer, can be best maintained by holding the proposed meetings in the light of day. We will at once consult with you in relation to the arrangements for such meetings and have the honor to remain your obedient ser- vants."

The answer was signed by Messrs. Walsh, Collins and Leary. Thomas Sewell and Robert Purviance had no desire to par- ticipate in a duel of words.

The 21st, Mr. Walsh forwarded this sup- plemental note: "It is perhaps proper to put in writing what I stated to you verbally this morning. (To Mr. Le Grand.) I stated that in the event of two of the can- didates on the Harrison ticket declining to take part in the discussion, we should have the right to substitute for them any two gentlemen of our party to conduct the ar- gument. It is now necessary to say that we must insist upon this right."

The same day the Democratic candidates returned answer: "We would prefer that the meetings should be held at night, as a very large majority of the voters of this city would be unable to attend at any other time, except at considerable inconvenience and loss; but as you are 'admonished' by 'modern occurrences,' of which we are ignorant, not to conform strictly to the old usage, we respectfully suggest that one-half of the number of the proposed meetings be held during the day, and the others at night. We make this suggestion not be- cause of any indisposition on our part to meet you in the day time, but with the view of gratifying what we believe to be the wish upon the subject of a large majority of the voters of the city. We wish it also to be understood that, in making the suggestions, we do not decline meeting in the day time; but, on the contrary, we are willing to do so, if you decline to meet at any other time.

"As regards the right (which is insisted upon by Mr. Walsh) to substitute 'any two gentlemen of your party to conduct the argument' on your side, in the event of two of the gentlemen on your ticket refusing to appear before the people, we are compelled to say we do not perceive its propriety. We feel bound, in conformity with the old usage of the place to discuss before the people, with the opposing candidates, the questions involved in the contest, and are willing and ready to meet the obligation by night or day, but we cannot recognize the right of substituting any other gentlemen for the candidates." From the quiver of the Whigs this arrow was drawn and discharged, un- der date of the 22d. "We consider it proper on our part to insist that the proposed meet- ings should take place in the daylight. We

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cannot perceive that a 'large majority,' or, indeed, any portion of the voters of this city would be then unable to attend them 'without considerable inconvenience and loss;' and we confide too strongly in the honesty of purpose and patriotism of our fellow-citizens to suppose that they will weigh any slight personal sacrifice against freedom of discussion, which cannot be in- sured, or indeed preserved, except by the arrangement we suggest. We are ready to admit that the 'modern occurrences' to which we referred, are not at the present moment impressed upon your minds, and can only account for it on the ground that the scenes connected with the canvass of 1837, the insults and violence then offered to the Whig candidates have escaped your memories.

"It is necessary further to reaffirm our right to substitute other members of the Harrison party, if a portion of our candi- dates should not appear before the people. The usage of which you speak arose when all political strife was extinguished, and a candidate came before his fellow-citizens only to explain his personal pretensions, and to meet the scrutiny of the public into his capacity and character; the case is now widely different. A contest of principles is now taking place, involving questions of grave concernment to the feelings and in- terests of all; and it matters not by whom those principles are publicly explained and defended, provided the people are furnished with adequate means of comparing their re- spective merits, and ascertaining the truth; when they have done so we cast ourselves without fear upon their suffrages.

"Our suggestion for the substitution . . arose from the supposition that as all your

ticket had signed you communication, all wished to take part; and as we were not will- ing to believe that you wished five to engage against three, that therefore all your can- didates could not appear without such sub- stitution on our side. But we can obviate all objections to substitution by proposing that you select three from your number and meet us, who shall be your representatives during the entire discussion."

The Democrats enlivened the corre- spondence by an immediate reply to this effect: "Having yielded in our last com- munication to the demand which hitherto had been made in former campaigns, but never acquiesced in by our party, that the discussions should be held in the day time, inasmuch as the light of truth was alone a matter of importance, and equally attain- able by day or night, we cannot but express our surprise that you should further insist upon the right 'to substitute other members of the Harrison party' to conduct the ar- gument, or to impose the disagreeable al- ternative of making an invidious selection from one ticket, especially as by the terms proposed two of the Democratic candidates would be excluded 'during the entire dis- cussion.' We cannot, therefore, gentle- men, with a due regard to that equality, the preservation of which our party demands at our hands, yield that which, as individ- uals, we might consent to do; because, in our opinion, it would be improper as repre- sentatives of a party whose well known. maxim is 'to demand nothing that is not right, and submit to nothing that is wrong.'

"Having failed in procuring your assent to our proposition except upon terms alto- gether inadmissable, the correspondence on the subject will hereafter terminate, unless

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on further reflection you should abandon the position assumed in your last note."

The Whig candidates fired this parting shot at the retreating Democratic candi- dates: "To our proposals that you should choose among yourselves a number equal to that of the Harrison candidates, who should appear before the people, you object upon the ground that you are unwilling to make 'an invidious selection from our (your) ticket, especially as by the terms pro- posed two of the candidates would be ex- cluded during the entire discussion.' We have only to say that the justice of this pro- posal is, to us, most obvious. We gave the option to retain your five, with five to op- pose; or to choose three from your number, to meet the three on our side, who accepted your offer.

"The doctrine of 'equality' on which you dwell you appear to think would be main- tained by placing five in contest against three; and we take it for granted that you consider this contest unequal as to num- bers, as embraced within the maxim you adopt, 'to demand nothing which is not right, and submit to nothing that is wrong.' If we mistake not the chivalrous spirit of the Old Hero, whose words you quote, al- ways led him to insist upon 'Fair Play.' In closing this correspondence we have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient ser- vants."

On the legislative ticket at the election October 8th the highest Whig candidate secured 7,108 votes and the highest Demo- crat 7,295.

In 1851 Mr. Walsh was nominated by the Whigs in the Fourth (Baltimore) District for Congress, unsolicited and unexpected. The district was Democratic and for years

the Whigs with their best men as candidates had failed to carry it.

The forensic abilities of Mr. Walsh were loudly boasted of by his supporters, and he was claimed by them to be one of the bright- est stars in Baltimore. The Argus news- paper, a Democratic sheet, undertook to detract from his merits as a speaker, and in proof of its assertion pretended to an un- usual amount of courage; it requested all Democrats who had any doubts of the cor- rectness of its assertions to go and hear him. It was prudent not to repeat its once given advice; those who did go and hear him failed to adopt the editor's opinion.

William Pinkney Whyte, a gentleman who has attained to eminence, was the Dem- ocratic nominee. Mr. Walsh after a vigor- ous canvass defeated him by 227 votes. He felt no elation over the result; he was warm- ly attached to Mr. Whyte, and their attach- ment survived all party strife. They agreed on a clean discussion and kept their agree- ment. When Mr. Walsh met Mr. Whyte after the election he placed his arms around him, and drawing him close to him, said, "nothing shall break our ties of friendship."

The American commended the Congress- man-elect in this wise: "The new member will prove himself worthy of the responsible trusts which are now confided to him."

Few Congressmen, serving but one term, achieved the successful record that Mr. Walsh made. It was in the man and it came out of him. He bore himself as a veteran parliamentarian and was unsubdued. He was brilliant on the floor, always there for a purpose, to subserve the public good; he seldom spoke without interruption. In his speech on the Wheeling bridge he evinced his learning as a lawyer. When that case

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was before the Supreme Court that tribunal expressed in its opinion similar views to those maintained by Mr. Walsh.

A bill was before Congress to pay bounty to certain soldiers of the War of 1812. Mr. Walsh opposed it, because it did not in- clude Barney and Miller's men. Among other things he said: "They were seamen and the fact that they were seamen con- stitutes their claim at the hands of this House. I will give you their history brief- ly. Commodore Barney went into the city of Baltimore and in its vicinity and got ar- ticles from the merchants and others. He put them on board of gunboats and as the enemy advanced he destroyed those boats to prevent them falling into the hands of the British fleet. Those men were then entitled to their discharge and nine men out of ten would have fled from the danger, but not so with them. They volunteered under their immortal leader, went to Bladens- burgh and the British record of that battle says that the valor and gallantry evinced by those sailors and marines was never ex- ceeded upon the field of battle."

The activities of Mr. Walsh were not alone displayed in his constituents interest, but were as broad as the national domain. He was a good lawyer and could not re- main seated in silence and endure imperfect legislation. On the subject of the Public Domain, regulated by the Homestead Bill, he took a lively interest; also in the Pacific Railroad Bill. He was in favor of a bold and fearless policy of protection to Ameri- can citizenship abroad, and he secured all he could in the way of legislation for his constituents. One of his admirers said of him in the American of October 17, 1853: "The votes and speeches of Mr. Walsh for

appropriations to benefit the commerce of Baltimore and improve its harbor are well known and appreciated."

On the motion that the House of Repre- sentatives receive Louis Kossuth, Mr. Walsh moved an amendment to the original resolution, "that the Speaker in the name of the members of the House then assure him of their deep gratitude for his signal services in the cause of freedom, and their high respect for his exalted character and genius."

In the course of his speech sustaining his amendment he said: "Maid and matron joined the holy cause, and ministering an- gels around your domestic altars left the scenes of their devoted life and came forth to bless and hallow the festival of freedom. The sons of toil, with the sweat of their brow turned into gold, came with their of- fering to this cause. Men who are accus- tomed to instruct the wise and hold to- gether the masses stood confounded by his wisdom and fascinated by the necromancy of his voice. And where is this distinguish- ed individual to receive for the first time the cold shoulder. It is in the councils of the American Nation."

A bill was before the House for the relief of Gen. James C. Watson, of Georgia, who had purchased slaves from the Creeks tribe of Indians, who were collected at Fort Pike, and with the Seminole tribe of In- dians moved beyond the Mississippi, the slaves accompanying them. Mr. Walsh made a legal argument to prove that the United States, having had the slaves, which were property in its hands, and knowing that Gen. Watson had purchased the title from them and that the Government refus- ing to deliver them up on demand to Wat-

John @ Sommes.

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son, but having sent them away, it was lia- ble to an action of trover and being so liable should reimburse Watson for his out- lay, Watson in some manner having en- abled the Government to fulfill its treaty stipulations with the Indians, in their trans- fer beyond the Mississippi river.

The speech was not a lengthy one, but cogent and clear. He was frequently in- terrupted, but did not turn aside from his point, which was maintained with consum- mate skill and learning.

Henry Clay died Tuesday, June 29, 1852. As an ornate specimen of eloquence the speech of Mr. Walsh in the House sur- passed all similar efforts delivered either there or in the Senate.

He commenced by saying: "The illus- trious man, whose death we this day mourn, was so long my political leader- so long almost the object of my personal idolatry-that I cannot allow that he shall go down to the grave without a word at least of affectionate remembrance-without a tribute to a memory which will exact tribute as long as a heart shall be found to beat within the bosom of civilized man, and human agency shall be adequate in any form to give them an expression; and even, sir, if I had no heartfelt sigh to pour out here-if I had no tear for that coffin's lid, I should do injustice to those whose repre- sentative in part I am, if I did not in this presence, and at this time, raise the voice to swell the accents of the profoundest pub- lic sorrow."

He then proceeded in the loftiest strain to weave a beautiful fabric of words in- spired by the true poetical ideal. What can be grander than this paragraph.

"I wish, sir, I could offer now a proper

memorial for such a subject and such an affection. But as I strive to utter it I feel the disheartening influence of the well- known truth that in view of death all minds sink into triteness. It would seem, indeed, sir, that the great leader of our race would vindicate his title to be so considered, by making all men think alike in regard to his visitation-'the thousand thoughts that be- gin,and end in one'-the desolation here- the eternal hope hereafter-are influences felt alike by the lowest intellect and the loft- iest genius."

His harp had not uttered its sweetest strains; his fingers touched once more its strings and these are the melodious notes, the deep meaning which he drew from its chords.

"We can all remember, sir, when adverse political results disheartened his friends, and made them feel even as men without hope, that his own clarion voice was still heard in the purpose and pursuit of right, as bold and as eloquent as when it first proclaimed the freedom of the seas, and its talismanic tones struck off the badges of bondage from the lands of the Incas and the plains of Marathon."

Never minister in the performance of his holy offices over the dead surpassed in ut- terance this pathetic conclusion of Mr. Walsh's oration.

"To an existence so lovely, Heaven in its mercy granted a befitting and appropriate close. It was the prayer, Mr. Speaker, of a distinguished citizen, who died some years since in the metropolis, even while his spirit was fluttering for its final flight, that he might depart gracefully. It may not be pre- sumptuous to say that what was in that in- stance the aspiration of a chivalric gentle-

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man was in this the realization of the dying Christian in which was blended all that hu- man dignity could require, with all that di- vine grace had conferred; in which the firm- ness of the man was only transcended by the fervor of the penitent.

"A short period before his death he re- marked to one by his bedside 'that he was fearful he was becoming selfish, as his thoughts were entirely withdrawn from the world and centered upon eternity.' This, sir, was but the purification of his noble spirit from all the dross of earth-a happy illustration of what the religious muse has so sweetly sung:

" ' No sin to stain-no lure to stay The soul-as home she springs ; Thy sun shine on her joyful way, Thy freedom in her wings.'

"Mr. Speaker the solemnities of this hour may soon be forgotten. We may come back from the new made grave only still to show that we consider 'eternity the bubble, life and time the enduring substance.' We may not pause long enough by the brink to ask which of us revellers of to-day shall next be at rest. But be assured, sir, that upon the records of mortality will never be inscribed a name more illustrious than that of the statesman, patriot and friend whom the Nation mourns."

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Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n Publication date: 1898 Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson Number of Pages: 1344

Author: Shepherd, Henry Elliott, 1844-1929, ed. 4n
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: [Uniontown? Pa.] S.B. Nelson
Number of Pages: 1344